서강대학교신학연구소주최국제학술대회 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠 REFORMATE REFORMATIONEM 2016 년 9 월 23 일 -24 일 서강대학교신학연구소
이국제학술대회는 2016년도정부재원 ( 교육부 ) 으로한국연구재단의지원, 그리고 SK SUPEX 기금의연구비지원에의해개최되었음. This International Conference was supported by the National Research Foundation of Korea Grant funded by the Korean Government and by the SK SUPEX Fund. 본논문집은강엘리사벳학술연구기금의연구비지원에의해작성되었음. This work was supported by Kang Elisabeth Memorial Foundation.
목 차 프로그램 4 기조강연 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동의배경과 500주년의교회사적의미 / 김희중대주교 7 제1세션 : 쇄신을향한개혁 Reformare ad Renovationem 감독직무 (Episcope) 에대한연구 / Thomas BUCKLEY 25 가톨릭관점에서본루터와칼뱅의직무이해 / 신정훈 41 종교개혁의쟁점들 : 쟁점의형성과역사적발전 / 박태식 67 예수회와루터개혁 : 과거의논쟁으로부터화해지향의관점으로 / Michel FÉDOU 79 제2세션 : 일치를향한개혁 Reformare in Unitatem 일치의원리인 그리스도인들의신앙감각 (Sensus Fidelium), 그가능성과한계 / 송용민 101 루터와이냐시오로욜라의영성적접점 / Paul Rolphy PINTO 123 개신교신학에대한가톨릭신학의수용가능성 / 이규성 163 일치를위한교회의소명 : Groupe des Dombes의공헌을중심으로 / Katherine Shirk LUCAS 187 제3세션 : 개혁을개혁하라 Reformate reformationem 종교개혁신학의 3대원리에대한메타비판 : 3개의 오직 (sola) 교리의비판적재구성에근거한 작은교회 운동 / 이정배 207 현대의개혁과쇄신 : 교황프란치스코에기반한현대교회를향한도전과기회 / Kuruvilla PANDIKATTU 243 교회일치를위한온전한복음이해 / 김정형 245 그리스도교와자본주의 : 인간의삶을위한교회의선택 / 최형묵 263 그리스도중심적직무와친교 : 아시아가톨릭교회적관점에서 / Jeffrey CHANG 279 모든신자는예언자다 : 제3의종교개혁을위한사회적영성 / 정경일 309 1
Contents Program 4 Welcoming Remarks Luther s Reform Movement, Background, and Significance in 500 years of Church History from Catholic Perspective / Most Rev. Hyginus KIM Hee-joong 7 Session Ⅰ: Reformare ad Renovationem In Search of Episcope: Who Speaks for the Church? / Thomas BUCKLEY 25 The Understanding of Church Ministry by Luther and Calvin from a Catholic Perspective / SHIN, Jung-Hun Michael 41 Themes of Reformation: The Formation and Development of the Themes / PARK, Tae Sik 67 The Society of Jesus and the Luther s Reformation: From Controversies to the Quest for Reconciliation / Michel FÉDOU 79 Session Ⅱ: Reformare in Unitatem Sensus Fidelium, Principle of Christian Unity: Possibilities and Limitations / SONG, Yong Min 101 Core Points of Encounter in the Spiritualties of Luther and Loyola / Paul Rolphy PINTO 123 A Possible Way of Catholic Acceptance of Protestant Theology / LEE, Kyou Sung 163 Calling Churches to Confessional Conversion: The Distinctive Contribution of the Groupe des Dombes to Ecumenical Dialogue / Katherine Shirk LUCAS 187 Session Ⅲ: Reformate reformationem A Meta-critic on the Three Principles of Reformation s Theology: Centering on the Critical Reconstruction about Three only Doctrines / LEE, JungBae 207 2 종교개혁 500 년그빛과어둠
Contemporary Reformation and Renewal: Some Challenges and Opportunities for Today s Church Inspired by Pope Francis / Kuruvilla PANDIKATTU 243 The Whole Gospel for the Church Unity / KIM, Junghyung 245 Christianity and Capitalism: Church s Alternative for Human Life / CHOI, Hyung Mook 263 Ministry and Communion in Christ: Reflections from the Experience of the Church of Christ in China / Jeffrey CHANG 279 All Believers Are Prophets: Social Spirituality for the Third Reformation / JUNG, Kyeongil 309 3
[ 프로그램 ] 기조강연 기조강연 10:30-11:00 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동의배경과 500주년의교회사적의미 김희중대주교 쇄신을향한개혁 Reformare ad Renovationem 2016 년 9 월 23 일 ( 금 ) 세션시간주제발표자사회자 제 1 세션 11:00-11:40 11:50-12:30 14:00-14:40 14:40-15:20 감독직무 (Episcope) 에대한연구 : 누가교회를위해말할수있는가? 가톨릭관점에서본루터와칼뱅의직무이해종교개혁의쟁점들 : 쟁점의형성과역사적발전예수회와루터개혁 : 과거의논쟁으로부터화해지향의관점으로 Thomas BUCKLEY 신정훈박태식 Michel FÉDOU 이규성 최현순 일치를향한개혁 Reformare in Unitatem 2016 년 9 월 23 일 ( 금 ) 세션시간주제발표자사회자 제 2 세션 15:30-16:10 일치의원리인 그리스도인들의신앙감각 (Sensus Fidelium), 그가능성과한계 16:10-16:50 루터와이냐시오로욜라의영성적접점 17:00-17:40 개신교신학에대한가톨릭신학의수용가능성 17:40-18:30 일치를위한교회의소명 : Groupe des Dombes의공헌을중심으로 송용민 Paul Rolphy PINTO 이규성 Katherine Shirk LUCAS 이규성 최현순 개혁을개혁하라 Reformate reformationem 2016 년 9 월 24 일 ( 토 ) 세션시간주제발표자사회자 10:30-11:10 종교개혁신학의 3대원리에대한메타비판 : 3개의 오직 (sola) 교리의비판적재구성에근거한 작은교회 운동 이정배 최현순 11:10-11:50 현대의개혁과쇄신 : 교황프란치스코에기반한현대교회를향한도전과기회 Kuruvilla PANDIKATTU 제 3 세션 13:30-14:10 교회일치를위한온전한복음이해김정형그리스도교와자본주의 : 인간의삶을위이규성 14:10-14:50 최형묵한교회의선택그리스도중심적직무와친교 : 아시아 15:00-15:40 Jeffrey CHANG 가톨릭교회적관점에서최현순모든신자는예언자다 : 제3의종교개혁 15:40-16:20 정경일을위한사회적영성 16:40-18:00 종합토론발표자들이규성 4 종교개혁 500 년그빛과어둠
[Program] Welcoming Remarks Welcoming Remarks 10:30-11:00 Luther s Reform Movement, Background, and Significance in 500 years of Church History from Catholic Perspective Most Rev. Hyginus KIM Hee-joong Reformare ad Renovationem 2016 September 23(Friday) Session Time Theme Speaker 11:00-11:40 In Search of Episcope: Who Speaks for the Church? Thomas BUCKLEY Session Ⅰ 11:50-12:30 14:00-14:40 The Understanding of Church Ministry by Luther and Calvin from a Catholic Perspective Themes of Reformation: The Formation and Development of the Themes SHIN, Jeong-Hun Michael PARK, Tae Sik The Society of Jesus and the Luther s 14:40-15:20 Reformation: From Controversies to the Quest for Reconciliation Michel FÉDOU Reformare in Unitatem 2016 September 23(Friday) Session Time Theme Speaker 15:30-16:10 Sensus Fidelium, Principle of Christian Unity: Possibilities and Limitations SONG, Yong Min Session Ⅱ 16:10-16:50 17:00-17:40 Core Points of Encounter in the Spiritualties of Luther and Loyola A Possible Way of Catholic Acceptance of Protestant Theology Paul Rolphy PINTO LEE, Kyou Sung 17:40-18:30 Calling Churches to Confessional Conversion: The Distinctive Contribution of the Groupe des Dombes to Ecumenical Dialogue Katherine Shirk LUCAS 5
Reformate reformationem 2016 September 24(Saturday) Session Time Theme Speaker 10:30-11:10 11:10-11:50 A Meta-critic on the Three Principles of Reformation s Theology: Centering on the Critical Reconstruction about Three only Doctrines Contemporary Reformation and Renewal: Some Challenges and Opportunities for Today's Church Inspired by Pope Francis LEE, JungBae Kuruvilla PANDIKATTU Session Ⅲ 13:30-14:10 The Whole Gospel for the Church Unity KIM, Junghyung 14:10-14:50 Christianity and Capitalism: Church s Alternative for Human Life CHOI, Hyung Mook 15:00-15:40 15:40-16:20 Ministry and Communion in Christ: Reflections from the Experience of the Church of Christ in China All Believers Are Prophets: Social Spirituality for the Third Reformation Jeffrey CHANG JUNG, Kyeongil 16:40-18:00 Round Table Discussion 6 종교개혁 500 년그빛과어둠
가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동의배경과 500주년의교회사적의미 김희중대주교 ( 한국천주교주교회의의장 / 교회일치와종교간대화위원회위원장 ) 들어가는말 역사는과거와현재와의대화이며삶의지혜라고도한다. 역사는시대의산물이며미래의발전적성장을위한과거와현재와미래의징검다리이기도하다. 교회사는역사적인사건의실체적진실을밝히기위해일반역사연구와마찬가지로과학적인역사방법론도적극적으로활용한다. 그러나신학으로서의교회사는하느님께서이루시는구원의역사를탐구하면서인류를위해무상으로베푸시는하느님의사랑과자비의섭리를깨닫도록도와주는신약의역사서라고부를수도있지않을까생각한다. 이러한의미에서교회와관련되어일어난역사적인사건을평가함에있어서신앙의감각과교회정신이수반되어야할것이다. 역사는과거의여러사건들이복잡하게연결되어축적된결과들의일부를여러가지모습으로보여주고있다. 따라서역사는시대적인상황의여러요소들에대한객관적이고정확한검증과공정한평가를바탕으로해석되어야할것이다. 지역적인특수성, 혹은개인이나왕조의특수성, 교종한개인에한정된사례를모든시대와모든사람들, 혹은모든지역에까지확장시켜일부의제한된역사를획일적으로일반화시키거나부분적인사실을전체로확대해석할수있는오해의위험도피해야할것이다. 우리는 2017년종교개혁 500주년을앞두고있다. Ecclesia semper reformanda est! 교회는항상개혁되어야한다! 는말은오늘의우리교회에더더욱필요한가르침이아닌가생각한다. 개혁과쇄신의필요성이더욱강조될때에는항상 초기교회의정신으로돌아가자. 혹은수도생활의쇄신을추구함에있어서는항상 창립자의정신으로돌아가자. 라는공감대가형성되곤한다. 따라서종교개혁 500주년을맞이하여개신교일부에서제창한 개혁을개혁 하기위해서는종교개혁의근본정신을보다객관적으로살펴보는데필요한종교개혁의배경과원인을살펴보는과정이필요할것이다. 1. 종교개혁의시대적배경 1) 정치적상황 시대는역사의산물이라고한다. 역사의흐름을인위적으로막아무질서하고혼란스러운상황을야기시켰거나, 그흐름의방향을바꾸는데결정적인영향을끼쳤던사건들의대부분이우연히일어나지는않는다. 역사적인대변혁이일어났던그이면에는이미그러한사건이일어날수있도록여건이조성되었다고볼수있다. 흔히 면죄부 로오역된 대사 ( 大赦, Indulgentia) 문제를종교개혁의결정적인원인처럼단순하게생각하는분들도있으리라생 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동 7
