r t v l t T th n d r Modernism/modernity, Volume 20, Number 1, January 2013, pp (Article) P bl h d b J hn H p n n v r t Pr DOI: /mod.201

Save this PDF as:
 WORD  PNG  TXT  JPG

Size: px
Start display at page:

Download "r t v l t T th n d r Modernism/modernity, Volume 20, Number 1, January 2013, pp (Article) P bl h d b J hn H p n n v r t Pr DOI: /mod.201"

Transcription

1 r t v l t T th n d r Modernism/modernity, Volume 20, Number 1, January 2013, pp (Article) P bl h d b J hn H p n n v r t Pr DOI: /mod For additional information about this article Accessed 7 Sep :31 GMT

2 Commemorative Causality Timothy Snyder Without Hitler s anti-semitism, his understanding and presentation of Jews as a global threat to Germany, the Holocaust would not have happened. To say so is to specify a necessary condition for the German attempt to exterminate the Jews of Europe. But a plausible historical explanation of any significant historical event must be plural, entangling in prose multiple lines of causality that together are not only necessary but sufficient. For the purposes of explaining the Holocaust, then, anti-semitism is not enough; for the purposes of its commemoration, however, it is: and the bad news is that ours is an age of memory rather than history. Commemoration requires no adequate explanation of the catastrophe, only an aesthetically realizable image of its victims. As cultures of memory supplant concern for history, the danger is that historians will find themselves drawn to explanations that are the simplest to convey. 1 Before these last two decades, during which the Holocaust has come to be seen as the central event of modern European history, that place was held for two centuries by the French Revolution. François Furet, the great historian of its social and intellectual reception, wrote of the dangers of commemorative history, wherein that which is most elegantly commemorated becomes that which is most felicitously narrated. 2 In the case of the Holocaust, the danger is what might be called commemorative causality, whereby that which is most effectively and frequently commemorated becomes that which it is most convenient to present as causal in synthetic histories. The danger will be, and indeed already is, that commemorative causality will reduce the history of the Holocaust, as Hannah Arendt predicted, to a reflection of contemporary emotions. 3 modernism / modernity volume twenty, number one, pp the johns hopkins university press Timothy Snyder is Housum Professor of History at Yale University and author of several histories of modern east and central European society and politics, including Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin. Most recently he helped Tony Judt to compose Thinking the Twentieth Century.

3 MODERNISM / modernity 78 The Colonial Epistemic In the early postwar decades, the history of the Holocaust was a minor issue in the national history of Germany. The debate among German historians of the 1970s and 1980s was between intentionalists and functionalists, who stressed, respectively, the contingent nature of Hitler s rise to power and the importance of his choices, or the continuities and creativity of German state institutions. The debate continued in the 1990s, as the Holocaust came to define the Nazi period. By then the crucial question seemed to be the role of Hitler and other Nazi leaders in the initiation of an ideologically-determined mass killing of Jews, as opposed to the initiatives taken within institutions in response to economic or military problems. These earlier and later forms of the intentionalist-functionalist disputes found highly satisfying resolutions, within the framework of German history, in the work of Ian Kershaw and Peter Longerich. 4 Although intentionalists and functionalists seem to be on the opposite sides of a dispute, their apparent discord disguises a fundamental unity: the preference for internal, psychological, and national history over external, sociological, and transnational history. Even as intentionalists and functionalists disagreed as to how Germans came to rule over a good deal of Europe, they all assumed that these issues could be resolved on the basis of sources that, even in the best of cases and the wisest of interpretations, were limited by the German worldviews in which they arose and which they expressed. Because most participants in these debates relied on official German sources, the discourse took on an implicitly psychological character. It is one thing to record and interpret how Germans saw the world and thought they were remaking it; it is another actually to describe and interpret this world. Especially after September 1939, German leaders and institutions encountered actors and forces that were not of their making, beyond their control, and untethered from their predictions. To be sure, a Polish government that refuses an alliance in 1939 or a Red Army that defends Moscow in 1941 appear in German sources; but no historians using only German sources can reconstruct the world from which those sources arose. Indeed, even the subjective side of the matter, the question of German aims and sentiments, remains opaque without an independent understanding of some of the surprising and unmistakable reality that the Germans confronted and considered but did not always themselves intelligibly record. Though it would be a rare historian, today, who would admit to relying upon the notion of civilization, the methodology of many histories of the Holocaust seems to depend upon it. As a result of dependence upon German sources, indispensible but insufficient, the historiography of the Holocaust confirmed a certain idea of a single German or Western civilization. To be sure, historians of the Holocaust use their German sources critically, in both senses of the term. But they take for granted, in a way that is now unacceptable in comparable fields of historical inquiry, that the reality of conquest is exhausted by the records of the conquerors. The narrative of civilization is of its moral and imperial overstretch and resulting metaphysical and physical collapse. Thus histories of German civilization identify institutions that can be abused (as in Raul Hilberg s pioneering work), or distinguish and describe the reasons for the wrong turn taken by German civilization (as in all the adaptations of the Sonderweg

4 Snyder / commemorative causality idea), or absorb German civilization as a specific and extreme instance of the broader modern trend of alienation, concentration, and destruction (Hannah Arendt). But in order for a civilization to fall, reveal its contradictions, or mature to modernity, it must first exist. Without the assumption of German civilization and of civilization itself, the narrative arc of immolation would be nonsensical. The fact that the storyline of the Holocaust is so easy to follow should arouse our suspicion. 5 A striking sign of traditional methodology is the colonial epistemic: the unapologetic use of German-language sources to describe events that took place beyond Germany and affected non-germans. As two generations of historians have by now quite thoroughly demonstrated, multifocal methodology is necessary for colonial history. In most, if not all, colonial historiographies besides that of the Nazi empire in eastern Europe, this is taken for granted. The trend in, say, early modern histories of British rule in south Asia is toward the use of local-language sources as well as official British sources. It is becoming difficult to write of Spanish rule in the Americas without keeping Indian and African populations in the narrative. Even the history of the North American frontier has become multilingual, with outstanding recent studies depending upon French, Spanish, and indigenous sources. For that matter, the history of the Nazi empire in western Europe has been written on the basis of local sources try to imagine Robert Paxton s work on Vichy without the use of French. 6 Most historians would be unlikely to advise a graduate student to write a history of French collaboration or resistance without the French language. These are issues of far greater significance and magnitude in the German eastern empire than in the German western empire, not least because the Holocaust took place in eastern Europe and concerned overwhelmingly east European Jews. So in the history of European colonialism, only one exception is now made to the rule that local peoples have a voice: and that exception concerns the most significant case. In most colonial historiographies, the answer to imperial history is social history. But the social history of which society? One of the minor themes of the Historikerstreit of 1986 and 1987 in West Germany was the legitimacy of Alltagsgeschichte, or the social history of everyday life among Germans during the Second World War. 7 Was it morally acceptable, critics asked then, to portray the integrity of family life and the reality of local suffering at a time when Germans were exterminating Jews? 8 Might this not suggest that the history of a society might be written in isolation from the greatest horror that a polity has every committed? Clearly a social history of the Germans as Germans would not overcome the colonial epistemic. One important move that was made in the last two decades, in major popular and synthetic histories of the Holocaust and the Third Reich, was the inclusion of the experience of German Jews. Might this overcome the limitations of the colonial epistemic? Richard Evans expanded the remit of social history, demonstrating by the use of Jewish and other German first-person accounts how daily life was transformed by the rise of Hitler and the consolidation of his regime, and how Germans transformed themselves such that normality, in the sense assumed by naive Alltagsgeschichte of the 1980s, no longer obtained. This was still the application of social history on a national 79

5 MODERNISM / modernity 80 rather than a European scale, however, and so once again confirmed the framework of a German civilization. In the third volume of his study, Evans continued to treat Germans as a complex society requiring nuanced inquiry, while describing the neighboring societies Germans conquered by way of familiar (and inaccurate) stereotypes. Saul Friedlander responded to the same challenge by integrating, with a narrative success never before achieved, the daily life of German Jews within a history of political anti-semitism and the mass murder of Jews. In his synthesis, as in Evans s, social history adds the dimension of experience to the history of the Holocaust, rather than artificially separating Germans from victims. But the experience of German Jews as a guide to the Holocaust also has its limitations, and indeed in some important respects confirms rather than overcomes the colonial epistemic. 9 The inclusion of the small populations of assimilated German-speaking Westjuden and the marginalization of larger groups of Yiddish- or Russian-speaking Ostjuden in such histories of the Holocaust exacerbates the problem of civilization. For most readers of Holocaust histories, German Jews are unproblematic subjects of sympathy, precisely because their lives are familiarly bourgeois civilized. Yet a narrative emphasis on German Jews, aesthetically convenient though it is, courts the reader to believe that they were typical victims of the Holocaust, which in certain objective senses they were not. Some 97% of the victims of the Holocaust did not speak the German language. German Jews experience of Nazi power, dreadful, humiliating, and often lethal as it was, was quite strikingly different from that of the much larger groups of east European Jews whose members made up the bulk of the victims of the Holocaust. For one thing, most German Jews survived. For another, German Jews experienced German power inside Germany, if they remained, until they emigrated or were deported to their deaths. This meant as many as twelve years of life under Hitler, and often at least eight. Most Jews among the east European populations were killed within three years of their first contact with German rule, including about a million within the first six months after contact. More east European Jews were killed within two months of contact with German power in the summer of 1941 than were German Jews during the Holocaust as a whole. German Jews were only killed as Jews in significant numbers after the Holocaust began in the occupied Soviet Union. German Jews survived in Germany for reasons that would have been unthinkable further east, such as being married to a non-jew. Just as important for the character of Holocaust historiography is the subjective difference between German Jewish and other Jewish victims, which has importantly influenced both primary and secondary sources. For the most part, German Jews identified with the German culture, which some of them had played a prominent role in elevating, and with the German civilization in whose mission they very often believed. Unsurprisingly they understood their own fate as a betrayal of German national traditions or as a sign of the decline and fall of European civilization. Precisely because they were generally patriotic Germans, and precisely because they were persecuted as Jews, they tended to understand anti-semitism as a perplexing and isolated blight on a history they understood to be their own. German Jews were in no position to observe the onset of the Holocaust, until and unless they themselves were deported

6 Snyder / commemorative causality to the East. Thus a narrative that follows the experience of German Jews will overlook important causes and turning points. 10 In this way, important histories of the Holocaust based on German-language sources, including the ones that cite the memoirs of German Jews, solidify the paradigm of German civilization that structures their accounts. The history of a modern catastrophe takes on the form of a classical tragedy: decline and fall, with anti-semitism as the tragic flaw. From Hilberg (the locus classicus) to Friedländer and Longerich (the current standards) the basic story has two phases, usually formally arranged as two parts or two volumes: political anti-semitism within Germany (decline) and the mass murder of Jews beyond Germany (fall). But if we can wrench ourselves away from the familiar and compelling storyline established by Hilberg and theorized by Arendt (discrimination, separation, elimination) to contemplate some of the basic facts of the Holocaust, we sense the tension between narrative power and actual power. If anti-semitism could cause a Holocaust, then there ought to have been one in Germany before But although a few hundred Jews were killed and roughly half the Jewish population emigrated between 1933 and 1939, nothing resembling an anti-jewish mass killing operation took place in prewar Germany. Indeed, for every Jew killed in Nazi Germany in the 1930s, about a hundred were killed in the Soviet Union. When the Holocaust began, it was among Jews who had not been subject to any prior systematic discrimination and separation. They were simply killed as German power replaced Soviet power. When we read synthetic histories of the Holocaust, the anti-semitism-withouta-holocaust of the 1930s works as dramatic tension, because we already know what comes next. But as causal explanation the political anti-semitism of the 1930s is clearly inadequate, at best a necessary part of an explanation rather than an explanation itself. The hypothesis that emerges, usually implicitly between parts one and two of a Holocaust history, is that of a surplus of anti-semitism generated in phase one spilling over to provide the motive force for mass killing in part two. This has enormous literary power, but makes no logical sense. If we assume that anti-semitism alone is what causes a Holocaust, then there must have been too little of it in Germany in the 1930s rather than too much, because there was no Holocaust in Germany in the 1930s. In histories of the Holocaust, everything happens in Germany until it doesn t. Eastern Jews (the huge majority of the victims) and other east Europeans are absent from the story until German eyes see them and German stenographers record those perceptions. If the lands of eastern Europe are present in a history of the Holocaust before they are conquered, it is usually as Nazi mental geography; if the peoples of eastern Europe are present, they are only abstractions within Nazi planning. Then, during the eastern invasions of 1939 and 1941, territories and peoples rise over the epistemic horizon in order to be mastered or destroyed. A moral problem arises here, since the individuals belonging to the very large victim groups will be far less real to the reader than leading Nazis, Germans generally, or German Jews, who have all been present in the story for six or eight years. A problem of context or setting arises as well. Try to think of a history of the Holocaust that notes that eight million non-jews were murdered on the lands where the Holocaust 81

7 MODERNISM / modernity 82 took place, while Hitler was in power, before or during the mass murder of the Jews. If this is not mentioned, then the reader lacks the basis from which to enquire about other causal mechanisms of mass killing that might be at work in the time and place. But the fundamental narratological problem in the eastern invasions of 1939 and 1941 is the absence of local texts, the absence of sources in the local languages. Sources in German can portray the decline and fall of civilization; the absence of sources in Yiddish, Polish, and Russian make the destruction of individuals and societies seem inessential to the story. The historian is left hanging at a certain distance from the worst of Nazi policies even as they begin. The reader is left (apparently) between a civilization that records its own decline in texts, and a zone of textlessness, the darkness of the tabula rasa. Commemorative Causality Typically, anti-semitism fills in the blank slate. In literary terms this is necessary, since the first part of the story seemed to generate an oversupply of anti-semitism, awaiting the fulfillment of historical significance. And indeed one can make powerful and convincing arguments, as Longerich has done, to the effect that anti-semitism as political practice was first proven successful in Germany, and then tried in the Nazi empire. This is an important part of an explanation for the Holocaust, but cannot be complete: as Longerich himself understands, it was the conditions that brought Germans beyond Germany aggressive war and colonial planning that provided the politics of anti-semitism with a new setting among more vulnerable populations. 11 The anti-semitism that supplies the missing causal force is typically that of the occupied east European populations. The problem is that these populations have usually gone unstudied. After extremely careful historical study of the politics of German anti- Semitism, anti-semitism in the lands where the Holocaust in fact took place appears suddenly as an ahistorical force. Unlike Germans, whose anti-semitism is presented as worthy of study as a problem within a civilization, east Europeans simply figure as anti-semitic. Their anti-semitism is inherent in Yitzhak Arad s indispensible study of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union. Daniel Jonah Goldhagen offers hallucination as the way east Europeans regarded Jews. 12 Most striking in such categorical judgments is their explicit rejection of historical analysis. Inherency and hallucination are the kinds of terms that, by their very energy, extract the reader from historical argumentation while assuring the reader of its superfluousness. Thus once again the framework of German civilization is fixed, in opposition to eastern barbarism: the Germans may be fallen, but the east Europeans are simply low. The Germans create texts whose critical analysis reveals their fall; no texts are needed to know what we need to know about east Europeans. 13 The point is not at all that anti-semitism was not an important cause of the Holocaust. Of course it was. Along with tyranny, conformity, war, colonialism, and state destruction, it was one of the necessary conditions for the most calamitous campaign of mass murder in history. Hitler s very special understanding of the Jews as an unnatural force that should be removed from the planet must be the beginning of an explanation.

8 Snyder / commemorative causality The problem is that it is clearly not a sufficient explanation for the Holocaust. Just as there was no Holocaust in Germany between 1933 and 1939, there was no Holocaust in eastern Europe during the half millennium when the region was the world homeland of the Jews. This was not for lack of anti-jewish sentiment. Anti-Semitism was practically ubiquitous in eastern Europe; for precisely this reason it cannot logically be seen as the crucial cause of an explosion of murderousness that began in the summer of It is more or less a constant, whereas at that moment there are some striking variables: the destruction of east European states, during a double occupation by Germany and the Soviet Union, after the failure of initial German plans for a Final Solution, and so on. So much was in motion as the Holocaust began that east European anti-semitism, important though on this timescale static, is an improbable candidate for the major cause. During a given week in 1941 or 1942 more Jews were murdered in eastern Europe than in all historical pogroms combined. Clearly the Holocaust was an event of a different order than traditional anti-jewish violence, and requires a different kind of explanation. Moreover, the Germans themselves were dissatisfied both with the levels of local anti-semitism and by the chaos that ensued when Jews were murdered in pogroms. They did not rely on local violence, provoked or unprovoked, as their method of eliminating Jews. Precise causal arguments about local anti-semitism are and should be made, especially in a series of recent important books by Polish historians, and in Christoph Dieckmann s remarkable synthetic treatment of the Holocaust in Lithuania. 14 But these arguments can never be formulated convincingly on the basis of German sources alone, which can provide little of substance on the motivations of their local collaborators, and which tend to portray locals as barbarians. Although east European anti-semites certainly took part in the Holocaust, it is not clear that they were much more likely to do so than others. The salience of local anti-semitism depended, of course, on the drastic military, political, economic, and social change brought by occupation, and especially by double occupation. The Holocaust began in the zone of Europe that was doubly occupied, requiring us to attend to powerful external forces to an extent to which the study of occupied France or even Nazi Germany offers very little preparation. If there is a single region where historical attention has been concentrated upon the role of local anti-semitism in the Holocaust, it is western Ukraine. By western Ukraine historians usually mean Galicia, which was in the Habsburg monarchy while most regions of today s Ukraine were in the Russian Empire, and then in interwar Poland when most regions of today s Ukraine were in the Soviet Union. Galicia was indeed home to a violent terrorist movement known as the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. A significant (and successful) effort has been made to document the role of Ukrainian nationalists in the Holocaust. But it is perfectly clear that this demonstration is chiefly of moral rather than practical importance. It means that Ukrainian nationalists do not have clean hands, which is not a great surprise; it does not at all mean that the Germans needed Ukrainian nationalists in order to perpetrate a Holocaust. In central and eastern Ukraine, which is to say in the occupied Soviet Union, Ukrainian nationalism was of little significance as a sentiment and no significance as a political 83

9 MODERNISM / modernity 84 movement. Yet here, as in the rest of the occupied Soviet Union, the Germans had no trouble finding local assistance, and the murder rates of Jews were as high as, or higher than, in western Ukraine. To locate anti-semitism in eastern Europe and associate it with the course of the Holocaust allows some historians to ignore the complexities of east European history, which appears to be inherently contaminated. This geographical distancing allows readers the more easily to distance themselves from sentiments they know they are supposed to reject, while such an ahistorical perspective makes east Europeans appear less human than the more fully contextualized Germans. The familiar civilizational gradient has been once more confirmed. 15 The lack of interest of historians of the Holocaust in the history of the lands where Jews lived and died is symptomatic of commemorative causality. The revolutions of 1848 are remembered as a turning point where history failed to turn. The revolutions of 1989 are likely to be recalled as the turning point where historiography failed to turn. Because the Holocaust took place entirely in lands that then fell behind the Iron Curtain, access to postcommunist archives was the opportunity of a lifetime not only for students of communism, but also for students of German atrocities. Since the field was moving towards a concern with experience, this was all the more true, since the vast majority of the Jews who were killed in the Holocaust had lived in lands that became part of the communist bloc. Unfortunately, in the more than two decades since 1989, the historiography of the Holocaust has followed the broader move in European historiography towards visual and memorial history. Experience of the Holocaust never quite became the subject, only its representation did. These moves were everywhere highly conservative, since they must always depend upon a prior understanding of just what is envisaged, remembered, or represented. We might personally wish to believe that these moves were in some sense progressive, but in fact they tend to enshrine an outdated account of the historical past. This conservatism meant that the understanding of the Holocaust that was emerging in the late 1980s informed an older generation of historians seeking synthesis as well as a younger generation of historians seeking new approaches to what seemed like an old subject. To be sure, the better historians of the Holocaust knew that the events now could and should be set in eastern Europe, and that their arguments must account for the experiences of the peoples who lived there in the early 1940s. They were swimming against the tide. The Comfortable Controversy Commemoration is the siren song of signification, appealing to emotions but fatal for thought. The victims must be brought nearer to us, and the perpetrators banished, ideally by reference to a belief they held that we can find intolerable, and which we can see as fatal to the victims. The cost of ignoring factors besides anti-semitism, and ignoring historical setting when anti-semitism is the subject, is a startlingly incomplete public understanding of the Holocaust. This is all the more startling, precisely because this incomplete understanding is as, if not more, common among those who actively seek

10 Snyder / commemorative causality out historical perspectives on the Holocaust, whether through books, documentaries, or other media sources. The cost of using east European anti-semitism as the narrative glue that holds together shaky explanations of the Holocaust is the maintenance of the familiar civilizational gradient between West and East. This is a serious intellectual problem for historians, but thanks to its conventionality it has all of the advantages (and charms) of inertia. It is familiar to us from the Nazis, and it is familiar to us from the Cold War. The fall of the Berlin Wall, a moment that seemed to end both the postwar and the Cold War, has done less than might have been expected to alter the presumption of a higher civilization in the West (to which Germany now again unquestionably belongs) and an absent or lower civilization in the East. Political revolution, economic dynamism, and European integration will no doubt in the end have some effect on this sensibility, but it is noteworthy that two decades of change have altered rather than abolished the framework of Western civilization. What is perhaps surprising is how comfortable this has been for historians and intellectuals in eastern Europe as well as those further west, allowing both to project arguments from the 1980s and even earlier into the world of today. The source of the problem, I think, is that commemorative causality was taking hold in western Europe and the United States in the early 1990s, precisely as the opportunity to do new research on the German empire in the east was presenting itself. On the internet, in the press, and in the European Parliament, the dispute is between Westerners who emphasize the singularity of the Holocaust and Easterners who emphasize Stalinist crimes. The energy and durability of this dispute arise from certain intellectual commitments of what might be called western civilizers and eastern nationalizers. The civilizers view of the past includes the tragedy of the decline and fall of (German) civilization. It does not admit the possibility of other civilizations to the immediate east of Berlin, be they in Polish, Lithuanian, or Yiddish. Thus the slow destruction of the rule of law in Germany in the 1930s (undoubtedly a very important subject) is generally accorded a good deal of attention, whereas the total destruction of the states to Germany s east is usually not considered at all. 16 In 1939 and 1940, as a result of the alliance then in force between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, the Germans and the Soviets together destroyed Poland, while the Soviets destroyed the three Baltic States. These countries were home to roughly ten times as many Jews and twenty times as many Holocaust victims as was Germany itself. The destruction of states was of decisive importance for Jews: in places where prewar state authority was destroyed or displaced, Jews had about a one in twenty chance of surviving; in places where the prewar state remained, even if that state was the Nazi state or a Nazi ally, their chances were more like one in two. But to note the importance of the state for Jews (and of course for other citizens) would require historians of the Holocaust to consider political life and tradition beyond Germany. This is impossible to achieve within the decline-and-fall narrative, and impossible within the limits of the colonial epistemic. Yet for many civilizers there was one civilization east of Germany: the Soviet Union. Despite all of its flaws, which are sometimes acknowledged, the USSR figures 85

11 MODERNISM / modernity 86 as civilization under assault, the power that in rescuing itself rescues humanity. The crucial image for this redemptive theme is that of the liberation of Auschwitz by the Red Army. This standard trope, trotted out whenever civilizers feel threatened, is more than problematic. Why Auschwitz, rather than the killing fields further east, where far more Jews were murdered, or the death facilities further east, where far more Jews were also murdered? These sites too were liberated by the Red Army, but lack the resonance of Auschwitz, some of whose victims are known to us, and some of whose victim groups belong to a more familiar central and west European geography of civilization. Unlike the killing fields, unlike the death facilities of Treblinka, Bełżec, and Sobibór, Auschwitz was a large concentration camp as well as a killing site, so there was something physical to be liberated. Perhaps above all, Auschwitz is resonant because it has come to stand for the depths of a fallen civilization. It is seen as evil, but also as modern. It reveals a tragic flaw. For this reason, its liberation by soldiers who seem to dialectically represent a healthy and victorious civilization is all the more poignant. If the Soviets freed Auschwitz, imply the civilizers, then they must have stood for values opposite to those of the Nazis who built it. Although many of the prisoners who awaited the Red Army at Auschwitz were not in fact Jewish, they have come to stand for those Jews who awaited the coming of the Soviets as their only chance for survival. The liberation of Auschwitz thus fits perfectly the civilizers assumptions and literary needs, wedding as it does the emotionally irresistible force of the desperate hopes of Jewish survivors to the implicit notion that civilization itself has returned and triumphed. This tempting literary move can only be made if prior references to Soviet power and policy are absent. Thus one can read a library of books about the Holocaust without learning that it began in doubly-occupied lands where the German invasion of 1941 undid Soviet structures established after the Soviet occupation of Poland in 1939 or the Baltics in Soviet power was present everywhere the Holocaust took place, either immediately after or (usually) both before and after the mass murder of the Jews. The Soviets themselves murdered some four million people on the lands where the Holocaust took place while Hitler was in power. Many of the non-germans who killed Jews or who guarded the death facilities were double collaborators and Soviet citizens. Auschwitz, the symbol of evil, modernity, and liberation, had been a town in Poland; it was ceded to Germany by the Soviet Union by the terms of the German- Soviet military alliance of It was the destruction of the Polish state (with Soviet help) that expanded the population of Jews in Germany from a few hundred thousand to more than two million. There followed, in German-occupied Poland, expulsions and ghettoizations of Jews, as well as an acceleration of the planning for a Final Solution. One Nazi plan, in early 1940, was to deport two million Polish Jews to the Soviet Union, then a German ally. Unsurprisingly, though problematically for the civilizers, the Soviets declined. During the German-Soviet alliance, Soviet propaganda played down German anti- Semitic policy. This meant that when the Germans invaded Soviet territory in mid- 1941, the region s Jewish citizens were almost entirely unprepared for the new reality.