각한다. 그러나대사문제는종교개혁이일어나게된불씨의하나일뿐이며, 오히려정치, 경제, 사회, 문화, 특히종교적인요인들이서로어우러져, 소위프로테스탄트종교개혁이일어날수있었다고본다. 서유럽의제반상황이거의비슷했지만유독독일과스위스지방에서는활발하게전개되고다른국가에서는그렇지못했던까닭이무엇일까? 그리고영국에서는다른형태의종교분열이일어났던까닭은무엇일까? 이문제에대한해답은종교개혁운동에있어서순수하게종교적인차원으로만설명할수없는, 종교외적인요인도비중있게작용했음을고려해야한다는것을시사하지않는가? 프랑스의경우봉건군주제에서절대군주제로전환되어가고있었다. 국가의제반권력이왕한사람에의해서행사되는권력의중앙집권화는왕명을거스리는어떠한분파적인행위가일체허용되지않았다. 이러한왕권절대주의적인추세는프랑스교회에대한로마교종의개입을제한하고왕의간섭을확대하려하였고, 이러한경향이후에정치 종교적인국수주의를내용으로하는갈리아주의 (Gallicanismus) 로드러났다. 장미전쟁 (1455-1485) 이후영국에민주주의의요람으로평가되는상 하원제도의국민대의기관이있었으나, 역시강력한통일국가를지향하면서왕권절대주의체제확립을도모하였다. 이러한경향은왕의뜻에반하는여하한종교적인분파를허용치않았고, 결국왕의개인적인이해관계에따라성공회가탄생하게된결정적인요인이되었다. 아라곤왕페르디난도 (Ferdinando) 와까스띨랴여왕이사벨라와의결혼 (1469) 으로이루어진스페인의통일은중앙집권체제의확립으로더욱강화되었다. 이러한분위기에서교회법상일종의특권인교종으로부터승인된식민지선교를위한보호권 (Padronado) 을행사하면서국내적으로는국교회 ( 國敎會 ) 의수장 ( 首長 ) 처럼행세하였다. 이러한중앙집권적인전제군주정치체제의정책은전체의공동선에입각한평화공존보다는자국의이익과자기왕조나혈통의기득권수호내지는확산을추구했고이에반대되는어떠한가치도인정하지않으려하였다. 그러나당시신성로마제국으로불리었던독일지방은위의세나라와정치적인상황이아주달랐다. 즉지방분권적인봉건제후들의부족국가연합체와같은형태였다. 엄연히신성로마제국의황제라는신분이었지만합스부르크가 (Habsburg 家 ) 직속영지 ( 領地 ) 이외에는그의황제권한이명실상부하게통용되지않았다. 유럽각지에흩어져있는왕가의영지확보와세력유지에더큰힘을쏟은나머지신성로마제국의통치권강화와대내적인통합은취약한상황이었다. 따라서황제의명령도각제후들의이해관계에따라서거부될수도있었고, 각제후들은자신들의영지내에서어느정도독자적인권력을행사할수있었다. 오히려군주들은자신들의영지에서절대권을행사하려는경향이있었으며, 그들의배후에는그러한군주권을이론적으로뒷받침하는법률가들이있었다. 그리고제국의회와황제에의해승인된법은신성로마제국의법이되었지만법시행에이해관계가있는제후들은받아들이지않았기때문에유명무실하게된경우도많았다. 이와같은정치적인상황에서루터의종교개혁이일어났는데, 루터의종교개혁을지지하고그를보호했던제후의이해관계가그의개혁운동을지속할수있게된큰요인의하나가되었다. 2) 경제 사회적상황 일반적으로농업을경제기반으로하는사회는안정적이면서동시에보수성이강한경향이있다. 이러한사회에서는개인의능력에따라사회적인신분계급이결정되는것보다는혈통에 8 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
따라세습된농경지보유면적의정도에따라정해지기마련이다. 그러나종교개혁시대에와서는농촌의기반이흔들리고경제구조가변화되면서사회적불안심리가최고조에달했다. 성지예루살렘회복이라는본래의취지에서벗어나군주와제후들의야심과상인들의탐욕으로추진되었던제4차십자군전쟁이후동 서양의교류가더활발해졌다. 따라서동 서방교역을위한교통의요지를중심으로활발한상업거래가이루어져종교개혁시대에와서는사회적신분질서가거의마무리되었다. 농경지를재산과신분의기반으로삼았던대지주들이구귀족이라면, 상업과금융업을통하여많은부를축적한도시의재산가들은신 ( 新 ) 귀족으로등장하였다. 상업을본업으로하는중산층과직물, 광업등에투자한사업가들의경제활동으로도시는번창하였다. 도시에집중되는부덕분으로도시의중심광장을거대하게꾸미고신귀족들은자신들의위세를과시하기위하여저택을궁궐처럼사치스럽게장식하였다. 대학에서는지적활동이자유롭게이루어지고, 특히인문주의자들을비롯하여법률가들이큰영향력을행사하였다. 특히광산업에투자한금융업자들의성공적인활동으로근대자본주의의등장을촉진하였다. 이러한경제구조의개편으로기존기득권층의일부가몰락하고도시노동자들과농민들이최저생활을보장받지못하게되었다. 그래서수적으로무산계급의하층민이증가하는것과비례해서사회적불안이점점확산되었다. 도시의하층민인가난한노동자들은품삯으로연명해나가는데자신들이소속된조합에서아무런권리행사를못했다. 왜냐하면조합이사업가나주인등귀족들에의해지배되었기때문이다. 이민노동자들처럼시민으로서의권리를거의행사하지못한상태에서불만이고조되면서, 그들은사회구조나신분질서가개편되는변화만을유일한희망으로삼았다. 농촌의현실은더비참하였다. 제국인구의 3/4을차지한농민들은생계에불안을느끼며현상황에변화를가져오는어떠한봉기에도쉽게동참할수있는상황이었다. 1431년부터 1512년사이에 12번이나농민봉기가있었다. 농민들은지주의종처럼생활하면서지주들로부터도지 ( 賭地 ) 사용료로빚을걸머지며가혹하게물어야했다. 더구나조상대대로고기잡이, 사냥, 목축, 벌목등을큰제약받지않고할수있었는데, 이제는군주들의허가를받으며세금을물어야했고시민으로서의권리도행사하지못했다. 따라서지주나군주등지배계급에대한이들의원성과불만은점점팽배해졌다. 당시세속제후직을겸한교회의고위성직자들도많은농지를소유하고있었다. 따라서정치적으로억눌리고경제적으로시달리며사회적으로소외된프롤레타리아계층은사회지배계급과함께교회를불의의원인으로원망하였다. 가난한교회의가난한봉사자로서가아니라세속권력가로서의신분에더어울리는인물들이교회의사목자로군림하고있는상황에서개혁의필요성은다양한계층에서요구되었다. 이제는잃어버릴것이더이상아무것도없는도시의하층민과농민들은상황이어떻게전개되든지사회질서가변화되는것만이자기들이살아나갈유일한희망으로생각하였다. 풍선안에한없이공기를주입시킬수는없다. 한계를넘으면터지게마련이듯이, 인구의대부분을차지한하층민들의불만은이미대변혁의화약고에불을붙이려는태세를갖추고그기회를기다리고있었다. 역사란우연히한사람의영웅호걸에의해서이루어지지않고, 복합적인여러요인과익명의수많은사람들에의해서준비되어진행된다. 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동 9
2. 종교개혁의지성적배경 1) 가톨릭인문주의자로테르담의에라스무스 인문주의자들의왕자로일컬어지는에라스무스는수도자요사제로서고대문학에대한열광자였다. 그의가장유명한작품인 미련함의찬미 (Laus Stultitiae, 1511) 에서에라스무스는세상의어리석음에대하여말하였다. 그는교회고위성직자들의교만함, 교회와신앙생활의폐해, 사회모든계층의부도덕함과모순등을신랄한풍자로비판하였다. 모든것을포기하고주님을따른베드로사도의후계자인교종이도처에많은재산을가지고, 또그세속적인재산을지키기위하여세속적인무기를쓰는비복음적인생활을하는것을고발하였다. 이에앞서쓴 그리스도병사 ( 兵士 ) 의소교본 ( 小敎本 )(Enchiridion militis christiani, 1504) 에서성직자들의무지, 탐욕, 부패, 미신적인신심행위를통박하였다. 그러나이책의근본정신은교회의전통적인보화, 즉복음정신과초기그리스도인들의정신에로돌아가자는것이다. 그의모든작품을통하여드러난의도는종교와문화를정화하여인류를새롭게태어나게하려는것이었다. 무엇보다도성경의원전을그대로읽고올바르게해석하도록노력한교부들처럼원천에로돌아감으로써신학을새롭게하고자하였다. 그는신학의유일한목표가그리스도를발견하는것뿐이라고생각했고인간을회개시키는데아무런기여도하지않는촛점없는토론에시간을할애할생각이없었다. 그리고교회가전통의이름으로보존하고있는여러관습들가운데본질적인요소가아닌것을과감히폐지해야한다고강조하였다. 그러나복음의핵심을손상시켜서는안된다고하였다. 폐해는제거되어야한다. 그러나그리스도교신앙의요소가침해되어서는안된다. 또종교가지난많은과오로부터정화된영적인종교에로의귀환이필요하며, 고대작가들가운데서발견된모든좋은것들을기꺼이받아들이도록권유하였다. 그는평화를수호하는데대단한열성을보였다. 그리스도인들이서로싸운다는것은대단히수치스러운일이다. 그리스도인들의결속은불화를중재하여정의를구현하고평화를도모하는데그힘을발휘케하여야한다. 문제의해결을위해서폭력을사용하는것은어느상황에서나올바르지못하다는것이다. 그래서이단으로단죄된사람들에게도폭력을사용하지말고더이상확산되지않도록고립을시키며시간을두고기다리는관용을요구하였다. 옛전통의가치를무차별적으로거부하며폭력으로자신들의주장을강요하는개혁파도거부하며, 동시에전통의비본질적인타성화된관습을수호하려는가톨릭의독선도질책하였다. 결국평화를위한그의중도 ( 中道 ) 적인태도가양측모두로부터비난의대상이되었다. 그러나에라스무스는교회의평화로운개혁을원하는모든사람들에게영향을미쳤다. 성경의정신에입각한그의개혁안은열광적인지지를받았다. 이러한상황에서마르틴루터가등장하였다. 에라스무스는라이프찌히종교토론회이후루터에게관심을가지며그를같은인문주의자로여겨그를격려하였다. 그러나처음에루터의교회개혁에대한열망을호의적으로받아들였지만, 루터의유명론적회의론에의한신학사상과그의부적절한처신에등을돌리게되었다. 그는 자유의지론 (1524) 에서자연과이성 ( 異性 ) 에대한루터의신학사상을비판하였다. 이때부터두사람사이의학문적인논쟁이시작되었고이논쟁을통하여서로의핵심을정확히파악할수있었다. 대부분의초기인문주의자들은에라스무스의노선을따르게되면서루터와는결별하게되었다. 10 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
에라스무스에대한평가도역시찬반이엇갈리고있다. 평화로운해결을위한그의중재노력을높이평가하는가하면교리적인확신을갖추지못하고양측의눈치를살피면서기회주의적으로처신했다고평가하는사람도있다. 그러나그의저서전체를통하여드러난핵심사상은성서의가르침에충실하고초기그리스도교공동체정신으로돌아가서단순소박하게생활하면참된그리스도를만날수있는지혜를발견하게된다는것이다. 그는루터와같은분열의혁신보다는용서와화해를통한평화로운쇄신을추구하였다. 그의사상은본인의원의와상관없이후대개혁가들의기초를이루는데큰영향을끼쳤다. 2) 독일의인문주의와철학의영향독일의인문주의는대부분의요소가 15세기중엽이탈리아인문주의로부터비롯되었기때문에그경향이나방법대부분이이탈리아르네상스의중심지였던피렌체인문주의와거의비슷하였다. 물론프랑스나영국의인문주의영향을받기도하였지만, 이탈리아로부터유입되었기때문에결국은이탈리아인문주의의영향으로볼수있다. 인문주의가독일에소개될때, 처음에는스콜라주의로부터, 또는이교주의에로돌아가지않을까하는두려움때문에기존세력으로부터방해를받았다. 그러나이운동을지지하는단체나대학을통하여전파되었다. 초기에는고전적인시인들을모방하기위하여라틴어시 ( 詩 ) 에관심을가지고시와수사학연구를활발히하였으나이렇다할성공적인시인을배출하지는못했다. 다음에는희랍의고전이나성서와이스라엘의고전 ( 예 : 탈무드 ) 을더잘이해하기위하여희랍어와히브리어를연구하였다. 위와같은과정을거쳐독일의인문주의는민족주의적문화운동의성격을보이기시작하였다. 게르만족역사에관한폭넓은지식을추구하는과정에서금석문학 ( 金石文學 ) 과고고학이발달하였다. 이로인해민족주의적인의식을고취시키는데영향을끼치면서게르만족의고대와중세역사에관한저서와기타자료들을수집하여연구하는데몰두하였다. 독일의고대나중세역사와그역사상의인물들에대하여쓴 따치뚜스의게르마니아 란책이출간되었다. 또민족주의정신을불러일으키는데한몫을담당한 아르미니우스(Arminius) 의대화 라는작품이있는데종교개혁이고조된 1520년과 1529년에출판되었다. 이는아우구스투스 (Augustus) 와티베리우스 (Tiberius) 황제시대에로마제국에서반항하였던민족적인영웅을부각시키는내용이었다. 이책은투쟁의한상징으로제시되었는데, 이는당시로마와의투쟁을독일의민족적인거사로까지암시하였다. 따라서종교적인차원에서도로마교회와의투쟁은독일민족의자존심을세우는것으로여겼다. 위와같은분위기에서마르틴루터에게영향을끼친내용은다음과같다. 13세기에시작되어 16세기내내지속된라틴아베로이즈주의 (Latin Averroes) 인데이사상은하느님과하느님의섭리, 창조, 인간의행복과자유에대하여신앙의가르침과대조적으로설명하였다. 역시 13세기에시도된사상으로서, 아리스토텔레스철학과계시진리를종합하려는경향이루터의시대에도만연했었다. 즉아리스토텔레스적인철학이하느님에관해계시된진리를보다더잘이해할수있겠다는가능성을보여주었다. 그러나이러한시도는인간이포착할수없는계시의하느님, 무한하신하느님을한계가분명한감각적인범주안에가두어놓거나아 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동 11
리스토텔레스철학체계에한정지어버렸다. 즉절대자이신하느님그자체로서보다는형이상학적인유 ( 有 ) 로서하느님을해석하려고하였다. 역시정통적인신앙과배치되었다. 또루터에게많은영향을끼친사상은유명론 ( 唯名 F) 으로실재 ( 實在 ) 하는것은개체적인물질뿐이며보편 ( 普遍 ) 은존재하지않는다고주장함으로서명사론적 ( 名辭 F 的 ) 인식론에의거하여일체를극단적인회의론으로몰고갔다. 이로인해초감각적이고초논리적인신학적인요소까지도변증법적인방법론에입각하여경험적이고실증적으로해석하려하였다. 이러한사상은신앙과이성의분리를재촉하였다. 이성의검증을받지않은대상은계시가아닐뿐만아니라영혼의존재와영성 ( 靈性 ), 불멸성도인정될수없다고하였다. 극단적인이론은또다른극단의사상을잉태하게되는데, 가끔이두극단은하나로착각될수도있다. 이러한분위기에서이성으로써는신앙의대상을이해할수없다는절대적인신앙주의 (Fideismus Radicalis) 의경향으로흘러갔다. 이제는이성의검증이나외적인절차없이자기의지로써느끼는신앙을기준으로삼는주의설 ( 主意說 Voluntarismus) 적인신앙관의경향으로빠지게되었다. 이러한철학적인사상은후에루터사상에있어서 오직신앙만으로 (Sola Fide) 가기준으로설정되는데많은영향을끼쳤다고본다. 여기에서하느님은절대적인주님으로등장하여동그란사각형도그릴수있고선과악의한계도없어성인도지옥에보내실수있고, 반대로악인도천국에보낼수있다는극단적인주장을펴기도하였다. 따라서인간은그자체로의인이될수없고, 하느님께서의롭게보아주심으로의인인것처럼보일뿐이라고한다. 결국이러한인간의행위는별가치가없기때문에인간의공로도, 인간이성인이되는데별구실을할수도없다고한다. 이러한사상은루터에게있어서신앙유일주의나 오직은총만으로 (Sola Gratia) 라는개념으로드러났다고해석하기도한다. 루터의종교개혁은당시교회의타락에분개하여우연히일어난단순한사건만은아니다. 우연히일어난단순한사건은일시적으로진행되다끝나기마련이다. 그러나루터의종교개혁운동은그의철학적, 신학적인이론을바탕으로진행되었기때문에지속적으로발전되었다고볼수있다. 3. 종교개혁의신학적배경 1) 신학적논쟁의불확실성시대 프로테스탄트종교개혁이일어나기전인중세말기학계 ( 學界 ) 는불확실성의시대로특징지을수있다. 특히신학에서는이교적인사상이확산되기에적합한여건이성숙되어, 신학의모든문제에있어불확실하고불안하고혼란스러운분위기가팽배해있었다. 교의적으로이미정의 ( 定義 ) 된내용과연구검토의대상사이의한계가무시되었다. 천수백년동안정통적으로신앙의본질적인요소로존중되어온성전 ( 聖傳 ) 의요체까지포함하여신학의모든내용들을소위합리적이고논리적인방법에의한논쟁거리로삼았다. 물론연구의대상으로삼는학문적태도자체를비판하려는것은아니다. 그러나학문의대상에따라그방법론도달라져야하기때문에, 그러한태도는논쟁의차원과한계를이탈한비합리적인자세라는것이다. 위와같은분위기에서신앙에관한교종의교서나칙서, 교부들의저서와공의회의결정을통하여우리에게까지전해진교회의거룩한전통에의한교회의교도권을거부하기시작하였다. 이미보헤미아지방에서위클리프에의해확산된이단적인사상의영향으로성경을신앙 12 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
의유일하고가장기본적인규범으로내세우며, 성경에명시적으로준거하지않는한, 교도권의무류성을인정할수없다고보았고, 따라서유일하게참된으뜸이신예수그리스도이외에어떠한사람의권위도인정할수없다며교종의수위권 ( 首位權 ) 을소위제국적 ( 帝國的 ) 인제도의산물로비판하면서교종의권위는마땅히거부되어야한다고주장하였다. 또한만일성경에명확히규정되어있지않다면교종의재치권 ( 裁治權 ) 도그에대한순명서약도무효라고주장하였다. 그리고만일어떤신도가성경의말씀으로부터확신을가지고있다면, 공의회의결정에순명할의무가없다고도하였다. 사실복음은일차적으로는그시대, 그지역사람들을대상으로또그들을위해서선포된하느님의말씀이며, 후대의사람들은하느님말씀의본래의뜻과정신에따라자신들의시대와지역상황에맞추어알맞게적용시킬수있다. 하느님의말씀이선포된그시대는현대에비교하여정치, 경제, 사회, 문화적으로단순했다고볼수있다. 따라서인간의모든삶이단순했던그시대, 그지역사람들을위하여선포된하느님의말씀이 2,3백년후, 1천4,5백년후혹은인류역사상가장다변화된현대의구체적인사항을구체적으로지도하기위함은아니었다. 오직성경만으로 (Sola Scriptura) 를시대와지역의특수성을무시한채흑백논리의기준으로만독선적으로고집할때, 하느님의말씀을박물관의골동품으로전락시키면서시공을초월하시는성령의역사 ( 役事 ) 하심을거부하는위험을초래할수도있지않을까? 2) 루터에게영향을미친신학자 (1) 베쎌의요한루크라트 (Johann Ruchratvon Wessel 1400/2-1481) 는에르푸르트 (Erfurt) 에서공부하였고그곳에서가르쳤으며학장으로재직하였다. 그는보름스 (Worms) 와마인쯔 (Mainz) 에서설교가로활동하였었는데그의사상이교회의가르침과어긋난다고고발당한후에는공적으로자신의입장을철회하였고, 그가소속된아우구스띠노수도원에서감금된적도있었다. 그의사상이루터의스승인우신겐 (Usingen) 에의해소개되었는데, 그의교회론에의하면교회는구원에필요한신앙과도덕의진리에서무류성을보증하는성령에의한비가시적이고비제도적인차원에서사랑으로일치된신도들의공동체이다. 또한그는교종이더이상그리스도의대리자도아니고, 교황과공의회는윤리적인죄에대한벌을부과할수도없으며, 하느님만용서할수있기때문에사죄권 ( 赦罪權 ) 도행사할수없다고주장하였다. 그에따르면성사적인사죄 ( 聖事的赦罪 ) 는선언적인가치만있을뿐이고성경에그근거가없는대사 ( 大赦 ) 는선행을돈거래로전락시켰을뿐이다. 요한루크라트는신학적논쟁의유일한근거를성경에한정시킴으로써성경제일주의를주장하였다. 교의적이거나전례적인분야에있어서도성경에명시적으로언급되어있지않으면받아들일수없다고주장하였다. 성인들에대한경신례나성체성사에서의실체변화, 병자성사등은그리스도께서직접언급하신일이없는, 단지후대사람들이자의적으로꾸며낸제도이기때문에무가치하다고함으로써그는후스파의사상을대변한것처럼보였다. (2) 요한네스베쎌간스포르트 (Johannes Wessel Gansfort, 1419?-1488) 는네델란드의그로닌겐 (Groningen) 출신의평신도로서쾰른에서는토미즘을공부했고파리에서는둔스스코투스의추종자였다가후에는유명론자가되었다. 그는교회론에서하느님의말씀을성도들에게선포하는의무를충실히하는한교계제도를받아들이지만교종과공의회의무류지권 ( 無謬之權 ) 은거부하였다. 이러한입장에서신앙적인문제에있어교회의권위에순명해야할의무를 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동 13
인정하지않았다. 고위성직자와일반성직자의가르침을판단하기위한기준은각자가주관적으로이해하는성경이라고하였다. 그역시성경제일주의의경향을보이고있는것이다. 또한죄는참회와애덕행위로지워질수있으니, 사제의사죄는선언적인의미만있을뿐이라고주장하였다. 결과적으로그는성사적효과와대사, 연옥등도거부하였다. 한편신앙과의화의개념, 자유로운인간과의화를위한인간편에서의협력의능력, 성서와공존하는성전 ( 聖傳 ) 을인정하는것을볼때에, 그는루터와차이를보이고있기는하다. 그러나비록루터가그의모든사상을전적으로받아들였다고는할수없다하더라도, 루터가그의교회론과성사론의많은부분을받아들였다는점은분명하다. 3) 공의회주의소수이긴하지만일부신학자들과교회법학자들은, 교회가당면한긴박한문제를해결하는최후의유일한수단으로서교회에서이미공적으로거부한극단적공의회주의를검토하곤하였다. 인간적지혜를필요로하는문제해결을위하여다수의의견을집약할필요가있을경우에민주주의적인다수결의방법이고려될수가있다. 그러나다수결에의한결정이모두문제를해결하는데절대적인최상책이될수는없다. 문제의본질에따라해결방안이달라질수밖에없기때문이다. 우주선에대하여전혀상식조차없는사람들끼리모여서우주선의항로를다수결에의한표결로결정한다고해서그결과를신뢰할수있겠는가? 창공을날아가고있는새의암수를다수결의표결로결정할수있겠는가? 교회는성경과성전 ( 聖傳 ) 의가르침에따라교회의합법적인권위로신앙에관한계시진리를순수하게보존하고가르칠사명을예수그리스도로부터받았다. 물론신앙의본질을훼손하지않고상황에맞게그정신을구현하는구체적인방안에대해서는인간적인지혜가필요하며, 경우에따라서는많은사람들의의견을수렴해야할것이다. 이에대한판단은해당문제에대한전문가들의자문을받고있는교회의합법적인권위를가진교회의최고장상에게유보되어있다. 공의회주의와같은극단론이마르띠노 5세 (1417-1431) 교종으로부터에우제니오 4세 (1431-1447), 비오 2세 (1458-1464), 식스도 4세 (1471-1484), 율리오 2세 (1503-1513) 등여러교종들로부터여러번거부되었지만, 교회가심각한위기에처할때마다공의회주의적발상이그해결방안으로제시되곤하였다. 신학적인문제, 교회의분열, 교회의쇄신에대한중차대한문제가발생할때교종에게비교적충실하다는신학자들도문제해결의최후수단으로공의회개최를제안하였다. 이러한제안은결국교회쇄신이나당면한문제해결에대한교종청의무기력한대응에서비롯되었다고볼수도있다. 그러나공의회가이해관계가상반된당사자들의정략적인토론장이되어본질에서벗어나파격적인결과를가져올수도있다는우려도있었기때문에공의회개최를회피하거나자주연기하였다. 이러한상황에서루터도문제해결을위해공의회소집을요구하였던것이다. 4) 수덕신학적영향루터의신학에영향을준신학자중지나칠수없는인물이있으니, 그가바로요한네스타울러 (Johannes Tauler, 1300-1361) 이다. 그는도미니꼬수도회회원이었고, 신앙의우위성을적극적으로강조하고성사신학 ( 聖事神學 ) 을비판한신비주의자, 그리고루터의선구자로간 14 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
주된엑크하르트 (Meister Eckhart 1260-1327) 의제자로서, 유명한설교가이자영성지도자였다. 그는수덕적인면에서감성 ( 感性 ) 을정화하기위하여모든면에있어하느님의뜻에절대적으로복종하라고지도하였다. 만일하느님이원하신다면지옥의영원한벌까지도기꺼이받아들여야한다고말하였다. 감성에있어서완전히정화된그리스도인이그러한경지의자세에이르기위해서는자신의능동적인활동을포기하고순수하게수동적인자세에서하느님의역사 ( 役事 ) 하심에자신을맡겨야한다고주장하였다. 이러한그의가르침의영향은루터의영성신학안에서다음과같은면으로나타난다. 모든것을역사 ( 役事 ) 하시는하느님의무한한위대하심앞에인간은아무것도아니다. 아무것도아닌인간의소위 영웅적이고희생적인 행위역시큰가치가없다는것이다. 따라서인간의외적행위는무가치하고, 공로의의미도희미해질수밖에없게되었다. 오로지하느님의자비에무한한신뢰심을가지고고난이있을때그리스도께피신할뿐이다. 위와같은사상은성아우구스띠노가인간원죄 ( 原罪 ) 의결과에대해 오! 복된탓이여 (O! Felix Culpa) 라고말했던것에서나타나는긍정적관점이아니라, 비관적인관점에서비롯되었다고볼수있다. 요한네스타울러는이러한상황을타개하기위하여그리스도안에서온전히변화되어야한다고가르쳤다. 이를위하여영원한생명을얻기에필요한선행을하며교회의권위있는가르침에순명하는엄격한수덕생활을요구하였다. 루터의수도생활초기에는이러한가르침을받아들였지만, 후에는이를더이상인정하지않았다. 타울러는신앙을위한신비적인체험을추구하는입장이었는데, 루터는하느님에대한합리적이고유추적 ( 類椎的 ) 인인식을과소평가하면서유명론적 ( 唯名 F 的 ) 인신앙절대론으로기울었다. 14세기후반부터보다복음적이고실존적인그리스도인생활을추구하는운동이일어났는데, 이것은특히근대적신심 (Devotio Moderna) 과인문주의에서뚜렷이나타나는것으로서, 마술적인성사주의 ( 聖事主義 ) 나의심쩍은외적인신심형태에대한반작용으로내적이고성경적이며윤리적이고실존적인신앙생활을극단적인자세로추구하는경향을띠었다. 4. 교회내부의상황 이시대의교회모습을가장적절하게드러낸표현은 총체적인위기 가아닌가생각한다. 니콜라오 5세 (Nicoholas, 1447-1455) 에서시작하여레오 10세 (Leo, 1513-1521) 에이르는 10명의르네상스시대교종들은갈릴레아의가난한어부였던베드로사도로부터위임된최고의착한목자로서의사명보다는족벌주의적인가문의세력확장과자신의업적이나명예를드러내는데더열중하였다. 따라서영적지도자로서의사명도, 교회를쇄신하고보호해야하는최고행정가로서의역할도제대로수행하지못했다. 종교개혁의진원지인독일교회는전영토의 1/3을소유할정도로아주부유한세력으로군림하였다. 또고위성직자들가운데 50명의주교들, 26명의남자수도원장, 18명의여자수도원장들이봉건제후들이었다. 이주교들가운데 3명은황제를선출하는선제후 ( 選 h 候 ) 였고 1명은총리였다. 즉독일에서교회는부와권력을동시에지닌권좌에있었다. 따라서세속제후들은가문의세력을확장하고강화하기위하여자기아들들을모든수단방법가리지않고주교좌에앉히기위하여투쟁도불사하였다. 이러한동기와목표로주교직에오른그아들들이사제적성소의식을가질리만무하였으며영성생활이나사목활동에열성을보이지않은것도당연했다. 이들은목자로서의주교직보다는부와권력을누리는제후의권좌가 1차적인중심이었다. 따라서세속제후들과마찬가지 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동 15
로사냥축제, 향연, 마상 ( 馬上 ) 시합등으로세월을보내고비윤리적인생활을하면서, 독신생활을지키지않기일쑤였다. 대성당의참사회원과막대한성직록을받는중급성직자들의자리도대개는귀족자제들의몫이었다. 역시이들에게도목자로서의신분에어울리는사제생활을기대하기어려웠다. 삶의형태가고위성직자들의생활과대동소이했다. 소위무산계급성직자라고도일컫는하급성직자들의상황은더욱심각하였다. 사제품을받는데요구되었던것은기초적인교리지식과라틴어독서능력이전부였다. 그리고이들은미사를봉헌하고성무일도를바치는단순한의무를가졌지만, 자기들이읽는라틴어내용을거의이해하지못하는사람들이많았다. 경제적으로비참했던이들에게성직자로서의모범적인윤리생활이나사목적열성을기대할형편이못되었다. 수도생활도예외가아니었다. 많은수도원들이엄격한심사도없이지원자들을받아들였고이들에대한영성수련과교육등, 양성에철저하지못했다. 규칙적인기도생활이나공동생활도없었고봉쇄구역 (clausura) 도있으나마나하여남녀구별없이자유롭게출입하는수도원도있었다. 또어떤수도자들은오랫동안수도원밖에서생활하기도하였다. 더구나수도원이경제적으로자립하지못하고대지주에게의존할경우그대지주가수도원장의임명에월권행위를할뿐만아니라때로는평신도가수도원장직을수행한경우도있었다. 위와같은위기의원인은무엇일까? 우선그내적원인으로는교회가그본연의사명과역할의한계를넘어세속권력과재물에깊숙이관여하여복음의본질에서벗어난것을지적할수있고, 외적인원인은, 이러한내적원인의결과라고할수있는데, 세속제후와귀족들의교회가지닌권력과재산을탐하여교회를정치적으로악용한결과교회의자율권이박탈당한것이라고할수있다. 이러한분위기에서고위성직자들의비-복음적이고비윤리적인생활이일반대중에게오랫동안묵인되었는데, 이는그들의역할이영신적인지도자로서보다는세속군주로서의역할이더중요하게부각되었기때문이다. 이러한상황에서사제직의가치는하락하였고성직자들에대한불신도고조되었다. 물론전교회가총체적으로타락했다고단정할수는없다. 교회의쇄신을위하여순교적인희생으로살신성인한성직자, 수도자, 평신도들도적지않았다. 당시 2백30여개의남자수도원과 17개의여자수도원을둔카르투시오수도회는개혁의필요성이없을정도로수도생활의본질적인소명에충실하였다. 서말밀가루반죽을부풀게하는누룩이나티끌만한겨자씨처럼하느님의뜻을충실히따르는소수의남은자들에의하여교회쇄신운동은이미시작되고있었다. 5. 마르틴루터교회교혁운동이후가톨릭교회의쇄신운동 루터의종교개혁운동의결과는유럽의정치, 경제, 사회, 문화, 특히그리스도교계에대단한변혁을초래하였다. 이후가톨릭교회에도오래전부터시작되었던쇄신을위한변화가더욱촉진되었는데, 이를가리켜 가톨릭개혁운동 이라고평가하는역사가들도있고 가톨릭의반 ( 反 ) 종교개혁운동 이라고부르는사람도있다. 루터의종교개혁운동이후가톨릭의변화가그자체의요구에서비롯되었는지, 아니면루터의종교개혁으로부터자극을받아야기된문제들을극복하기위해비롯되었는지는, 관점에따라서다르게평가되고있다. 어떤역사가는교회쇄신운동의필요성이여러계층에서요구되어 1400년대말이나 1500년대초에이미여러나라교회에서쇄신운동이시작되었지만다만그결과가미진하게드러나고있었을뿐이었다며쇄신운동의사례를구체적으로제시하고있기도하다. 16 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