12 Snyder / commemorative causality During the course of the German-Soviet war of the worst places to be, for Jews and for everyone else, were those territories (doubly) occupied by both the Soviets and the Germans. The Soviets indeed played the crucial role in the victory over the Germans but, like their allies, were not fighting to stop the Holocaust. When Army Group Center of the Red Army halted at the Vistula in August 1944 and watched the Germans brutally suppress the Warsaw Uprising, it was also giving the Germans time to deport the 67,000 remaining surviving Jews of Łódź to Auschwitz, both of which were just a few days march away. They also waited as most of the remaining prisoners of Auschwitz were death-marched towards Germany. The point is not that the Soviet Union was as bad as Nazi Germany, or should be seen as complicit in the Holocaust. The point is that this burdensome history is excluded from histories of the Holocaust because it interferes with the image of the liberation of Auschwitz as the simply moving return of civilization. For the civilizers opponents in eastern Europe, the nationalizers, the key concept is not civilization but national sovereignty. 17 While students of the Holocaust tend to ignore or understate the significance of other German or Soviet crimes that took place in the same regions as the Holocaust, nationalizers emphasize (and often overstate the significance of) the German or Soviet crimes associated with the loss of statehood. East Europeans cannot overlook the destruction of their states, as Holocaust historians tend to do. Since it was the Soviet Union that was the main destroyer of states (either in the wars after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, during the German-Soviet alliance of , or at war s end in 1945) nationalizers cannot see the USSR as the redeemer of civilization. It figures instead as an aggressor that sought to destroy the local national communities into which most nationalizers were born, and to which sovereignty was restored only in Unlike the civilizers, who usually (with the exception of an older generation) have little or no personal experience of tyranny, the nationalizers (apart from a younger generation) were raised under communism, and cannot reasonably be expected to dismiss the USSR from history. As they know, Soviet policy was not only to destroy states but to liquidate the elites that might one day restore them; they see themselves, in writing national history within sovereign states, as defying what the Soviets presented as the verdict of history. Nationalizers tend to see western colleagues as too willing to accept that verdict, and in the best case to write of east European lands as though they lacked elites, states, and traditions, and in the worst case not to write about them at all. Because the Holocaust began in the occupied Soviet Union and happened entirely on lands that fell under Soviet power, east Europeans take for granted that a history of war and atrocity includes both Hitler and Stalin. Taboos about comparability and the like make little sense to people whose families were very often struck by both Soviet and German power. The physical and architectural environments of eastern European cities and countryside are marked by both regimes, which means that even younger and coming generations have and will have difficulty seeing Nazi occupation of their homelands as something completely distinct from the rest of history. 87

13 MODERNISM / modernity 88 The Holocaust was never unknown in eastern Europe, because it took place in eastern Europe, and because the huge majority of its victims were east Europeans neighbors, in Jan Gross s memorable phrasing. 18 National myths of unadulterated heroism during the war and innocence during the Holocaust have been challenged with varying degrees of success from one east European country to another since 1989; historiographical debates about the Holocaust have taken place at higher or lower levels. Civilizers seem to expect more of nationalizers: a repetition of German acknowledgements of guilt, followed by an acceptance of the current state of Holocaust historiography, with all of its problems, limitations, and taboos. This is impossible. While it is incontestable that hundreds of thousands of east Europeans took part in the Holocaust in one way or another, and almost certain that most killers of Jews were not Germans, the Final Solution was a German policy led by Germans (and Austrians) on occupied territory. The standard of civilization as national recognition of a single national crime simply cannot be met beyond Germany, because the crime in question was above all a German one. The standard of civilization, as collapse or as apologia, is set by Germany; the confusion arises when civilizers confuse universalism with the German experience and expect that elites in eastern Europe can simply work from the German template. In the last two decades, we have seen the dispute between civilizers and nationalizers vex attempts to construct a common European history, and indeed cause problems for the project of European integration. Each side, after all, is sure that it represents the best of Europe: the Europe of experience in the East, the Europe of enlightenment in the West. The dispute endures, and can continue to endure, because each of their stories has a certain coherence that, far from challenging the story of the other, helps to anchor it. This is the central feature of the controversy: despite appearances, it is extremely comfortable for both sides. The cliché runs that a dispute generates more heat than light: this one produces a kind of cozy warmth. Each side is so palpably wrong about so many major issues that the other cannot help but feel that it must, in turn, be right. But the secret community at the heart of the comfortable controversy is the general concord over commemorative causality. Both research colonially, using the sources of the colonizer to portray the fate of the oppressed; both see like the state in order to feel like the victim. They define the victims differently, but treat them similarly. Elements of contemporary history of representation that we might experience as postmodern or liberating actually serve the conservative function of the perpetuum mobile of the comfortable controversy. Four examples are discourse, language, terminology, and representation. The discourse of the uniqueness of the Holocaust produces a contagious exceptionalism that aids both civilizers and nationalizers. To be clear on the historical issue: the Holocaust was an unprecedented crime, both in intentions and outcome. The problem begins not with historical writing that seeks to prove this, but with a historical discourse that simply presumes it (and seeks to establish a taboo against attempting to decide the issue with evidence). Civilizers take for granted that nationalizers should accept the discourse of presumptive uniqueness, and take it as a sign of barbarism when this does

14 Snyder / commemorative causality not occur. But the civilizers problem is not exactly that the history of the Holocaust fails to impress. Their problem is that it impresses in a different way than expected. The discourse of Holocaust uniqueness is understood by east Europeans, not entirely wrongly, as an endorsement of local conventional historiographical practices. Consider the methodological assumptions of Holocaust discourse: (1) assertions of the uniqueness of the experience of the victims, accompanied by the suggestion that the suffering of the one group might somehow redeem all of humanity; (2) the colonial epistemic, or the critical use of colonial sources; (3) determined monolingualism, or the strong preference not to use bodies of sources that will complicate the account; (4) careful delineations of insiders and outsiders. Once these assumptions are made explicit, we see immediately that they describe traditional east European national historiography, as established in the nineteenth century, and practiced to the present day. The history of the Holocaust can be received not as a challenging new sort of discourse, but rather as another example of national history, and thus confirming the legitimacy of national history as such. Thus exceptionalism turns out to be contagious. The history of the Holocaust in the late twentieth century was written according to the model of east European romantic nationalism of the nineteenth century, which it then reinforces in the twenty-first. After contagious exceptionalism, the second mode of cooperation in the comfortable controversy is the linguistic truce: if you promise not to learn our languages, we will promise not to learn yours. No historian of the Holocaust who was significant in 1989 took the trouble to learn an east European language thereafter, despite the incredible availability of sources in the lands where the Holocaust took place. No synthetic history of the Holocaust written in English spells the names of localities correctly. Consider, just for a moment, how seriously you would take a history of Cromwell s rebellion that misspelled the names of English towns. One of the grimly predictable tasks of Russian and Polish translators is to standardize the eccentric topologies of western histories of the Holocaust. All too often historians simply use German transliterations of local place names, some of them invented on the spot by German officials, rather than checking what a given locality might have been called by the people who lived and died there. 19 Meanwhile, and just as strikingly, a new generation of Polish Holocaust researchers has emerged who do not seem to read German. If anything, east European historians of today are less multilingual than they were under communism. These Polish researchers have nonetheless produced the most interesting body of new work on the Holocaust within any national community in the last few years. Unfortunately it goes unread, since precious few historians of the Holocaust in Germany, Israel, or the United States know the language of the land where most of the Holocaust took place. 20 The terminology that permits the civilizers and the nationalizers a durable if contentious truce is genocide. The civilizers tend to maintain that there was only one genocide, the Holocaust; the nationalizers counter that there were two, the Holocaust and a Soviet crime (which one depends on the country). Of course, everyone is wrong; by the legal definition, both the Germans and the Soviets committed multiple genocides. So any debate as to whether the proper number of genocides is one or two is political, and likely 89

15 MODERNISM / modernity 90 carried out in either ignorance or bad faith or both. What its persistence reveals is the valuable ambiguity of the term genocide for both the civilizers and the nationalizers. For nationalizers, the broad legal definition of genocide permits claims (very often correct) that a given crime against their people was genocidal. But the appeal of the term is not that it can be correctly applied. The appeal of the term for nationalizers resides in its popular association with the Holocaust. Many people believe that genocide means the same thing as Holocaust, and therefore nationalizers can score polemical points when they call a crime genocidal. But why do some people hold the incorrect view that the Holocaust was the only genocide? This is thanks to the civilizers, who insist on limiting the application of genocide to the Holocaust as a way of preventing such comparisons. Of course, such defenses simply invite comparisons from those who would like a similar aureole to surround their own national tragedies. The question must then arise: why do civilizers think that the Holocaust, which in simple historical terms was clearly unprecedented, will be further clarified by the obviously incorrect application of a legal term? In all likelihood, this is because historians of the Holocaust lack confidence in their claims to uniqueness and therefore seek a nonhistorical buttress to their views; if so, this lack of confidence is little more than an invitation to nationalizers to use genocide on every possible occasion. However that may be, the accord among civilizers and nationalizers about the indispensability of a term they make ambiguous allows the discussion to continue indefinitely. Since 1989, civilizers have unwittingly helped nationalizers to establish parallel histories of victimhood grounded in commemorative causation. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and Yad Vashem are, in the most literal sense, inspirations for the memory ministries and new historical museums that are now so popular and well-funded in much of eastern Europe. Scholars and curators do not seek to imitate their own traditional national museums, but rather the effective formats of museums of the Holocaust. They believe that the techniques used to isolate the Holocaust from history can also be applied to other episodes of mass killing and repression in eastern Europe. Commemorative causality is thus not a problem for historians of the Holocaust only because it generates poor histories of the Holocaust; it is a problem because it generates poor histories of events that are related to and will be compared with the Holocaust. It permits the comfortable controversy between civilizers and nationalizers to be institutionalized. Circular History Commemorative causality, the confusion between present resonance and past power, denies history its proper subject. The explanation of the Holocaust becomes circular, no longer a search for the terms to express the horror of Jewish experience and the concepts to explain the whole of German policy, but instead the unreflective insertion of today s common sense into gaps of historical expression and understanding. Of course, the balance between present and past is always difficult to strike; finding it is

16 Snyder / commemorative causality the business of the historian. The task becomes impossible when the commemorative impulse of the present is confused with the past itself, such that what is easiest to represent becomes what it is easiest to argue. Then we have no serious explanations, only emotional reflexes. With commemorative causality, the boundaries of history are set by the contingencies of empathy, which then becomes a precious commodity. Writing about episodes of mass killing besides the Holocaust, according to Omer Bartov, precludes empathy. 21 If this is true, the fault lies with the writers of Holocaust history, rather than its readers. Certainly people who survived the Holocaust had empathy for those who survived other horrors; its students should do no worse. Jews during the Second World War knew about the murder of Soviet prisoners of war by the Germans. But who will commemorate these three million mortal victims of Nazi oppression? No one, because they do not belong to a commemorative community. Because they are not commemorated, they go missing in synthetic histories of the Holocaust, although their experience is indispensible for an adequate explanation of the Holocaust. Their plight forces us to consider Nazi planning for the east: to create a racial empire after starving and deporting tens of millions of people. These plans are needed to understand why Germans conquered the lands of Jewish settlement. The experience of the Soviet prisoners of war also confirms the Nazi ideological priority of the destruction of Jews. When German plans broke upon Soviet resistance, Hitler was willing to use captured Slavs as laborers, while accelerating and escalating the Final Solution such that it became the Holocaust. Many of these individuals were starved twice: not just in horrible German hunger camps in 1941, but in Soviet Ukraine in These lives thus recall for us the issues of modernization, empire, and political economy that we must have in mind if we are to hope to understand the Holocaust. These categories cannot be commemorated because they are not of the past. They are of the present which is precisely why they should be remembered. The commemorative impulse not only separates ideology from history, it limits ideology to what can be represented in non-textual forms. Ideology becomes what can be aestheticized today, rather than what was desired in the past. Without a full understanding of ideology s own claims on the world, and without a lively understanding of past worlds altered by ideology, we can neither understand anti-semitism nor prepare ourselves for its return (or for the revival of similar ideas). Like the Nazis who sought to conquer eastern Europe, and for that matter the Soviets who did, we live in a world of scarcity. It is not too difficult to imagine other ideas that will justify radically unequal distributions of resources, and the destruction of groups who seem to stand in the way. Can such a marriage of ideas and destruction happen again? It already has, in various forms, in China, Cambodia, and Africa. Has it been exactly like the Holocaust? Of course not. But is it productive of historical understanding or political judgment to attune research about the past to the commemorative practices of today? Can we afford to replay the ideological disputes of the twentieth century as a comfortable controversy while ignoring the connections between the material and the ideational? Should we rest our case upon an idea of civilization that depends upon mastering the unmasterable past in the service of sustaining an unsustainable present? Of course not. 91

Page 2 of 5 아니다 means to not be, and is therefore the opposite of 이다. While English simply turns words like to be or to exist negative by adding not,

Page 2 of 5 아니다 means to not be, and is therefore the opposite of 이다. While English simply turns words like to be or to exist negative by adding not, Page 1 of 5 Learn Korean Ep. 4: To be and To exist Of course to be and to exist are different verbs, but they re often confused by beginning students when learning Korean. In English we sometimes use the

More information

11¹Ú´ö±Ô

11¹Ú´ö±Ô A Review on Promotion of Storytelling Local Cultures - 265 - 2-266 - 3-267 - 4-268 - 5-269 - 6 7-270 - 7-271 - 8-272 - 9-273 - 10-274 - 11-275 - 12-276 - 13-277 - 14-278 - 15-279 - 16 7-280 - 17-281 -

More information

2011´ëÇпø2µµ 24p_0628

2011´ëÇпø2µµ 24p_0628 2011 Guide for U.S. Graduate School Admissions Table of Contents 02 03 04 05 06 08 09 10 11 13 15 21 LEADERS UHAK INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS SERVICE www.leadersuhak.com Leaders Uhak International Students

More information

- 2 -

- 2 - - 1 - - 2 - - 3 - - 4 - - 5 - - 6 - - 7 - - 8 - - 9 - - 10 - - 11 - - 12 - - 13 - - 14 - - 15 - - 16 - - 17 - - 18 - - 19 - - 20 - - 21 - - 22 - - 23 - - 24 - - 25 - - 26 - - 27 - - 28 - - 29 - - 30 -

More information

Page 2 of 6 Here are the rules for conjugating Whether (or not) and If when using a Descriptive Verb. The only difference here from Action Verbs is wh

Page 2 of 6 Here are the rules for conjugating Whether (or not) and If when using a Descriptive Verb. The only difference here from Action Verbs is wh Page 1 of 6 Learn Korean Ep. 13: Whether (or not) and If Let s go over how to say Whether and If. An example in English would be I don t know whether he ll be there, or I don t know if he ll be there.

More information

#Ȳ¿ë¼®

#Ȳ¿ë¼® http://www.kbc.go.kr/ A B yk u δ = 2u k 1 = yk u = 0. 659 2nu k = 1 k k 1 n yk k Abstract Web Repertoire and Concentration Rate : Analysing Web Traffic Data Yong - Suk Hwang (Research

More information

I&IRC5 TG_08권

I&IRC5 TG_08권 I N T E R E S T I N G A N D I N F O R M A T I V E R E A D I N G C L U B The Greatest Physicist of Our Time Written by Denny Sargent Michael Wyatt I&I Reading Club 103 본문 해석 설명하기 위해 근래의 어떤 과학자보다도 더 많은 노력을

More information

<32303131C7CFB9DDB1E22028C6EDC1FD292E687770>

<32303131C7CFB9DDB1E22028C6EDC1FD292E687770> 통일문제연구 2011년 하반기(통권 제56호) 전쟁 경험의 재구성을 통한 국가 만들기* - 역사/다큐멘터리/기억 - 1)이 명 자** Ⅰ. 들어가는 말 Ⅱ. 과 제작배경 Ⅲ. 과 비교 Ⅳ. 역사/다큐멘터리/기억 현대 남북한 체제 형성에서 주요한 전환점인 한국전 쟁은 해방 후 시작된 좌우대립과 정치적,

More information

182 동북아역사논총 42호 금융정책이 조선에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지를 살펴보고자 한다. 일제 대외금융 정책의 기본원칙은 각 식민지와 점령지마다 별도의 발권은행을 수립하여 일본 은행권이 아닌 각 지역 통화를 발행케 한 점에 있다. 이들 통화는 일본은행권 과 等 價 로 연

182 동북아역사논총 42호 금융정책이 조선에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지를 살펴보고자 한다. 일제 대외금융 정책의 기본원칙은 각 식민지와 점령지마다 별도의 발권은행을 수립하여 일본 은행권이 아닌 각 지역 통화를 발행케 한 점에 있다. 이들 통화는 일본은행권 과 等 價 로 연 越 境 하는 화폐, 분열되는 제국 - 滿 洲 國 幣 의 조선 유입 실태를 중심으로 181 越 境 하는 화폐, 분열되는 제국 - 滿 洲 國 幣 의 조선 유입 실태를 중심으로 - 조명근 고려대학교 BK21+ 한국사학 미래인재 양성사업단 연구교수 Ⅰ. 머리말 근대 국민국가는 대내적으로는 특정하게 구획된 영토에 대한 배타적 지배와 대외적 자주성을 본질로 하는데, 그

More information

본문01

본문01 Ⅱ 논술 지도의 방법과 실제 2. 읽기에서 논술까지 의 개발 배경 읽기에서 논술까지 자료집 개발의 본래 목적은 초 중 고교 학교 평가에서 서술형 평가 비중이 2005 학년도 30%, 2006학년도 40%, 2007학년도 50%로 확대 되고, 2008학년도부터 대학 입시에서 논술 비중이 커지면서 논술 교육은 학교가 책임진다. 는 풍토 조성으로 공교육의 신뢰성과

More information

<BFACBCBCC0C7BBE7C7D02831302031203139292E687770>

<BFACBCBCC0C7BBE7C7D02831302031203139292E687770> 延 世 醫 史 學 제12권 제2호: 29-40, 2009년 12월 Yonsei J Med Hist 12(2): 29-40, 2009 특집논문 3 한국사회의 낙태에 대한 인식변화 이 현 숙 이화여대 한국문화연구원 1. 들어가며 1998년 내가 나이 마흔에 예기치 않은 임신을 하게 되었을 때, 내 주변 사람들은 모두 들 너무나도 쉽게 나에게 임신중절을 권하였다.

More information

_ _ Reading and Research in Archaeology. _ Reading and Research in Korean Historical Texts,,,,,. _Reading and Research in Historical Materials from Ko

_ _ Reading and Research in Archaeology. _ Reading and Research in Korean Historical Texts,,,,,. _Reading and Research in Historical Materials from Ko 4. _ Culture of Korea: In the Present and the Past,.. _ Korean History and the Method of Psychoanalysis.,,. _ Politics and Ideas in Modern days Korea.,. _ Contemporary Korean History and International

More information

장양수

장양수 한국문학논총 제70집(2015. 8) 333~360쪽 공선옥 소설 속 장소 의 의미 - 명랑한 밤길, 영란, 꽃같은 시절 을 중심으로 * 1)이 희 원 ** 1. 들어가며 - 장소의 인간 차 2. 주거지와 소유지 사이의 집/사람 3. 취약함의 나눔으로서의 장소 증여 례 4. 장소 소속감과 미의식의 가능성 5.

More information

歯kjmh2004v13n1.PDF

歯kjmh2004v13n1.PDF 13 1 ( 24 ) 2004 6 Korean J Med Hist 13 1 19 Jun 2004 ISSN 1225 505X 1) * * 1 ( ) 2) 3) 4) * 1) ( ) 3 2) 7 1 3) 2 1 13 1 ( 24 ) 2004 6 5) ( ) ( ) 2 1 ( ) 2 3 2 4) ( ) 6 7 5) - 2003 23 144-166 2 2 1) 6)

More information

step 1-1

step 1-1 Written by Dr. In Ku Kim-Marshall STEP BY STEP Korean 1 through 15 Action Verbs Table of Contents Unit 1 The Korean Alphabet, hangeul Unit 2 Korean Sentences with 15 Action Verbs Introduction Review Exercises

More information

퇴좈저널36호-4차-T.ps, page 2 @ Preflight (2)

퇴좈저널36호-4차-T.ps, page 2 @ Preflight (2) Think Big, Act Big! Character People Literature Beautiful Life History Carcere Mamertino World Special Interview Special Writing Math English Quarts I have been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming

More information

- i - - ii - - iii - - iv - - v - - vi - - 1 - - 2 - - 3 - 1) 통계청고시제 2010-150 호 (2010.7.6 개정, 2011.1.1 시행 ) - 4 - 요양급여의적용기준및방법에관한세부사항에따른골밀도검사기준 (2007 년 11 월 1 일시행 ) - 5 - - 6 - - 7 - - 8 - - 9 - - 10 -

More information

<B3EDB9AEC1FD5F3235C1FD2E687770>

<B3EDB9AEC1FD5F3235C1FD2E687770> 오용록의 작품세계 윤 혜 진 1) * 이 논문은 생전( 生 前 )에 학자로 주로 활동하였던 오용록(1955~2012)이 작곡한 작품들을 살펴보고 그의 작품세계를 파악하고자 하는 것이다. 한국음악이론이 원 래 작곡과 이론을 포함하였던 초기 작곡이론전공의 형태를 염두에 둔다면 그의 연 구에서 기존연구의 방법론을 넘어서 창의적인 분석 개념과 체계를 적용하려는

More information

2 동북아역사논총 50호 구권협정으로 해결됐다 는 일본 정부의 주장에 대해, 일본군 위안부 문제는 일 본 정부 군 등 국가권력이 관여한 반인도적 불법행위이므로 한일청구권협정 에 의해 해결된 것으로 볼 수 없다 는 공식 입장을 밝혔다. 또한 2011년 8월 헌 법재판소는

2 동북아역사논총 50호 구권협정으로 해결됐다 는 일본 정부의 주장에 대해, 일본군 위안부 문제는 일 본 정부 군 등 국가권력이 관여한 반인도적 불법행위이므로 한일청구권협정 에 의해 해결된 것으로 볼 수 없다 는 공식 입장을 밝혔다. 또한 2011년 8월 헌 법재판소는 일본군 위안부 피해자 구제에 관한 일고( 一 考 ) 1 일본군 위안부 피해자 구제에 관한 일고( 一 考 ) 김관원 / 동북아역사재단 연구위원 Ⅰ. 머리말 일본군 위안부 문제가 한일 간 현안으로 불거지기 시작한 것은 일본군 위안부 피해를 공개 증언한 김학순 할머니 등이 일본에서 희생자 보상청구 소송을 제 기한 1991년부터다. 이때 일본 정부는 일본군이 위안부

More information

204 205

204 205 -Road Traffic Crime and Emergency Evacuation - 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 Abstract Road Traffic Crime

More information

새천년복음화연구소 논문집 제 5 권 [특별 기고] 說 敎 의 危 機 와 展 望 조재형 신부 한국천주교회의 새로운 복음화에 대한 小 考 정치우 복음화학교 설립자, 교장 [심포지엄] 한국 초기 교회와 순교영성 한반도 평화통일과 한국 교회의 과제 교황 방한의 메시지와 복음의

새천년복음화연구소 논문집 제 5 권 [특별 기고] 說 敎 의 危 機 와 展 望 조재형 신부 한국천주교회의 새로운 복음화에 대한 小 考 정치우 복음화학교 설립자, 교장 [심포지엄] 한국 초기 교회와 순교영성 한반도 평화통일과 한국 교회의 과제 교황 방한의 메시지와 복음의 새천년복음화연구소 논문집 제 5 권 [특별기고] 說 敎 의 危 機 와 展 望 조재형 신부 한국천주교회의 새로운 복음화에 대한 小 考 정치우 복음화학교 설립자, 교장 [심포지엄] 한국 초기 교회와 순교영성 한반도 평화통일과 한국 교회의 과제 교황 방한의 메시지와 복음의 기쁨 에 나타난 한국 교회의 쇄신과 변화 복음의 기쁨 과 사회복음화 과제 새천년복음화연구소

More information

........pdf 16..