종교개혁이후가톨릭교회쇄신운동의성격에대한논란은아직도계속되고있다. 그러나필자는루터의종교개혁운동이후에더욱가시화된가톨릭교회의여러운동들을 가톨릭쇄신운동 으로부르고자한다. 왜냐하면루터의종교개혁운동이후가톨릭의변화가보다적극적으로촉진된사실을부인할수는없으나, 루터의종교개혁이전부터이미가톨릭교회안에여러가지정화운동이시작되었고, 또루터의종교개혁운동이진행되는동안에도계속되었지만그정신과방법은달랐다. 즉기존의정신과제도자체를근본적으로거부하고송두리째뜯어고치는 변혁 을목표로삼거나루터의종교개혁을반대하기위해서가아니라초기교회의복음정신과수도회창설자의정신에더욱충실하며시대의필요에적응하는가톨릭내의쇄신에초점이맞추어져있었기때문이다. 예를들면루터와같은시대의사람이었지만이냐시오로욜라성인은교회의분열을통해서가아니라교회의전통적인정신과제도안에서자신으로부터시작한정화운동으로부터교회쇄신운동을 하느님의더큰영광을위하여 꾸준히전개하였다. 종교개혁을전후로한가톨릭교회에서시도된쇄신운동은평신도, 수도자, 교회의교계당국등교회의모든계층에서다양하게추진되었는데대략다음과같이정리해볼수있겠다. 무엇보다도가난한자와병자들을돕는애덕을실천하려는평신도들의활동이뚜렷하였다. 이들은애덕활동과성체신심을신앙생활의중심으로삼고이뜻에동참하는평신도들끼리단체를조직하였다. 이들의활동은시대의필요에부응하는결과였으니, 예를들면 1495년에발생하여대단히많은인명을앗아간페스트전염병이창궐하였을때죽음을무릅쓰고병자를간호하는애덕을실천하였다. 이들은매달고백성사를보며성체신심을돈독히하고공적으로하는애덕활동뿐만아니라개인적으로비밀리실천하는애덕행위도게을리하지않았다. 이러한활동을보다조직적이고영속적으로하기위하여이평신도회원들중어떤이들은준수도회를창설하여정식수도회로발전시키기도하였다. 특히 15,16세기에가난한자들과병자들에게봉사하는애덕활동의수도회들과가톨릭정신을체계적으로교육시키기위한교육수도회들이다른어느시대보다많이창설되었다는것은주목할만하다. 루터의종교개혁운동이전부터이미시작한오래된수도회들의쇄신운동의결과가대외적으로뚜렷이드러나지못했지만 16세기에와서더욱활성화되었다. 이수도회들은기존의회칙을폐기하고새로운회칙을만들거나제도를바꾸는것이목표가아니었다. 초기교회이후부터줄곧교회쇄신운동의근본정신이자가장확실한방법이었던 초기교회의복음정신으로, 창설자의정신으로 돌아가자는것이었다. 이들은기존의회칙에충실하기위하여청빈, 침묵, 봉쇄, 참회, 노동의생활을엄격하게준수하였다. 교회영성생활의꽃이자동시에최후의보루는역시수도생활이다. 교회역사를통해서우리가얻은교훈은수도회영성생활의상태가바로그시대의교회영성생활의현주소라는것이다. 성공적으로결실을맺은모든수도회들의쇄신운동의기본적인정신은 침묵과청빈의생활 을엄격히준수했다는것이다. 심지어는교종이지정한봉쇄생활을엄수하기위하여화재나수도자의긴박한병치료이외에는일체수도원담밖으로나갈수없도록하였다. 그동안세속생활에지나치게파묻혔던기존의수도회들이폐쇄적이라고까지오해할만큼세속과결별하는쇄신생활을추진하고있을때, 시대의필요에부응하기위하여사도직활동을목적으로하는여러수도회들이창설되었는데이들은가난한자와병든자들을돕고가톨릭신앙을사회깊숙이침투시키기위한교육활동을수도생활의중요한요소로선택하였다. 그러나이사도직수도자들에게도침묵과청빈생활은수도생활의본질적인요소였다. 오늘날한국교회의영성적인깊이는과연어느정도일까? 이에대한가장확실한대답은오늘날한국교회의수도회들이침묵과청빈생활에얼마나충실하고있는지에달려있다. 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동 17
교회당국자들에의해서도교회쇄신을위한구체적인계획들이시도되었었다. 즉교구장들은사제생활의쇄신을촉구하기위한교구회의를열어사제들이자기임지에상주하는의무를준수토록하며기존의여러가지특권의한계와규칙의예외적인경우를제한하며사목방문을자주하였다. 교종청에서도교회쇄신을위한공의회를열려고여러번계획하였으나, 당시교종권을위협하고있던공의회수위설과유럽의정치적인상황때문에교종들은망설이다가자주연기하였다. 사실당시교회쇄신운동을가장더디게추진하였던계층은교종청이었다고평가하는역사가들도있다. 6. 종교개혁운동의결과 프로테스탄트개혁운동결과, 교회와국가와의관계는 1054년가톨릭교회와결별한동방교회처럼, 프로테스탄트교회를국가에예속시켜국가의통제를받는소위 국가교회 를형성함으로써 로마로부터의해방 이세속권력에의예속으로귀착되었다. 그리고초기교회와중세의이단이나 1054년동방교회의대이교 ( 大離敎 ) 사건보다정치, 경제, 사회, 문화적으로훨씬더심각한문제를일으켰다. 중세시대에이슬람교도들의 성전 ( 聖戰 ) 으로그리스도교국가와이슬람국가로유럽의영토경계가확정되었듯이이제는나라에따라종교가구분되는현상이초래되었다. 영국과에투아니아를제외한발틱해연안국가, 프랑스를제외한알프스이북북유럽의대부분의국가들이프로테스탄트화되었다. 이렇게국가에따라종교적인분포가확정되면서종교적인바탕위에서일치되었던유럽의정치적인일치가무너져버렸다. 금세기에이르러유럽의여러나라가국가연합으로서의일치를모색하고있지만그동기와목표는국제정치사회에서확고한위치를확보하고경제적인이익을추구하는것이기때문에각국의실질적인이익이상충될때에는예측할수없는결과가나타날수도있을것이다. 즉국가와민족을초월한종교와높은도덕적인가치를바탕으로하는일치가이루어지지않으면국수주의적인국가이기주의로말미암아쉽게무너져버릴수있을것이다. 보편적인가치에바탕을두지않는관계는개별적인이익의상충으로언제든지깨질수있기때문이다. 인간관계에서도상대방의이용가치에따라선택될때, 그이용가치가소멸되면그인간관계가쉽게무너져버리는경우와비슷하다. 오늘날세계곳에서일어나고있는대부분의전쟁도결국도덕적인가치를바탕으로하는세계공동체건설보다는국가이기주의와지배욕에서더쉽게촉발되고있다. 어떤학자들은프로테스탄트개혁운동이그결과로써근대자본주의를촉진하였다고평가하는데, 특히각자에게맡겨진사명을강조한칼빈이신자들이그들에게맡겨진분야에서최선을다하도록강조했고엄격한도덕관에따라오락을금지하고소비를제한하면서자본을축적하도록했다고주장한다. 또다른학자들은프로테스탄트개혁운동이일어나기전에이미인간의존엄성을부각시키고개개인의활동을최대한으로보장해야한다고주장하던 1400년대르네상스시대부터, 혹은르네상스이전부터이미태동했다고주장하기도한다. 그러나여러학자들은프로테스탄트개혁운동이결과적으로근대자본주의형성에간접적으로라도기여했다는것을부정하기는어렵다고본다. 비록그이전에근대자본주의가이미태동되었다할지라도, 프로테스탄트운동이그것을적어도촉진시켰다고보아야한다는것이다. 한편다양한사회계층의조화를모색하고덜가진자들을옹호하면서더많이가진자들에게무제한적인자본축적을자제하도록촉구하면서이세상의출세와성공이반드시하느님의축복이고가 18 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
난하고실패한사람이바로하느님의저주를받은것이아니라는것이가톨릭교회의가르침이다. 한편프로테스탄트개혁운동은신자들의영성생활을활성화하고하느님의말씀을자주읽고말씀을실천하도록하는데에많은결실을가져왔다. 이미가톨릭쇄신운동이시작되었다고하지만, 그운동을더욱촉진시키는데에이개혁운동이간접적으로라도영향을미친것은사실이다. 신앙의고귀한유산은상대방을증오하는분열을통해서가아니라사랑과화해로서로를용서하고섬기는일치이어야한다. 사랑과정의와평화를설파하는세계적인종교들의발상지인예루살렘이세계적인전쟁의화약고가된현실은실로모순이아닐수없다. 우리는지금, 500년전특히루터의개혁운동이후, 사랑안에서일치를당부하시며이를위해서돌아가신바로그그리스도의이름으로서로를단죄하고저주하며잔인한전쟁까지불사하면서진행되었던종교개혁운동이낳은비극적인결과를, 마치도당연한것처럼고스란히우리자신의 유산 으로받아들였다. 그리스도그분이누구인지제대로알기도전에, 우리는왜 500년전에그것도우리가살고있는곳의반대편에서일어났던종교개혁의결과인분열을당연한현실로받아들여야하는가? 종파를떠나서우리가참으로그리스도의말씀에충실한제자라면터무니없는불신의묵은감정과선입견을버리고서로를그리스도의정신으로받아들이려는노력을구체적으로시도해야할것이다. 가톨릭의아주훌륭한사람과프로테스탄트의못된사람, 혹은반대로프로테스탄트의아주훌륭한사람과가톨릭의못된사람을비교하면서, 가톨릭과프로테스탄트각각의전체를평가하는편협한선입관도일치를저해하는자세이다. 서로가진심으로그리스도의사랑안에한형제라는마음으로일치하려는적극적인자세를가져야할것이다. 서방교회의일치운동의결과만을기다릴것이아니라우리나라의양교회에서구체적인일치운동을벌여세계교회에자극을줄수도있을것이다. 종교개혁운동으로분열된이후양교회는이제까지서로를용서하며받아들여일치하려는진솔한노력을기울이기보다는서로를단죄하며저주하는비-복음적인투쟁에더익숙해있었다. 다행히제2차바티칸공의회이후양교회가일치를위한대화를다시시작한것은참으로하느님의은혜가아닐수없다. 이제까지우리는양교회의내용이어떻게다른지확인하면서나와다른것은다틀린것으로폄하하는데익숙해져있었다. 7. 마르틴루터개혁 500 주년의교회사적의미와한국교회 마르틴루터교회개혁운동이후에열린트렌트공의회는루터의개혁운동에대한반박이아니라가톨릭교회의교의를재확인하며쇄신을촉진하는공의회였다. 그리고제2차바티칸공의회는트렌트공의회의마무리라고평가하는학자들도있다. 사실제2차바티칸공의회는대내외적으로역사적인큰의미와가치를남겼다. 이공의회로말미암아, 제1차바티칸공의회처럼유럽의선교주교단만이참석한것이아니라전세계의주교들이참석함으로써가톨릭교회가유럽문화의한부분이나종교로서가아니라세계교회로서의본모습을드러내는공식적인첫걸음을내딛게되었다. 그리고교회가근 400여년동안트렌트공의회의기본적인정신적토대위에서생활해왔는데, 이제2차바티칸공의회를기점으로역사의한시대를마감하고새로운시대를열게되었다. 제2차바티칸공의회는사목의쇄신을지향한사목적인공의회요개혁공의회였다. 16개의교령이발표되었지만교리결정은하나도없었다. 바울로 6세교종은요한 23세의공의회정 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동 19
신을계승하여공의회를이끌었다. 그래서그의성지순례여행 (1964,1.4-6) 에서동방교회총대주교들을만났고정교회의아테나고라스총대주교가바티칸을답례방문 (1967,10.26-28) 하는등교회일치를위하여구체적으로노력하였다. 그리고교회의현대세계적응을실천에옮기기위하여교회법개혁위원회, 전례개혁위원회, 매스미디어위원회등필요한조직을보강하였다. 이로써제2차바티칸공의회는교회를급변하는세계에서새로운과제와도전앞에서도록하였다. 교회내적으로는쇄신을, 새로운세계에는적응을추구하면서인류에게봉사하고, 이세계를하느님께봉헌해야하는사명을깨닫게되었다. 쇄신과적응 (Aggiornamento) 은제2차바티칸공의회전회기를이끌어온기본적인정신이었다. 성인과악인이공존하는교회는항상쇄신되어야하며 시대의징표 (Signum temporis) 를깨닫고현대세계에적응하도록깨어있어야할것이다. 하느님의아드님이인간을구하고자인간으로강생하셨듯이, 교회도그시대의사람들에게하느님나라의기쁜소식을선포하기위하여교회의본성을훼손하지않고그시대와지역의문화에 강생 해야할것이며, 여기에그리스도교토착화의원리가있지않을까생각한다. 한국천주교회는쇄신과적응이라는제2차바티칸공의회의정신을얼마나구현하고있는지? 오늘날우리민족과국가가가장필요로하는우리교회의역할, 즉 시대의징표 를정확하게이해하고있는가? 2,000여년교회역사에서성직자, 수도자들의 복음적청빈 은항상쇄신의첫목표였다. 세속적인명예나터무니없는권위에연연해하는것도결국은청빈의정신에서멀어져있기때문이아닐까? 제2차바티칸공의회를훌륭히마무리하고이정신으로교회를쇄신하고자전력하면서어느누구보다도많은고통을당하였던바울로 6세교종의장례식장면은지금도눈에선할정도로아주감동적이었다. 주님의거룩한변모축일에주님께돌아간그분은생전에자신의장례식을아주검소하게치르도록유언하였을뿐만아니라무덤까지도아주소박하게하도록당부하셨다고한다. 그래서고인의뜻을존중하여로마의베드로대성전광장바닥에양탄자한장을깔아그위에아무런칠도하지않은생나무관 ( 棺 ) 을안치하고, 그관위에성경한권만을펴놓은상태에서장례식을치렀다. 관위에펴놓은성경의책장들이간간히바람에넘겨지는데그주위에서추기경들을비롯한고위성직자들, 조문객으로파견된각국의원수들, 아직도현존하는일부왕국들의왕들과왕비들, 그리고성직자, 수도자, 평신도들이고인의영원한안식을위하여기도하는고별의식을보면서깊은감명을받았었다. 베드로대성전지하에안치된그분의무덤역시고인의뜻을받들어다른어느교종들의무덤과는달리평장 ( 平葬 ) 으로그주위에아무런장식도없고꽃이나화환도일체놓지않았다. 그러나그분의무덤을참배할때마다공간적으로텅비어있는무덤주위가그분의청빈 ( 淸貧 ) 의부 ( 富 ) 로, 그분의성덕으로, 그리고그분의잔잔한미소로가득차있음을느끼곤하였다. 어쩌면그분의간소한장례식과소박한무덤은제2차바티칸공의회의정신을결산하여오늘의교회가쇄신되어야할본모습을가장확실한언어로당부하신것이아닐까? 가난한교회의가난한봉사자로서의삶을지상 ( 至上 ) 의보람과기쁨으로받아들이는성직자, 수도자들이현대세계의풍요로운물질문명의위기를극복하는예언자이아닐까? 사제들은자진하여가난함을택하도록불리었으며 [ ] 사제관은누구라도쉽게가까이할수있어야하며비록비천한사람이라도누구나부끄러움없이방문할수있어야한다 ( 사제의직무와생화에관한교령, 17) 는공의회의당부는바로나자신에게해당되는것이아닌가! 20 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
제3천년기를바라보면서가톨릭교회는성령께서우리시대에꼭필요한프란치스코교종을통해새로운복음의메시지를불러일으키고계시다고확신한다. 프란치스코교종이종교와인종과이념과사상을넘어모든사람들의희망의등대로존경받는이유는, 예수그리스도께서가장사랑하시고아끼셨던가난한자, 병든자, 소외계층에대한프란치스코교종님의진실한사랑과배려, 그리고반복음적인불의에대한용기있는가르침에서비롯된다고생각한다. 복음의정신과교회의정통적인가르침에따른프란치스코교종님의이삶에서비롯되었다고생각한다. 우리도복음의정신과교회의거룩한전통에입각한프란치스코교종님의삶을구체적으로따르며겸허한기도와성실한노력으로주님께전적으로의탁한삶에매진할수있기를바란다. 이제는한국의천주교와개신교가무엇이다른가에초점을맞추기보다는우선신앙의공통유산이무엇인지공유하면서복음의말씀을함께묵상하고함께기도하며실천하는일부터구체적으로시작할수있기를바란다. 아버지, 이사람들이모두하나가되게하여주십시오. ( 요한 18,21) 가톨릭교회입장에서본루터개혁운동 21
22 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
SessionⅠ Reformare ad Renovationem
24 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