........pdf 16.. Abstract Prospects of and Tasks Involving the Policy of Revitalization of Traditional Korean Performing Arts Yong-Shik, Lee National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts In the 21st century, the

More information

Output file

Output file 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 An Application for Calculation and Visualization of Narrative Relevance of Films Using Keyword Tags Choi Jin-Won (KAIST) Film making

More information

01김경회-1차수정.hwp

01김경회-1차수정.hwp 한국민족문화 57, 2015. 11, 3~32 http://dx.doi.org/10.15299/jk.2015.11.57.3 장복선전 에 나타난 이옥의 문제의식 고찰 - 심노숭의 사가야화기, 정약용의 방친유사 와의 비교를 중심으로 1)김 경 회 * 1. 들어가며 2. 장복선의 행적 비교 1) 입전 동기 2) 장복선의 처지 3) 장복선의 구휼 및 연대 3. 장복선의

More information

- iii - - i - - ii - - iii - 국문요약 종합병원남자간호사가지각하는조직공정성 사회정체성과 조직시민행동과의관계 - iv - - v - - 1 - - 2 - - 3 - - 4 - - 5 - - 6 - - 7 - - 8 - - 9 - - 10 - - 11 - - 12 - - 13 - - 14 - α α α α - 15 - α α α α α α

More information

DBPIA-NURIMEDIA

DBPIA-NURIMEDIA 김진주 김수연. 초등학생대상장애이해교육에활용된동화에나타난장애인관분석. 특수교육, 2013, 제12권, 제2호, 135-160... 20.,,. 4.,,.,..... 주제어 : 장애이해교육, 동화, 장애인관 1. ( 1 ) Incheon Munhak Elementary School ( )(, E-mail: sooyoun@ginue.ac.kr) Dept. of

More information

잡았다. 임진왜란으로 권위가 실추되었던 선조는 명군의 존재를 구세 주 이자 王權을 지켜주는 보호자 로 인식했다. 선조는 그 같은 인 식을 바탕으로 扈聖功臣들을 높이 평가하고 宣武功臣들을 평가 절하함으로써 자신의 권위를 유지하려고 했다. 이제 명에 대한 숭 앙과 충성은

잡았다. 임진왜란으로 권위가 실추되었던 선조는 명군의 존재를 구세 주 이자 王權을 지켜주는 보호자 로 인식했다. 선조는 그 같은 인 식을 바탕으로 扈聖功臣들을 높이 평가하고 宣武功臣들을 평가 절하함으로써 자신의 권위를 유지하려고 했다. 이제 명에 대한 숭 앙과 충성은 朝中關係의 관점에서 본 仁祖反正의 역사적 의미 83)한 Ⅰ. Ⅱ. Ⅲ. Ⅳ. Ⅴ. Ⅵ. 명 기* 머리말 仁祖反正 발생에 드리운 明의 그림자 扈聖功臣 후예 들의 정권 장악으로서의 仁祖反正 仁祖反正에 대한 明의 이중적 인식과 대응 仁祖反正 승인을 통해 明이 얻은 것 맺음말 인조반정은 明淸交替가 진행되고 있던 동아시아 정세 전반에 커다란 영향을 미친 사건이었다.

More information

7 1 ( 12 ) 1998. 1913 ( 1912 ) 4. 3) 1916 3 1918 4 1919. ( ) 1 3 1, 3 1. 1.. 1919 1920. 4) ( ), ( ),. 5) 1924 4 ( ) 1. 1925 1. 2). ( ). 6). ( ). ( ).

7 1 ( 12 ) 1998. 1913 ( 1912 ) 4. 3) 1916 3 1918 4 1919. ( ) 1 3 1, 3 1. 1.. 1919 1920. 4) ( ), ( ),. 5) 1924 4 ( ) 1. 1925 1. 2). ( ). 6). ( ). ( ). 7 1 ( 12 ) : 1-11, 1998 K orean J M ed H ist 7 : 1-11, 1998 ISSN 1225-505X * **.,.., 1960.... 1) ( ) 1896 3 2 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 2. 1), 14 1909 1,. 14 17 1913. 2)..,. ( ) ( ),. * 1998 (1998. 5. 7). ** 1).

More information

310 동북아역사논총 29호 전후 한 중 양국의 상호 인식과 교류는 남한과 북한, 중국대륙과 타이완 으로 각각 분리된 공간에서 서로 다른 이데올로기와 지배체제에 기초한 냉전 구도가 만들어짐으로써 경직되었다. 1978년 중국대륙이 개방되고, 1992년 한 중 수교가 이루

310 동북아역사논총 29호 전후 한 중 양국의 상호 인식과 교류는 남한과 북한, 중국대륙과 타이완 으로 각각 분리된 공간에서 서로 다른 이데올로기와 지배체제에 기초한 냉전 구도가 만들어짐으로써 경직되었다. 1978년 중국대륙이 개방되고, 1992년 한 중 수교가 이루 309 냉전체제 형성기(1945~1948) 中 華 民 國 의 한국인식 - 국민당 언론의 한국 기사를 중심으로 - 이재령 단국대학교 문과대학 부교수 Ⅰ. 머리말 戰 後 韓 國 은 美 蘇 에 의해 38도선을 경계로 분할 점령됨으로써 민족과 국가 의 장래가 외세에 의해 결정되었다. 미국과 소련이 한반도에서 자신들의 정치 이념과 통치체제를 이식시키는 동안 중국은 한국

More information

IKC43_06.hwp

IKC43_06.hwp 2), * 2004 BK21. ** 156,..,. 1) (1909) 57, (1915) 106, ( ) (1931) 213. 1983 2), 1996. 3). 4) 1),. (,,, 1983, 7 12 ). 2),. 3),, 33,, 1999, 185 224. 4), (,, 187 188 ). 157 5) ( ) 59 2 3., 1990. 6) 7),.,.

More information

49-9분동안 표지 3.3

49-9분동안 표지 3.3 In the ocean, humans create many noises. These noises disturb the waters. People do not know that manmade sound harms the creatures living in the sea. In the end, disturbing the ocean affects each one

More information

216 동북아역사논총 41호 인과 경계공간은 설 자리를 잃고 배제되고 말았다. 본고에서는 근세 대마도에 대한 한국과 일본의 인식을 주로 영토와 경계인 식을 중심으로 고찰하고자 한다. 이 시기 대마도에 대한 한일 양국의 인식을 살펴볼 때는 근대 국민국가적 관점에서 탈피할

216 동북아역사논총 41호 인과 경계공간은 설 자리를 잃고 배제되고 말았다. 본고에서는 근세 대마도에 대한 한국과 일본의 인식을 주로 영토와 경계인 식을 중심으로 고찰하고자 한다. 이 시기 대마도에 대한 한일 양국의 인식을 살펴볼 때는 근대 국민국가적 관점에서 탈피할 전근대시기 한국과 일본의 대마도 인식 215 전근대시기 한국과 일본의 대마도 인식 하우봉 전북대학교 사학과 교수 Ⅰ. 머리말 브루스 배튼(Bruce Batten)의 정의에 따르면 전근대의 국경에는 국경선으로 이루어진 boundary가 있고, 공간으로 이루어진 frontier란 개념이 있다. 전자 는 구심적이며 내와 외를 격리시키는 기능을 지니고, 후자는 원심적이며

More information

6 영상기술연구 실감하지 못했을지도 모른다. 하지만 그 이외의 지역에서 3D 영화를 관람하기란 그리 쉬운 일이 아니다. 영화 <아바타> 이후, 티켓 파워에 민감한 국내 대형 극장 체인들이 2D 상영관을 3D 상영관으로 점차적으로 교체하는 추세이긴 하지만, 아직까지는 관

6 영상기술연구 실감하지 못했을지도 모른다. 하지만 그 이외의 지역에서 3D 영화를 관람하기란 그리 쉬운 일이 아니다. 영화 <아바타> 이후, 티켓 파워에 민감한 국내 대형 극장 체인들이 2D 상영관을 3D 상영관으로 점차적으로 교체하는 추세이긴 하지만, 아직까지는 관 아바타를 중심으로 본 3D 영화산업의 기술동향과 발전방향에 관한 연구 5 연구논문 연구논문 아바타를 중심으로 본 3D 영화산업의 기술동향과 발전방향에 관한 연구 진 승 현 동명대학교 미디어영상전공 교수 I. 서론 얼마 전 제 15회 신지식인 인증 및 시상식에서 대한민국의 대표 신지식인 대상을 영화 의 주경중 감독이 수상했다. 대한민국 3D 영화 제작의

More information

<313020C1A4BFECBAC034332E687770>

<313020C1A4BFECBAC034332E687770> 18세기 馬 兵 의 한글일기 난리가 연구 1)정우봉 * 1. 서론 2. 난리가 의 장르, 작가 및 창작 시기 3. 난리가 의 주제의식과 표현방식 4. 결론 난리가( 亂 離 歌 ) 는 1728년에 발생한 戊 申 亂 (일명 李 麟 佐 의 난)을 진압하 기 위해 官 軍 으로 참전한 訓 練 都 監 소속의 한 馬 兵 이 산문으로 기록한 한글 일기

More information

대한한의학원전학회지26권4호-교정본(1125).hwp

대한한의학원전학회지26권4호-교정본(1125).hwp http://www.wonjeon.org http://dx.doi.org/10.14369/skmc.2013.26.4.267 熱入血室證에 대한 小考 1 2 慶熙大學校大學校 韓醫學科大學 原典學敎室 韓醫學古典硏究所 白裕相1, 2 *117) A Study on the Pattern of 'Heat Entering The Blood Chamber' 1, Baik 1

More information

<30322D28C6AF29C0CCB1E2B4EB35362D312E687770>

<30322D28C6AF29C0CCB1E2B4EB35362D312E687770> 한국학연구 56(2016.3.30), pp.33-63. 고려대학교 한국학연구소 세종시의 지역 정체성과 세종의 인문정신 * 1)이기대 ** 국문초록 세종시의 상황은 세종이 왕이 되면서 겪어야 했던 과정과 닮아 있다. 왕이 되리라 예상할 수 없었던 상황에서 세종은 왕이 되었고 어려움을 극복해 갔다. 세종시도 갑작스럽게 행정도시로 계획되었고 준비의 시간 또한 짧았지만,

More information

歯1.PDF

歯1.PDF 200176 .,.,.,. 5... 1/2. /. / 2. . 293.33 (54.32%), 65.54(12.13%), / 53.80(9.96%), 25.60(4.74%), 5.22(0.97%). / 3 S (1997)14.59% (1971) 10%, (1977).5%~11.5%, (1986)

More information

` Companies need to play various roles as the network of supply chain gradually expands. Companies are required to form a supply chain with outsourcing or partnerships since a company can not

More information

09김정식.PDF

09김정식.PDF 00-09 2000. 12 ,,,,.,.,.,,,,,,.,,..... . 1 1 7 2 9 1. 9 2. 13 3. 14 3 16 1. 16 2. 21 3. 39 4 43 1. 43 2. 52 3. 56 4. 66 5. 74 5 78 1. 78 2. 80 3. 86 6 88 90 Ex e cu t iv e Su m m a r y 92 < 3-1> 22 < 3-2>

More information

<3230313220BBF3B9DDB1E228C6EDC1FD292E687770>

<3230313220BBF3B9DDB1E228C6EDC1FD292E687770> 통일문제연구 2012년 상반기(통권 제57호) 체제유지를 위한 북한의 식량정치(food politics) 1)김 양 희* Ⅰ. 서론 Ⅱ. 식량정치(food politics) 개념과 북한 사회 Ⅲ. 북한 식량정치(food politics)의 구성요인 Ⅳ. 북한 식량정치의 특징과 전망 V. 결론 고난의 행군 시기 북한의 식량난은 체제를 위협할 정도로 심각한 위기

More information

제34호 ISSN 1598-7566 충청감사와 갑오년의 충청도 상황 신 영 우 2015. 3. 동학학회 충청감사와 갑오년의 충청도 상황 신영우* 국문초록 이 논문은 충청감사의 시각에서 갑오년을 파악하려는 목적으로 작성한 글 이다. 지금까지 군현이나 권역 단위의 사례연구는 나왔으나 도( 道 ) 단위로 살 펴본 적은 없지만 충청도는 동학농민군의 세력

More information

도비라

도비라 광고학연구 : 제24권 5호(2013년) The Korean Journal of Advertising, Vol.24, No.5 (2013). pp.99 116 대학생 광고공모전이 광고업계 취업에 미치는 영향: 대학생과 실무자의 인식 비교를 중심으로 차 유 철 우석대학교 광고이벤트학과 교수, 언론학박사 이 희 복 상지대학교 언론광고학부 교수, 언론학박사* 신

More information

Stage 2 First Phonics

Stage 2 First Phonics ORT Stage 2 First Phonics The Big Egg What could the big egg be? What are the characters doing? What do you think the story will be about? (큰 달걀은 무엇일까요? 등장인물들은 지금 무엇을 하고 있는 걸까요? 책은 어떤 내용일 것 같나요?) 대해 칭찬해

More information

1_2•• pdf(••••).pdf

1_2•• pdf(••••).pdf 65% 41% 97% 48% 51% 88% 42% 45% 50% 31% 74% 46% I have been working for Samsung Engineering for almost six years now since I graduated from university. So, although I was acquainted with the

More information

<31382D322D3420BDC5B1D4C8AF5FB3EDB9AE28C3D6C1BEBABB292E687770>

<31382D322D3420BDC5B1D4C8AF5FB3EDB9AE28C3D6C1BEBABB292E687770> 醫 史 學 제18권 제2호(통권 제35호) 2009년 12월 Korean J Med Hist 18ː57 72 18ː173-188 Dec. Dec. 2009 2009 C 大 韓 醫 史 學 會 ISSN ISSN 1225 505X 1225-505X 지방병 연구와 식민지배 : 1927년 영흥 및 해남지역 에메틴 중독사건을 중심으로 신 규 환* 1. 머리말 2. 일제의

More information

YI Ggodme : The Lives and Diseases of Females during the Latter Half of the Joseon Dynasty as Reconstructed with Cases in Yeoksi Manpil (Stray Notes w

YI Ggodme : The Lives and Diseases of Females during the Latter Half of the Joseon Dynasty as Reconstructed with Cases in Yeoksi Manpil (Stray Notes w 497 의사학 제24권 제2호(통권 제50호) 2015년 8월 Korean J Med Hist 24 ː497-532 Aug 2015 c대한의사학회 http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2015.24.497 pissn 1225-505X, eissn 2093-5609 역시만필( 歷 試 漫 筆 ) 의 사례로 재구성한 조선후기 여성의 삶과 질병

More information

<31342D3034C0E5C7FDBFB52E687770>

<31342D3034C0E5C7FDBFB52E687770> 아카데미 토론 평가에 대한 재고찰 - 토론승패와 설득은 일치하는가 - 장혜영 (명지대) 1. 들어가는 말 토론이란 무엇일까? 토론에 대한 정의는 매우 다양하다. 안재현 과 오창훈은 토론에 대한 여러 정의들을 검토한 후 이들을 종합하 여 다음과 같이 설명하고 있다. 토론이란 주어진 주제에 대해 형 식과 절차에 따라 각자 자신의 의견을 합리적으로 주장하여 상대

More information

<BFA9BAD02DB0A1BBF3B1A4B0ED28C0CCBCF6B9FC2920B3BBC1F62E706466>

<BFA9BAD02DB0A1BBF3B1A4B0ED28C0CCBCF6B9FC2920B3BBC1F62E706466> 001 002 003 004 005 006 008 009 010 011 2010 013 I II III 014 IV V 2010 015 016 017 018 I. 019 020 021 022 023 024 025 026 027 028 029 030 031 032 033 034 035 036 037 038 039 040 III. 041 042 III. 043

More information

2 min 응용 말하기 01 I set my alarm for 7. 02 It goes off. 03 It doesn t go off. 04 I sleep in. 05 I make my bed. 06 I brush my teeth. 07 I take a shower.

2 min 응용 말하기 01 I set my alarm for 7. 02 It goes off. 03 It doesn t go off. 04 I sleep in. 05 I make my bed. 06 I brush my teeth. 07 I take a shower. 스피킹 매트릭스 특별 체험판 정답 및 스크립트 30초 영어 말하기 INPUT DAY 01 p.10~12 3 min 집중 훈련 01 I * wake up * at 7. 02 I * eat * an apple. 03 I * go * to school. 04 I * put on * my shoes. 05 I * wash * my hands. 06 I * leave

More information

아태연구(송석원)13-2-05.hwp

아태연구(송석원)13-2-05.hwp 아태연구 제 13권 제 2호 2006년 11월 30일 pp.81~103 일본에서의 한국학연구 - 회고와 전망 宋 錫 源 경희대학교 사회과학부 정치외교학과 조교수 Ⅰ. 머리말 Ⅱ. 1945년 이전의 한국연구 Ⅲ. 1945년 이후의 한국연구 < 목 차 > Ⅳ. 맺음말 참고문헌 Abstract Key words(중심용어): 한국학(Korean studies), 식민지지배(colonial

More information

<C0B1C1F6BFB5372E687770>

<C0B1C1F6BFB5372E687770> 191 [논 문] 형사소송법상 공소시효제도의 개선방안* 윤 지 영** 1) 차 례 Ⅰ. 서 론 Ⅳ. 형사소송법상 공소시효 기간의 개정 Ⅱ. 공소시효제도의 일반적 고찰 방향 Ⅲ. 형사소송법상 공소시효제도의 개선 필 Ⅴ. 결 론 요성과 도입 가능한 제도 Ⅰ. 서 론 지난해 한 방송국의 시사프로그램에서는 21세기 수사 기법으로 20세기의 살인마를 잡는다 는 슬로건

More information

<5B335DC0B0BBF3C8BF2835B1B35FC0FAC0DAC3D6C1BEBCF6C1A4292E687770>

<5B335DC0B0BBF3C8BF2835B1B35FC0FAC0DAC3D6C1BEBCF6C1A4292E687770> 동남아시아연구 20권 2호(2010) : 73~99 한국 영화와 TV 드라마에 나타난 베트남 여성상 고찰* 1) 육 상 효** 1. 들어가는 말 한국의 영화와 TV 드라마에 아시아 여성으로 가장 많이 등장하는 인물은 베트남 여성이다. 왜 베트남 여성인가? 한국이 참전한 베트 남 전쟁 때문인가? 영화 , , 드라마 을

More information

<B7CEC4C3B8AEC6BCC0CEB9AEC7D0322832303039B3E23130BFF9292E687770>

<B7CEC4C3B8AEC6BCC0CEB9AEC7D0322832303039B3E23130BFF9292E687770> 로컬리티 인문학 2, 2009. 10, 257~285쪽 좌절된 세계화와 로컬리티 - 1960년대 한국영화와 재외한인 양 인 실* 50) 국문초록 세계화 로컬리티는 특정장소나 경계를 지칭하는 것이 아니라 관계와 시대에 따 라 유동적으로 변화하는 개념이다. 1960년대 한국영화는 유례없는 변화를 맞이하고 있었다. 그 중 가장 특이할 만한 사실은 미국과 일본의 영화계에서

More information

민속지_이건욱T 최종

민속지_이건욱T 최종 441 450 458 466 474 477 480 This book examines the research conducted on urban ethnography by the National Folk Museum of Korea. Although most people in Korea

More information

?????

????? 2013 May CONTENTS 04 06 20 23 24 28 40 44 48 49 50 52 54 56 Ideas that Move 6 SPECIAL CHEIL MAY 2013 7 Special 1 8 CHEIL MAY 2013 9 Special 2 10 CHEIL MAY 2013 11 12 CHEIL MAY 2013 13 Special 3 14 CHEIL

More information

07_Àü¼ºÅÂ_0922

07_Àü¼ºÅÂ_0922 176 177 1) 178 2) 3) 179 4) 180 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 181 11) 12) 182 13) 14) 15) 183 16) 184 185 186 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 187 22) 23) 24) 25) 188 26) 27) 189 28) 29) 30)31) 32) 190 33) 34) 35) 36) 191 37)

More information

영남학17합본.hwp

영남학17합본.hwp 英 祖 代 戊 申 亂 이후 慶 尙 監 司 의 收 拾 策 李 根 浩 * 105) Ⅰ. 머리말 Ⅱ. 戊 申 亂 과 憂 嶺 南 說 Ⅲ. 以 嶺 南 治 嶺 南, 독자성에 토대한 통치 원칙 제시 Ⅳ. 鄒 魯 之 鄕 복원을 위한 교학 기구의 정비 Ⅴ. 상징물 및 기록의 정비 Ⅵ. 맺음말 국문초록 이 글은 영조대 무신란 이후 경상감사들이 행했던 제반 수습책을 검토 한 글이다.

More information

4 5 4. Hi-MO 애프터케어 시스템 편 5. 오비맥주 카스 카스 후레쉬 테이블 맥주는 천연식품이다 편 처음 스타일 그대로, 부탁 케어~ Hi-MO 애프터케어 시스템 지속적인 모발 관리로 끝까지 스타일이 유지되도록 독보적이다! 근데 그거 아세요? 맥주도 인공첨가물이

4 5 4. Hi-MO 애프터케어 시스템 편 5. 오비맥주 카스 카스 후레쉬 테이블 맥주는 천연식품이다 편 처음 스타일 그대로, 부탁 케어~ Hi-MO 애프터케어 시스템 지속적인 모발 관리로 끝까지 스타일이 유지되도록 독보적이다! 근데 그거 아세요? 맥주도 인공첨가물이 1 2 On-air 3 1. 이베이코리아 G마켓 용평리조트 슈퍼브랜드딜 편 2. 아모레퍼시픽 헤라 루즈 홀릭 리퀴드 편 인쇄 광고 올해도 겨울이 왔어요. 당신에게 꼭 해주고 싶은 말이 있어요. G마켓에선 용평리조트 스페셜 패키지가 2만 6900원! 역시 G마켓이죠? G마켓과 함께하는 용평리조트 스페셜 패키지. G마켓의 슈퍼브랜드딜은 계속된다. 모바일 쇼핑 히어로

More information

328 退溪學과 韓國文化 第43號 다음과 같은 3가지 측면을 주목하여 서술하였다. 우선 정도전은 ꡔ주례ꡕ에서 정치의 공공성 측면을 주목한 것으로 파악하였다. 이는 국가, 정치, 권력과 같은 것이 사적인 소유물이 아니라 공적인 것임을 강조하는 것으로 조선에서 표방하는 유

328 退溪學과 韓國文化 第43號 다음과 같은 3가지 측면을 주목하여 서술하였다. 우선 정도전은 ꡔ주례ꡕ에서 정치의 공공성 측면을 주목한 것으로 파악하였다. 이는 국가, 정치, 권력과 같은 것이 사적인 소유물이 아니라 공적인 것임을 강조하는 것으로 조선에서 표방하는 유 정도전의 유교국가론과 ꡔ周禮ꡕ* 52)부 남 철** 차 례 Ⅰ. Ⅱ. Ⅲ. Ⅳ. Ⅴ. 서론 유교국가의 정신 仁과 정치의 公共性 총재정치 육전체제 결론 국문초록 이 논문은 유교국가 조선의 정치이념과 통치 구조 형성에 있어서 주도적인 역할을 했던 유학자이자 정치가인 三峯 鄭道傳이 ꡔ周禮ꡕ에서 어떤 영향을 받았는가를 분석한 것이다. ꡔ주례ꡕ는 유학자들이 이상적인