In Search of Episcope: Who Speaks for the Church? Thomas BUCKLEY Jesuit School of Theology of Santa Clara University, U.S.A. The Reformation of the sixteenth century was an extraordinary event in western history. With good reason, some would say that it was the most important event during the second millennium of Christian history. It completed the destruction of Christendom that had begun with the great schism of 1054 that divided the Catholic Church from the Orthodox. Moreover historians now appreciate more fully that what we call The Reformation was not a single event, but rather multiple reformations over time in different places. 1) Though there are similarities, each of them must be taken on its own terms. What Henry VIII chose to do in England from the top down, for example, turned out quite differently from anything that happened on the continent no matter what Lutheran rumbles were heard in the Cambridge coffeehouses. Dating its origins has also been fodder for historians. Do we start with John Hus of Bohemia who was condemned as a heretic and burnt at the stake at the Council of Constance in 1415? Or earlier in the fourteenth century with the English priest John Wycliffe who influenced Hus but died in bed under the protection of the nobleman, John of Gaunt? Martin Luther offers a better starting point because, unlike the works of Wycliffe and Hus, his writings set Germany ablaze and influenced reformers in other countries and particularly in Scandinavia. Moreover, Luther s challenge to ecclesiastical authority with his insistence on sola scriptura helped to define a central issue of the Reformation era: Where was episkope (oversight) to be found? Who could speak for the Church? Those are also lively issues today within the churches as well as on the ecumenical front. Twenty-five years ago the Anglican Communion wrestled with the meaning of Episcope as it considered ordaining women bishops. Just this past month, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops and leaders of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America produced an extraordinary document entitled Declaration On the Way: Church, Ministry and Eucharist that emphasized the importance of episkope for both Lutherans and Catholics in the quest for church unity. 2) I would like to explore that issue at the outset of the Reformation. 1) See, for example, Eire, Reformations. Complete citations are in the bibliography on the last page of this paper. 2) See Raymond E. Brown, Episkope and Episkopos : The New Testament Evidence, Theological Studies, 41 (June 1980): 422-439; Anglican Communion, Report of Archbishops Group. In Search of Episcope 25
So let us begin with Martin Luther. In January 1521 the newly crowned Holy Roman Emperor Charles V opened a diet, a meeting of the Estates of his empire, to deal with the challenge posed by this Augustinian friar to the doctrine, praxis, and polity of the Catholic Church. When his theses had been published four years earlier, Luther s challenge had not appeared to be so sweeping. Posting a thesis was the way in which one invited an academic conversation or debate on a subject of interest, and Luther was a professor of theology at the new University of Wittenberg in Saxony. His ninety-five theses, written in Latin in 1517, questioned the Church s practice of indulgences; that is, that in various ways one could make satisfaction for one s own sins or for those of someone else and in this way restore that which sin had taken away and avoid time in Purgatory after death. The Church, by virtue of its authority to bind and loose, could apply the merits of Christ and the saints to remove the temporal punishment due to sin. Indulgences were part of the penitential practice and church teaching from early centuries, but no mature doctrine existed. Notice how this took place in an extremely legalistic culture. And even Catholic commentators acknowledged that abuses and excesses existed. But debating indulgences raised two deeper issues: the first was the question of human initiative in the matter of salvation. What, if anything, can one do to insure the salvation of one s soul? Was there any room for human initiative? Scholastic theologians argued that one could do something to assist the process, one could cooperate with God s grace in doing good works and so merit salvation. 3) Certainly by this time if not years earlier, Luther s study of scripture had convinced him that salvation (justification) came from faith alone and not from piling up merit in heaven by good works such as prayers, fasting, pilgrimages, almsgiving and the like. Justification was not the result of something one earns or does, but something one receives from God as pure gift. One of his gifted Wittenberg friends, the artist Lucas Cranach, later depicted the alternative theologies in his painting entitled Law and Gospel. Cranach would become the major artistic publicist for Lutheran thought. Closely related to this issue of how one was saved was a second problem: the authority of the Roman Pontiff, the pope and bishop of Rome. To rebuild St. Peter s basilica in Rome, the pope had authorized an indulgence a certain amount of time off from Purgatory to be gained by anyone who recited certain prayers and contributed money to the building project. A zealous Dominican friar, John Tetzel, was enthusiastically preaching the indulgence in the Germany states. Luther was outraged, and in his ninety-five theses he rejected the whole idea that the pope had authority to release anyone from Purgatory. So the Reformation began with a challenge to the authority of the Roman Pontiff. Papal authority had been challenged before. But mainly those had been jurisdictional issues. Luther s challenge involved church doctrine, and secondarily, traditional church practices. In Rome the Medici pope Leo X wanted the whole business smoothed over, but in Germany Tetzel struck back in 1518 with two 3) Good summary in Lindberg, 64-65. 26 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
sets of theses attacking Luther and defending indulgences. Other voices now joined the fray on both sides. Luther attempted to explain his position directly to Leo. In his Explanations that he sent to Rome, he told the pope, Whatever you decide, I will treat your voce at the voice of Christ speaking and presiding in you. 4) Translated from Latin into German, Luther s theses created a sensation in the Empire and quickly gave him celebrity status. Indulgences were not handled this way in France or England. Their monarchs would never have allowed that flow of money out of their kingdoms. To Germans who resented their position as the papacy s cash cow the Augustinian friar became a national hero. Over the next year and a half Luther faced three major encounters: first at Heidelberg before his fellow Augustinians, then at Augsburg with Cardinal Thomas Cajetan, and finally at Leipzig with John Eck. With each of these meetings, Luther s challenge to church teaching and church authority deepened. Together they shifted the focus from indulgences to papal authority. Luther s supporters helped push the agenda. One can trace the theological development in the publicity that surrounded Luther s challenge. These are useful primary sources in the confrontation as it developed. Cranach became an early publicist for Luther s theological positions and helped to spread the word through his woodcuts and engravings. So, for example: The Fuhrwagon(1519): One of the earliest pieces of Reformation propaganda, this appeared before the Leipsig Disputation with Eck and attacked the scholastic theologians. The top frame depicts the wagon of Luther s followers heading toward Christ, though the devil is attempting to block the wheels. In the bottom frame the wagon of the scholastic theologians is heading straight to hell, its wheels greased by the theology of doing one s best, that is, trying to earn merit for heaven. In this woodcut from the mid-1520s, Cranach sought to illustrate the fundamental differences between the