More information

04-다시_고속철도61~80p

04-다시_고속철도61~80p Approach for Value Improvement to Increase High-speed Railway Speed An effective way to develop a highly competitive system is to create a new market place that can create new values. Creating tools and

More information

<C0C7B7CAC0C720BBE7C8B8C0FB20B1E2B4C9B0FA20BAAFC8AD5FC0CCC7F6BCDB2E687770>

<C0C7B7CAC0C720BBE7C8B8C0FB20B1E2B4C9B0FA20BAAFC8AD5FC0CCC7F6BCDB2E687770> ꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚ ꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏ 儀 禮 의 社 會 的 機 能 과 變 化 李 顯 松 裵 花 玉 ꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏꠏ ꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚꠚ

More information

¹ýÁ¶ 12¿ù ¼öÁ¤.PDF

¹ýÁ¶ 12¿ù ¼öÁ¤.PDF 논문요약 146 [ 주제어 ] 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 abstract Recent Development in the Law of DPRK on the

More information

274 한국문화 73

274 한국문화 73 - 273 - 274 한국문화 73 17~18 세기통제영의방어체제와병력운영 275 276 한국문화 73 17~18 세기통제영의방어체제와병력운영 277 278 한국문화 73 17~18 세기통제영의방어체제와병력운영 279 280 한국문화 73 17~18 세기통제영의방어체제와병력운영 281 282 한국문화 73 17~18 세기통제영의방어체제와병력운영 283 284

More information

歯kjmh2004v13n1.PDF

歯kjmh2004v13n1.PDF 13 1 ( 24 ) 2004 6 Korean J Med Hist 13 20 36 June 2004 ISSN 1225 505X * 1 1886 ( ) 1) 1905 * 1) 20 2) 1910 1926 1910 1926 1930 40 2 1899 1907 3) 4) 1908 1909 ( ) ( ) ( 2) 1995 1998 3) 1997 p 376 4) 1956

More information

대한한의학원전학회지24권6호-전체최종.hwp

대한한의학원전학회지24권6호-전체최종.hwp 小兒藥證直訣 의 五臟辨證에 대한 小考 - 病證과 處方을 중심으로 1 2 慶熙大學校大學校 韓醫學科大學 原典學敎室 ㆍ 韓醫學古典硏究所 白裕相1,2*1)2) A study on The Diagnosis and Treatment Using The Theory of Five Organs in Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣) 1 Dept. of Oriental

More information

슬라이드 1

슬라이드 1 CJ 2007 CONTENTS 2006 CJ IR Presentation Overview 4 Non-performing Asset Company Profile Vision & Mission 4 4 - & 4-4 - & 4 - - - - ROE / EPS - - DreamWorks Animation Net Asset Value (NAV) Disclaimer IR

More information

<32382DC3BBB0A2C0E5BED6C0DA2E687770>

<32382DC3BBB0A2C0E5BED6C0DA2E687770> 논문접수일 : 2014.12.20 심사일 : 2015.01.06 게재확정일 : 2015.01.27 청각 장애자들을 위한 보급형 휴대폰 액세서리 디자인 프로토타입 개발 Development Prototype of Low-end Mobile Phone Accessory Design for Hearing-impaired Person 주저자 : 윤수인 서경대학교 예술대학

More information

Journal of Educational Innovation Research 2017, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp DOI: : Researc

Journal of Educational Innovation Research 2017, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp DOI:   : Researc Journal of Educational Innovation Research 2017, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp.251-273 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.21024/pnuedi.27.2.201706.251 : 1997 2005 Research Trend Analysis on the Korean Alternative Education

More information

<B1E2C8B9BEC828BFCFBCBAC1F7C0FC29322E687770>

<B1E2C8B9BEC828BFCFBCBAC1F7C0FC29322E687770> 맛있는 한국으로의 초대 - 중화권 음식에서 한국 음식의 관광 상품화 모색하기 - 소속학교 : 한국외국어대학교 지도교수 : 오승렬 교수님 ( 중국어과) 팀 이 름 : 飮 食 男 女 ( 음식남녀) 팀 원 : 이승덕 ( 중국어과 4) 정진우 ( 중국어과 4) 조정훈 ( 중국어과 4) 이민정 ( 중국어과 3) 탐방목적 1. 한국 음식이 가지고 있는 장점과 경제적 가치에도

More information

<B3EDB9AEC1FD5F3235C1FD2E687770>

<B3EDB9AEC1FD5F3235C1FD2E687770> 경상북도 자연태음악의 소박집합, 장단유형, 전단후장 경상북도 자연태음악의 소박집합, 장단유형, 전단후장 - 전통 동요 및 부녀요를 중심으로 - 이 보 형 1) * 한국의 자연태 음악 특성 가운데 보편적인 특성은 대충 밝혀졌지만 소박집합에 의한 장단주기 박자유형, 장단유형, 같은 층위 전후 구성성분의 시가( 時 價 )형태 등 은 밝혀지지 않았으므로

More information

<302DC5EBC0CFB0FA20C6F2C8AD28BFCF292E687770>

<302DC5EBC0CFB0FA20C6F2C8AD28BFCF292E687770> 72 통일과 평화(창간호 2009) 한반도 통일에 관한 이론적 고찰 전재성(서울대 외교학과) 국문요약 본 논문은 변화하는 국제질서와 한반도 내부의 상황을 고려하여, 21세기 한반도 통일 을 새로운 관점에서 이론적으로 분석하고자 시도한다. 21세기 하나의 주권을 가진 하나 의 국가를 만들고자 하는 통일론은 결국 한반도 거버넌스의 문제이다. 한반도에서 사는 전통적

More information

03¹ü¼±±Ô

03¹ü¼±±Ô Relevancy between Aliases of Eight Provinces and Topographical Features during the Chosun Dynasty Seon-Gyu Beom* Abstract : In Korea, aside from their official administrative names, aliases of each province

More information

134 25, 135 3, (Aloysius Pieris) ( r e a l i t y ) ( P o v e r t y ) ( r e l i g i o s i t y ) 1 ) 21, 21, 1) Aloysius Pieris, An Asian Theology of Li

134 25, 135 3, (Aloysius Pieris) ( r e a l i t y ) ( P o v e r t y ) ( r e l i g i o s i t y ) 1 ) 21, 21, 1) Aloysius Pieris, An Asian Theology of Li 25 133162 ( ) I 21 134 25, 135 3, (Aloysius Pieris) ( r e a l i t y ) ( P o v e r t y ) ( r e l i g i o s i t y ) 1 ) 21, 21, 1) Aloysius Pieris, An Asian Theology of Liberation (New York: Orbis Books,

More information

,,,,,,, ,, 2 3,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (2001) 2

,,,,,,, ,, 2 3,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (2001) 2 2004- - : 2004 5 11 :?,,,,,? Sen (human capability) 1?,, I 1 2 1 Sen A Why health equity? Health Econ 2002:11;659-666 2 1991 p 17 1 ,,,,,,, 20 1 2,, 2 3,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 3 3 1 (2001) 2 1),, 2), 2),, 3),,,

More information

아니라 일본 지리지, 수로지 5, 지도 6 등을 함께 검토해야 하지만 여기서는 근대기 일본이 편찬한 조선 지리지와 부속지도만으로 연구대상을 한정하 기로 한다. Ⅱ. 1876~1905년 울릉도 독도 서술의 추이 1. 울릉도 독도 호칭의 혼란과 지도상의 불일치 일본이 조선

아니라 일본 지리지, 수로지 5, 지도 6 등을 함께 검토해야 하지만 여기서는 근대기 일본이 편찬한 조선 지리지와 부속지도만으로 연구대상을 한정하 기로 한다. Ⅱ. 1876~1905년 울릉도 독도 서술의 추이 1. 울릉도 독도 호칭의 혼란과 지도상의 불일치 일본이 조선 근대기 조선 지리지에 보이는 일본의 울릉도 독도 인식 호칭의 혼란을 중심으로 Ⅰ. 머리말 이 글은 근대기 일본인 편찬 조선 지리지에 나타난 울릉도 독도 관련 인식을 호칭의 변화에 초점을 맞춰 고찰한 것이다. 일본은 메이지유신 이후 부국강병을 기도하는 과정에서 수집된 정보에 의존하여 지리지를 펴냈고, 이를 제국주의 확장에 원용하였다. 특히 일본이 제국주의 확장을

More information

<32303132C7D0B3E2B5B520C0DABFACB0E8BFAD20B8F0C0C7C0FBBCBAB0EDBBE72020B9AEC1A62E687770>

<32303132C7D0B3E2B5B520C0DABFACB0E8BFAD20B8F0C0C7C0FBBCBAB0EDBBE72020B9AEC1A62E687770> 언어이해력 1. 단어의 구조가 보기와 다른 것은? 4. 다음의 빈칸에 들어갈 적당한 말은? 선풍기 : 바람 = ( ) : ( ) 보리밥 은 재료+대상 의 의미 구조를 지 닌다. 따라서 보리로 만든 밥 이라는 뜻이 다. 1 발전소 : 전기 3 세탁기 : 옷 2 인쇄기 : 종이 4 자동차 : 기름 1 밀짚모자 2 유리창 3 꽃집 4 비단옷 2. 다음의 낱말 이어가기에서

More information

<3132B1C732C8A328C0DBBEF7292E687770>

<3132B1C732C8A328C0DBBEF7292E687770> 분쟁해결연구 2014; 12(2) Dispute Resolution Studies Review 2014, Vol.12, No.2:137~164 노무현 대통령 지지율에 나타난 두 가지 퍼즐* 13) 최 준 영** 목 차 Ⅰ. 서 론 Ⅱ. 퍼즐1:왜 노무현 대통령은 허니문 기간이 없었는가? Ⅲ. 퍼즐2:왜 떨어진 지지율은 반등하지 못하였나? Ⅳ. 결론:어떠한 교훈을

More information

歯M991101.PDF

歯M991101.PDF 2 0 0 0 2000 12 2 0 0 0 2000 12 ( ) ( ) ( ) < >. 1 1. 1 2. 5. 6 1. 7 1.1. 7 1.2. 9 1.3. 10 2. 17 3. 25 3.1. 25 3.2. 29 3.3. 29. 31 1. 31 1.1. ( ) 32 1.2. ( ) 38 1.3. ( ) 40 1.4. ( ) 42 2. 43 3. 69 4. 74.

More information

2 환경법과 정책 제16권(2016.2.28.) Ⅰ. 들어가며 Ⅱ. 가습기살균제 사건의 경과 Ⅲ. 가습기살균제 사건과 제조물 책임 Ⅳ. 가습기살균제 사건과 인과관계 입증 완화 Ⅴ. 나가며 Ⅰ. 들어가며 피해유발행위(혹은 인자)가 직접적인 손해를 즉각적으로 유발하는 경우

2 환경법과 정책 제16권(2016.2.28.) Ⅰ. 들어가며 Ⅱ. 가습기살균제 사건의 경과 Ⅲ. 가습기살균제 사건과 제조물 책임 Ⅳ. 가습기살균제 사건과 인과관계 입증 완화 Ⅴ. 나가며 Ⅰ. 들어가며 피해유발행위(혹은 인자)가 직접적인 손해를 즉각적으로 유발하는 경우 가습기 살균제 사건의 민사적 쟁점: 제조물책임과 인과관계 입증 송 정 은* 1)정 남 순**2) 가습기살균제를 사용함으로써 손해를 입은 피해자들은 현재 가습기살균제를 제조 및 판매한 업 체를 상대로 손해배상소송을 진행하고 있다. 가습기살균제 사건은 고도의 기술이 집약되어 대량으 로 생산되는 제품의 결함으로 인하여 피해자에게 손해가 발생한 사안으로

More information

20, 41..,..,.,.,....,.,, (relevant).,.,..??.,

20, 41..,..,.,.,....,.,, (relevant).,.,..??., , 41 (2007 12 ) * 1) *** ***,. IMF..,,,.,,,,.. I.. 1999 (,.),,. 2010 *. ** *** 19 20, 41..,..,.,.,....,.,, (relevant).,.,..??., 21.....,. II. 1967 G. G. Muller International Accounting. 1960. 1970... 1966,,,.

More information

DBPIA-NURIMEDIA

DBPIA-NURIMEDIA 방송통신연구 2011년 봄호 연구논문 64 98 PD수첩 관련 판례에서 보이는 사법부의 사실성에 대한 인식의 차이 연구* 1)2) 이승선 충남대학교 언론정보학과 부교수** Contents 1. 문제제기와 연구문제 2. 공적인물에 대한 명예훼손 보도의 면책 법리 3. 분석결과의 논의 4. 마무리 본 이른바 PD수첩 광우병 편 에 대해 다양한 법적 대응이 이뤄졌다.