theology of the Catholic Church and that of Luther and his followers. Like many other such broad sheets, the argument is conveyed through visual parallelism and contrast. The panel on the left depicts the world of Luther s preaching, the right-hand panel its Catholic counterpart. A scroll of text unfolds from God the Father through the other personae of the Trinity straight to Luther; it reads There is only one mediator. I am the way. Behold, this is the Lamb of God. Jesus, in prayer, says to God: Father, I sanctify you, I sanctify and sacrifice myself for you. On Luther s pulpit are inscribed the words All the prophets witness to this one--that there is no other name under heaven [by which we can be saved], Acts 4:10. In the foreground is Luther s protector, Elector John of Saxony. Luther s audience consists of ordinary lay people. To the left, a man and woman receive communion in both kinds, bread and wine. Luther s counterpart in the right-hand panel is an unidentified priest preaching to a gathering of churchmen--bishops, cardinals, monks, doctors of theology. A demon is blowing air into the preacher s ear, prompting him to say "Behold, before you lie many Roman Catholic, not heretical, paths to salvation; you 4) Quoted in Scott H. Hendrix, Martin Luther: Visionary Reformer (Yale, 2015), 66. In Search of Episcope 27
can come easily to glory." A pilgrimage is visible in the background; a mass is celebrated to the right, but no one is hearing it. In the right foreground, the pope sells indulgences, holding a sign that reads "When a coins drops, a soul flies to heaven." From heaven, God and Saint Francis observe the scene in dismay. While Cranach busily designed his woodcuts, Luther was writing German tracts on popular religious subjects as well as more academic theology. His press output in Germany was prodigious. His little book entitled Good Works appeared in the spring of 1520 and was followed quickly by The Papacy at Rome which suggested that the pope might in fact be the Anti-Christ. By that time the July debate with Eck was over. He had accused Luther of being a follower of John Hus. Luther called for Hus s writings, and after perusing them and the conciliar decrees for a few days, announced that much of what Hus had written was truly Christian and evangelical and that Constance had condemned him unjustly. So not just the popes, but also Councils, could be in error. By the Leipzig debate with Eck Luther had concluded that only scripture could teach Christian truth authoritatively. This challenged not just church doctrine but the whole way in which the Church had developed its teaching over almost 1400 years. 5) Early Church history is instructive in this respect. In the past, when a serious issue or conflict over doctrine had surfaced, the traditional way to treat it had been to convoke a council, a general meeting of the Church s bishops. By the end of the second century they were universally recognized as the successors of the apostles. The Bishop of Rome was regarded as the successor of St. Peter who, according to the scriptures, had been designated as the head of the apostles by Christ and according to well-founded tradition had been martyred in Rome, would preside either personally or through his delegates over these councils. We first find something like a council in chapter fifteen of the Acts of the Apostles, a New Testament book that traces the history of the Church immediately following the Resurrection. It was composed by Luke the Evangelist who also wrote a Gospel. The first major issue the early Church faced as it expanded was whether non-jews could become Christians and, if so, did they have to become Jews also, that is, observe the Torah and submit males to circumcision. The book of Acts recounts a meeting of Paul and Barnabas with leaders of the church in Jerusalem that settled that issue. Later, in the fourth century two decades after Emperor Constantine ended the Christian persecution, he summoned the bishops to settle the Arian controversy at the First Council of Nicaea (325) which formulated the Nicene Creed. That council defined the equality of God the Father and Christ, his son. It taught that Jesus was of the same substance as the Father and not just merely similar and so repudiated Arianism. By defining the nature of the divinity of Jesus, the council did not solely rely on the Bible but jointly gave it a binding interpretation. Nicaea was followed by the first Council of Constantinople(381) which defined the divinity of the Holy Spirit, a doctrine derived from but not defined in the Bible. Thus 5) For Luther s attitude toward the papacy at this juncture, see Hamm, Early Luther, ch. 7. 28 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
the Council interpreted the apostolic tradition. Then at the Council of Ephesus (431) the bishops rejected Nestorianism, the teaching that the human and divine natures of Christ were separate. That Council proclaimed the Virgin Mary as the Theotokos (Mother of God). Two decades later the Council of Chalcedon (451) defined the two natures of Jesus Christ, that is, that Jesus was both fully divine and fully human. Notice how these early councils, which were called to define Church teaching against perceived heretics like Arius and Nestorius, authoritatively interpreted both scripture and the early church s traditions. Other councils followed, in the East and then in the West. In the Middle Ages they were increasingly used to settle Church practice (e.g. legislate celibacy, require annual communion and confession etc.) and then to deal with matters of schism (East-West Schism of 1054) and the Great Western Schism (Constance 1415). In these councils we see emerging over more than a millennium the Church s Magisterium, an accepted teaching authority headed by the Bishop of Rome (Pope) and the bishops in communion (union) with him. The magisterium based its teaching on scripture and tradition (e.g. the teachings of the fathers of the Church; the teaching of the Church s early synods and councils). To go against the Church s teaching was to move into heresy. That was the charge leveled against John Hus at Constance, and against Luther in 1520. Realizing that he would not be defended by ecclesiastical authorities, Luther fell back on his lay supporters. In his Address to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian Estate he rejected the distinction between clergy and laity in favor of the priesthood of all believers and proposed a list of church reforms that he urged the laity to inaugurate. Then, writing furiously that same year, his treatise on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church attacked Catholic teaching that the mass was a sacrifice and that grace was mediated through the sacraments. He reduced them from seven to two: Baptism and Eucharist. His final literary work that year was The Freedom of the Christian Man. A lament over the decline of Christianity in Europe, it dealt with the life of faith. Only faith in the word of Christ can justify a man; nevertheless, Christian freedom should produce not idleness but genuine good works. Luther s writings were gobbled up by his German admirers, lay and clerical, who offered a groundswell of support for a German theologian who would stand up to Rome. That posture was all the more necessary after the publication in June 1520 of Exsurge Domine, a papal document condemning Luther and his writings and threatening him with excommunication. The historian Michael Mullett proposes that the ferocity of Luther s assault was due to his awareness of this impending condemnation by Rome. 6) Exsurge Domine gave Luther sixty days to recant or be condemned. On the day that period of grace ended, December 10, 1520, Luther with his chief supporter, Philip Melanchthon, and the faculty and students of Wittenberg University went out of the town to the Elbe River 6) Mullett, Martin Luther, 144-45. In Search of Episcope 29