More information

<B1E2C8A3C7D0BFACB1B85FC1A63336C1FD2E687770>

<B1E2C8A3C7D0BFACB1B85FC1A63336C1FD2E687770> TV음식프로그램의 포맷구성과 콘텐츠의 의미생성: KBS-TV 에 대한 기호학적 분석을 중심으로* 35). :,.,. (, 2004).,,,., 63% (, 2011). 1979 1980 * TV,. ** / KBS-TV, longrun73@hanmail.net ***, baek99@skku.edu, TV / 69 . 1990 2000.. 2001.

More information

중국 상장회사의 경영지배구조에 관한 연구

중국 상장회사의 경영지배구조에 관한 연구 仁 荷 大 學 校 法 學 硏 究 第 18 輯 第 3 號 2015년 09월 30일, 261~295쪽 Inha Law Review The Institute of Legal Studies Inha University Vol.18, No.3, September, 2015 표현의 자유와 명예훼손 - 인터넷에서의 명예훼손을 중심으로 - * 박 윤 경 숙명여자대학교 법학박사

More information

서론

서론 - i - - ii - - iii - - iv - - v - - vi - - 1 - - 2 - - 3 - - 4 - - 5 - - 6 - - 7 - - 8 - - 9 - - 10 - - 11 - - 12 - - 13 - - 14 - - 15 - - 16 - - 17 - - 18 - - 19 - - 20 - - 21 - - 22 - - 23 - - 24 - -

More information

<BFB5B3B2C7D03231C8A32DC3D6C1BEC6EDC1FDBABB2836BFF93236C0CF292E687770>

<BFB5B3B2C7D03231C8A32DC3D6C1BEC6EDC1FDBABB2836BFF93236C0CF292E687770> 星州 漢文學의 歷史的 展開樣相 황 위 주* Ⅰ. 머리말 Ⅱ. 高麗末 以前의 狀況 Ⅲ. 朝鮮前期 官人과 士林 Ⅳ. 朝鮮後期 道學派의 活動 Ⅴ. 19世紀 以後의 狀況 Ⅵ. 마무리 국문초록 본고는 성주라는 특정 지역의 한문학을 집중적 검토 대상으로 삼아 이 곳에서 수행된 창작 활동의 역사적 전개 양상을 보다 정밀하게 파악하고 자 하였다. 성주지역 한문학은 신라 말부터

More information

12Á¶±ÔÈŁ

12Á¶±ÔÈŁ Journal of Fashion Business Vol. 5, No. 4. pp.158~175(2001) A Study on the Apparel Industry and the Clothing Culture of North Korea + Kyu Hwa Cho Prof., Dept. of Clothing & Textiles, Ewha Womans University

More information

2. 박주민.hwp

2. 박주민.hwp 仁 荷 大 學 校 法 學 硏 究 第 15 輯 第 1 號 2012년 3월 31일, 149~184쪽 Inha Law Review The Institute of Legal Studies Inha University Vol.15, No.1, March 2012 인터넷을 통한 선거운동과 공직선거법 * 박 주 민 법무법인(유한) 한결 변호사 < 목 차 > Ⅰ. 머리말

More information

2009년 국제법평론회 동계학술대회 일정

2009년 국제법평론회 동계학술대회 일정 한국경제연구원 대외세미나 인터넷전문은행 도입과제와 캐시리스사회 전환 전략 일시 2016년 3월 17일 (목) 14:00 ~17:30 장소 전경련회관 컨퍼런스센터 2층 토파즈룸 주최 한국경제연구원 한국금융ICT융합학회 PROGRAM 시 간 내 용 13:30~14:00 등 록 14:00~14:05 개회사 오정근 (한국금융ICT융합학회 회장) 14:05~14:10

More information

2 佛敎學報 第 48 輯 서도 이 목적을 준수하였다. 즉 석문의범 에는 승가의 일상의례 보다는 각종의 재 의식에 역점을 두었다. 재의식은 승가와 재가가 함께 호흡하는 공동의 場이므로 포 교와 대중화에 무엇보다 중요한 역할을 수행할 수 있다는 믿음을 지니고 있었다. 둘째

2 佛敎學報 第 48 輯 서도 이 목적을 준수하였다. 즉 석문의범 에는 승가의 일상의례 보다는 각종의 재 의식에 역점을 두었다. 재의식은 승가와 재가가 함께 호흡하는 공동의 場이므로 포 교와 대중화에 무엇보다 중요한 역할을 수행할 수 있다는 믿음을 지니고 있었다. 둘째 한국 근대불교의 대중화와 석문의범* 29)韓 相 吉 ** 차 례 Ⅰ. 머리말 1. 불자필람 의 구성 Ⅱ. 석문의범의 간행 배경 2. 석문의범 의 구성과 내용 1. 조선후기 의례집의 성행 Ⅳ. 근대불교 대중화와 석문의범 2. 근대불교 개혁론과 의례 Ⅲ. 석문의범의 체재와 내용 간행의 의미 Ⅴ. 맺음말 한글요약 釋門儀範 은 조선시대에 편찬된 각종 의례서와 의식집을

More information

00약제부봄호c03逞풚

00약제부봄호c03逞풚 경희대학교 동서신의학병원 약품 정보지 2 0 0 7. S P R I N G. V O L. 0 1 신약 소개 02 Journal Review 03 Special Subject 04 복약 지도 06 의약품 안전성 정보 07 약제부 알림 07 약제부 업무 소개 08 E A S T - W E S T N E O M E D I C A L C E N T E R 본 약품

More information

항공우주뉴스레터-제13호-컬러3

항공우주뉴스레터-제13호-컬러3 기계항공시스템학부, 항공우주공학전공 School of Mechanical, Aerospace & System Engineering, Department of Aerospace Engineering Contents http://ae.kaist.ac.kr 학과행사 >> School of Mechanical, Aerospace & System Engineering,

More information

DBPIA-NURIMEDIA

DBPIA-NURIMEDIA 냉전적 이산과 탈냉전적 공존의 전망: 교토( 京 都 ) 재일코리안의 구술을 중심으로*1) 김귀옥 국문요약 이 글은 1년 가까운 기간 교토를 현지답사하고 교토 재일코리안의 다양한 사회 적 관계나 삶을 관찰한 후 10명의 구술생애사를 조사한 자료를 통해 작성되었다. 주로 교토 재일코리안 2세대(1명의 1세대와 1명의 3세대 포함)들의 재현적 기억과 생활 속에서

More information

4번.hwp

4번.hwp Journal of International Culture, Vol.9-1 International Cultural Institute, 2016, 55~63 浅 析 影 响 韩 中 翻 译 的 因 素 A Brief Analysis on Factors that Affects Korean-Chinese Translation 韩 菁 (Han, Jing) 1) < 目

More information

합격기원 2012년 12월 정기모의고사 해설.hwp

합격기원 2012년 12월 정기모의고사 해설.hwp 1 쪽 경찰학개론 -정답 및 해설- 본 문제의 소유권 및 판권은 윌비스경찰학원에 있습니다. 무단복사 판매시 저작권법에 의거 경고조치 없이 고발하여 민 형사상 책임을 지게 됩니다. 01. 3 3 경찰의 임무가 축소되면서 위생경찰, 건축경찰, 산림경찰 등처럼 다른 행정작용과 결합하여 특별한 사회적 이익의 보호를 목적으로 하면서 그 부수작용으로서 사회공공의 안녕과

More information

Vol.257 C O N T E N T S M O N T H L Y P U B L I C F I N A N C E F O R U M

Vol.257 C O N T E N T S M O N T H L Y P U B L I C F I N A N C E F O R U M 2017.11 Vol.257 C O N T E N T S 02 06 38 52 69 82 141 146 154 M O N T H L Y P U B L I C F I N A N C E F O R U M 2 2017.11 3 4 2017.11 6 2017.11 1) 7 2) 22.7 19.7 87 193.2 160.6 83 22.2 18.4 83 189.6 156.2

More information

272 石 堂 論 叢 49집 기꾼이 많이 확인된 결과라 할 수 있다. 그리고 이야기의 유형이 가족 담, 도깨비담, 동물담, 지명유래담 등으로 한정되어 있음도 확인하였 다. 전국적인 광포성을 보이는 이인담이나 저승담, 지혜담 등이 많이 조사되지 않은 점도 특징이다. 아울

272 石 堂 論 叢 49집 기꾼이 많이 확인된 결과라 할 수 있다. 그리고 이야기의 유형이 가족 담, 도깨비담, 동물담, 지명유래담 등으로 한정되어 있음도 확인하였 다. 전국적인 광포성을 보이는 이인담이나 저승담, 지혜담 등이 많이 조사되지 않은 점도 특징이다. 아울 271 부산지역 구비설화 이야기꾼의 현황과 특징 정 규 식* 1) - 목 차 - Ⅰ. 서론 Ⅱ. 부산지역 구비설화 이야기꾼의 전반적 현황 1. 이야기꾼의 여성 편중성 2. 구연 자료의 민요 편중성 3. 이야기꾼의 가변적 구연력 4. 이야기 유형의 제한성 5. 이야기꾼 출생지의 비부산권 강세 Ⅲ. 부산지역 구비설화 이야기꾼의 특징 Ⅳ. 결론 개 요 본고의 목적은

More information

<C7D1B9CEC1B7BEEEB9AEC7D03631C1FD28C3D6C1BE292E687770>

<C7D1B9CEC1B7BEEEB9AEC7D03631C1FD28C3D6C1BE292E687770> 근대 이후 이순신 인물 서사 변화 과정의 의미 연구 45) * 김경남 차 례 Ⅰ. 서론 Ⅱ. 근대 계몽기 이순신 서사와 뺷유년필독뺸 Ⅲ. 일제 강점기 실기(實記)와 뺷문예독본뺸의 이순신 Ⅳ. 광복 이후의 이순신 서사 Ⅴ. 결론 국문초록 이 연구는 근대이후 교재에 나타난 이순신상을 중심으로, 영웅 서사가 어떻게 변화하 는가를 살피는 데 목적이 있다. 이 연구에서

More information

untitled

untitled 구비전승의 지속과 변천 117 구비전승의 지속과 변천 < 南 白 月 二 聖 努 肹 夫 得 怛 怛 朴 朴 >의 사례를 중심으로 김 헌 선* 1. 머리말 2. 구비전승 의 성격규명 3. < 南 白 月 二 聖 努 肹 夫 得 呾 呾 朴 朴 >의 구비전승적 성격 4. 마무리 1. 머리말 구비전승은 문헌전승과 일정한 관련을 가지고 있다. 구비전승과

More information

74 현대정치연구 2015년 봄호(제8권 제1호) Ⅰ. 서론 2015년 1월 7일, 프랑스 파리에서 총격 사건이 발생했다. 두 명의 남성이 풍자 잡지 주간 샤를리 의 본사에 침입하여 총기를 난사한 것이다. 이 사건으로 인해 열두 명의 사람이 목숨을 잃었다. 얼마 후에

74 현대정치연구 2015년 봄호(제8권 제1호) Ⅰ. 서론 2015년 1월 7일, 프랑스 파리에서 총격 사건이 발생했다. 두 명의 남성이 풍자 잡지 주간 샤를리 의 본사에 침입하여 총기를 난사한 것이다. 이 사건으로 인해 열두 명의 사람이 목숨을 잃었다. 얼마 후에 테러와 테러리즘: 정치적 폭력의 경제와 타락에 관하여 73 테러와 테러리즘: 정치적 폭력의 경제와 타락에 관하여* 1) 공진성 조선대학교 국문요약 테러는 왜 궁극적으로 성공하지 못하며, 성공하지 못하는 테러를 사람들은 왜 자꾸 하는 걸까? 우리 시대의 안타까운 현상의 원인을 파악하기 위해서는 권력과 폭력의 관계를, 그리고 정치적 폭력이 가지는 테러적 속성을

More information

30이지은.hwp

30이지은.hwp VR의 가상광고에 나타난 그래픽영상 연구 -TV 스포츠 방송을 중심으로- A study of the graphic image that is presented in Virtual Advertising of VR(Virtual Reality) - Focused on TV Sports broadcasts - 이지은(Lee, ji eun) 조일산업(주) 디자인 실장

More information