and burned not only the papal bull but also the Code of Canon Law, a guide to confessional practice for priests, and various other publications to which he objected. Early in January 1521 Leo X pronounced his excommunication. So, within four years of proposing his theses on indulgences, Luther found himself outside the Church. But he would not suffer the fate of Hus, though there were forces at work that devoutly wished it. His writings had been condemned by university faculties at Louvain and Cologne. Paris joined them in 1521. But those universities were many miles away, and Wittenberg was right there offering strong support along with elements in the German nobility. Anyone who protected Luther was also excommunicated but Elector Frederick of Saxony (1463-1525) was not intimidated. The coronation of Emperor Charles V had taken place and an imperial diet opened in Worms on January 27, 1521. Meanwhile Luther s books and tracts were selling out in Germany. In March Luther was summoned to the diet with a safe-conduct guarantee, not for a debate but as an opportunity for him to recant. Authority was the issue at Worms. It was a defining moment in the Reformation. Who spoke for the faith of the Church? How should doctrinal and jurisdictional disagreements be resolved? Multiple artists have painted the scene in Worms as it played out over three days in April 1521. Here was this friar in his Augustinian habit standing before the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V and the various nobles and officials who made up the imperial court. In the end, Luther rejected both papal and conciliar authority and proposed an alternative magisterium, a teaching authority vested in the Bible as Luther interpreted it. My conscience is captive to the Word of God, he proclaimed. So for Luther the ultimate authority became scripture, self-interpreted. Charles V s response to Luther s proclamation was the Edict of Worms. Issued in May 1521 it condemned Luther s teaching and branded him an outlaw, forbidding anyone from sheltering him. But Frederick the Wise had already done precisely that. Shortly after Luther left Worms, the Elector had arranged for his capture and had him safely hidden away in his Wartburg castle. Luther remained there for the rest of that year and into 1522, writing tracts and translating the New Testament into German. Sola Scriptura worked for some reformers, particularly if it was supported by the civil authorities. In Zurich Ulrich Zwingli had been appointed the city preacher at the Grossmunster. He could implement his version of what scripture said, so long as the city council approved. In the early 1520s, the council held several disputations to settle the theology and worship of the church in that city s territory. Other cities in Germany and Switzerland did the same. But sola scriptura proved to be an unsatisfactory basis for maintaining the unity of the Church. That quickly became evident when the reformers began quarrelling among themselves over the meaning of individual scriptural passages. A classic encounter occurred in Marburg later in that decade when Luther and argued over the meaning of the Eucharistic words in scripture this is 30 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
my body. Luther insisted that is meant is and demanded Eucharistic realism while Zwingli argued that it meant symbolizes. Other groups of reformers seized upon Sola Scriptura with a vengeance and insisted upon a strictly literal interpretation: Only the Bible defined Christian life. A restoration movement, they preached a return to the primitive church, the early Christian community as perfectionist, separatist, and pacifist. More inclined to a New Testament legalism and to take statements and accounts within the New Testament literally without interpretation. Today they are generally called Anabaptists. They preferred to be called Christian Brethren, but opponents named them Anabaptists because they accepted only adult baptism. This set them apart from the rest of society. Meanwhile other reformers, some of whom had taken their inspiration from Luther, began urging further reform on various fronts and moved beyond sola scriptura to find their authority in the unmediated interior encounter with God. The enthusiastic Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt (ca. 1480-1541) who had been Luther s sponsor at the University of Wittenberg, emphasized inner renewal rather than outward acceptance. Rather than Luther s dialectic of Law and Gospel (Grace), Karlstadt spoke of letter and spirit. Immersing himself in the German mystics he became committed to the inner, unmediated word of God. Married in 1522, he pushed ahead of Luther in preaching against clerical celibacy and the ritual of the mass; and then led the charge against images as deceits of the devil. In May 1523, Karlstadt was invited by the church of Orlamndeto be its pastor, and he accepted at once. Here he instituted a Congregationalist polity, banned church music and religious art, and rejected infant baptism. Karlstadt denied the physical but affirmed the spiritual presence of Christin the Eucharist. In the spring of 1524 Luther started to campaign against Karlstadt, denying his right to preach or publish without his authorization. 7) By that time, Thomas Mntzer had also become a thorn in Luther s path. A priest who at first had followed Luther s teachings and direction, Muntzer moved further and further away from him toward spiritualism. Like Karlstadt, he developed his theology within the anticlerical environment of the early Reformation. Both of them found Luther insufficiently radical and Muntzer later became a major force in the Peasants Revolt of 1524-25; As Lindberg points out, They replaced sola scriptura with sola experientia. Scriptural faith is a dead faith that worships a mute God. The God who speaks is the God who is experienced directly in the heart. 8) Now sola experientia provides an alternative authority to sola scriptura. During the English Civil Wars a century later George Fox would ground his faith on the doctrine of the Inner Light. 7) Alejandro Zorzin, Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, in Lindberg, ed., Reformation Theologians, 327-37. 8) Lindberg, Reformations, 144. For Muntzer, see Gottfried Seebass. Thomas Muntzer, in Lindberg, ed., Reformation Theologians, 338-50. In Search of Episcope 31
No one who examines Reformation history can fail to notice the turmoil in which the Christian World found itself by 1630 the year of the Augsburg Confession of Faith. Luther and Zwingli faced serious challengers in Germany and Switzerland to the direction they each wanted the reformation to take. In retrospect the division seems inevitable given the stance each had taken on the need to use Biblical authority. John Calvin would shortly appear on the scene and with his Institutes of the Christian Religion seek to bring some order into the revolt against papal or Roman authority. By that date it had become obvious to some that what the Church needed was not an imperial diet for the civil authorities but a general Church council to examine its theology in the light of Luther s critique and to respond to the abuses that Luther and other church leaders both lay and ecclesiastical had pointed out. Charles V recognized this need and pushed for it; but absorbed in Italian politics and the advancement of his Medici family Pope Clement VII was not interested in church reform. Other powerful lay figures did not want it. Francis I moved vigorously against heresy in France, but was delighted when religious controversy in Germany kept the Hapsburg power off balance. When the council finally opened at Trent in 1545, no French bishops were permitted to attend. They finally showed up for the council s third period which began in 1562. Trent strongly affirmed the authority of the magisterium to interpret scripture. It also clarified Catholic teaching and issued reform decrees. But it also settled the Catholic Church into a stance of antagonism toward the Reformation. Four hundred years later Pope John XXIII recognized the scandal of the Christian divide and the need of reform as well. His call for a council led to Vatican II. We are still in that era, recognizing what needs to be done for and in the Church to reclaim its unity. 32 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
Bibliography Anglican Communion, Episcopal Ministry: The Report of the Archbishops Group on the Episcopate. Church House Publishing, 1990. Brown, Raymond E. Episkope and Episkopos : The New Testament Evidence, Theological Studies, 41 (June 1980): 422-439. Eire, Carlos. Reformations: The Early Modern World, 1450-1650. New Haven, 2016Hamm, Berndt. The Early Luther: Stages in a Reformation Transformation. Translated by Martin J. Lohrmann. Grand Rapids, Mich., 2014. Estes, James M. "The Role of Godly Magistrates in the Church: Melanchthon as Luther s Interpreter and Collaborator," Church History 67 (September 1998): 463-83. Hendrix, Scott. Martin Luther: Visionary Reformer. New Haven, 2015., Rerooting the Faith: The Reformation as Re-Christianization, Church History, 69 (September 2000): 558-77. Jenkins, Alan K., and Patricia Preston. Biblical Scholarship and the Church: A Sixteenth-Century Crisis of Authority. Burlington, Vt., 2007. Lindberg, Carter. The European Reformations. 2nd ed., Malden, Ma. 2010. Mullett, Michael A. Martin Luther. 2nd ed., 2015., Ed. The Reformation Theologians: An Introduction to Theology in the Early Modern Period. Malden, Ma. 2002. Gregory, Brad S. Reforming the Reformation: God s Truth and the Exercise of Power, in Thomas F. Mayer, ed. Reforming Reformation. Burlington, Vt., 2012, 17-43., The Unintended Reformation: How A Religious Revolution Secularized Society. Cambridge, Mass., 2012. Marshall, Peter. The Reformation: A Very Short Introduction. New York, 2009. Oberman, Heiko A. The Impact of the Reformation. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1994., The Two Reformations: The Journey from the Last Days to the New World. Ed. by Donald Weinstein. New Haven, 2003. Pettegree, Andrew. Brand Luther: 1517, Printing, and the Making of the Reformation. New York, 2015. Wallace, Peter G. The Long European Reformation: Religion, Political Conflict, and the Search for Conformity, 1350-1750. 2nd Ed. New York, 2012., Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion. Cambridge, Eng., 2006. 240 In Search of Episcope 33
감독직무 (Episcope) 에대한연구 : 누가교회를위해말할수있는가? Thomas BUCKLEY Jesuit School of Theology of Santa Clara University, U.S.A. 16세기의종교개혁은서구역사에있어서특별한사건이었다. 어떤사람들은이천년그리스도교역사동안있었던가장중요한사건일것이라고말한다. 그로인해, 1054년가톨릭과정교회의대분열을시작으로그리스도교가완전히분열되었다. 역사가들은우리가 종교개혁 이라고부르는것이한번의사건이아니라, 여러장소에서시간을두고발생하였던여러차례의개혁들이라고평가한다. 이들은서로비슷하게보일지라도, 각각고유한조건들을갖고있다. 예를들어, 헨리 8세가잉글랜드에서위로부터의방법을선택한것은캠브리지커피하우스에서루터지지자들의함성을들은것과는상관없이, 대륙에서일어난어떤것들과상당히다른양상으로나타났다. 역사가들은사건들이시작된날짜를적는것을좋아한다. 우리는이단으로단죄받고 1415년콘스탄틴공의회에서화형대에서불타게되었던보헤미아의얀후스 (John Hus) 로부터시작해야할까? 아니면, 후스에게영향을주었고곤트의존 (John of Gaunt) 의보호를받으며침대에서죽은, 14세기초의영국사제존위클리프 (John Wycliffe) 로부터시작해야할까? 마르틴루터는위클리프나후스와는달리, 그의저작들이독일을불타오르게하였고스칸디나비아를비롯한다른국가들에있는종교개혁가들에게영향을주었기때문에더좋은출발점이된다. 더군다나, 교회의권위에대항하여오직성서만을주장한것은종교개혁시대의중심이슈인, 어디에서감독직무 (Epicope) 를발견할수있을까? 누가교회를대표할것인가? 를규정하는데도움이되었다. 이러한것들은아직도교회들뿐만아니라교회일치의현장에서도살아있는이슈들이다. 25년전성공회가여성주교서품을고민했던것처럼감독직무의의미에관하여도숙고하였다. 바로지난달, 미국가톨릭주교회의와미국루터교의지도자들이 도상에서의선언 : 교회, 직무, 성찬례 (Declaration on the Way: Church, Ministry and Eucharist) 라는중요한문서를발표하였다. 이문헌은교회일치를추구하는루터교와가톨릭모두에게서감독 ( 주교 ) 직무의중요성을강조하였다. 나는이문제를종교개혁의시작부터탐색해보고싶다. 마르틴루터에서부터시작하자. 1521년 1월, 새로즉위한신성로마제국의황제찰스 5세 (Charles V) 는의회를열고, 아우구스티누스수사들이가톨릭교회의정치형태와교리및관습등에관하여문제를제기한것들을심의하였다. 이러한주제들이 4년만일찍제기되었다면, 루터의도전이그렇게광범위하게나타나지는않았을것이다. 논제제기는학문적대화혹은토론이나관심있는주제에초대하는것이었고, 루터는삭소니 (Saxony) 에있는비텐베르크대학의신학교수로서교회의대사 ( 大赦 ) 에관한관행에의문을던진것이었다. 대사 ( 大赦 ) 란다양한방법으로자신의죄혹은누군가의죄를보속하고, 죄의상태에서회복되어사후연옥에있는시간을피하는것이다. 교회는묶거나풀수있는권위에의해, 그리스도와성인들의공로로 죄로인한일시적인벌 을없앨수있었다. 대사란참회행위의하나이며초기 34 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠
교회로부터의가르침이었지만, 발전된교리로존재하는것은아니었다. 극도로법률을존중하는문화에서어떻게이것이발생하였는지주목하라. 그리고가톨릭평론가들조차그것의남용및과도함이존재했었다는것을인정하고있다. 그러나대사에관하여논쟁하는것은두가지의심각한문제를제기하였다. 첫번째는구원에있어서인간의주도권에관한질문이었다. 자신의영혼구원을위하여인간은무엇을할수있는가? 인간이할수있는어떤여지는없는가? 스콜라신학자들은인간이그과정을돕기위하여뭔가를할수있을것이며, 인간은선행을함으로써하느님의은총에협력할수있고, 그럼으로써구원에도움을줄수있다고주장하였다. 그이전이아니라면분명히이시기에루터는성서연구를통해구원 ( 의화 ) 은오직신앙으로부터만오는것이며기도나단식, 순례, 자선등과같은선행을통해하늘에공로를 (merits) 쌓음으로써오는것이아니라는것을확신하였다. 의화는획득하거나행하는것이아니라, 하느님으로부터순수한선물로받는어떤것이다. 그의재능많은비텐베르크친구중의하나인화가루카스크라나흐 (Lucas Cranach) 는, 법과복음 (Law and Gospel) 이라고이름붙여진그의그림에서대안적신학 (alternative theologies) 을묘사하였다. 크라나흐는루터의사상을예술로표현한주요인물이될것이었다. 인간이어떻게구원받는가라는이문제와긴밀히결합되어있는것이두번째문제였다. 즉, 교황이자로마의주교인로마교황의권위문제다. 로마에베드로기념성당을재건축하기위해교황은대사를인준했는데, 특정기도문을바치고이건축계획에돈을기부한사람들은연옥에서의기간중일정시간을면제받는다는대사였다. 열정적인도미니코회수사, 존텟젤 (John Tetzel) 은독일에서대사에관하여열정적으로설교하였다. 화가난루터는그의 95개조문에서교황이누군가를연옥에서구해낼수있다는권위를가졌다는생각전체를부정하였다. 그리하여종교개혁은로마교황에대한도전으로부터시작되었다. 교황의권위는그전에도도전받은적이있었다. 그러나그때는주로재치권적인문제들이었다. 루터의도전은교회의교리, 그리고이차적으로는전통적으로교회가실천하던관습들을포함하고있었다. 로마에있는메디치교황레오 10세는모든일이원만하게끝나기를원했지만, 1518년독일에서텟젤은루터를공격하고대사를옹호하는두개의논제들을가지고다시논박하였다. 다른목소리들이이제양편에결합되면서논쟁에참여하였다. 루터는그의입장을레오교황에게직접설명하려하였다. 로마로보낸 해명서 (Explanations) 에서루터는교황에게 성하가무엇을결정하시든지, 성하의음성을성하안에주재하시는그리스도의음성으로알아듣겠습니다 라고말하였다. 감독직무에대한연구 35
라틴어를독일어로번역하자, 루터의논제들은제국전체에대소동을일으켰고삽시간에저명인사가되었다. 대사가프랑스와영국에서는이러한방식으로취급되지않았다. 이두왕들은자신들의왕국밖으로돈이흘러나가는것을허용하지않았다. 교황의 돈주머니 (cash cow) 역할을하던독일인들에게아우구스티누스수사는국가적영웅이되었다. 그후일년반동안루터는세가지주요한만남을가졌다. 첫번째는하이델베르크에서아우구스티누스수도회동료들과, 이후아욱스부르크에서가예타노 (Thomas Cajetan) 추기경앞에서, 마지막으로라이프치히에서존에크 (John Eck) 앞에서였다. 이들과의각만남을통하여교회의가르침과교회의권위에대한루터의도전은더심화되었다. 그리고이만남들은모두대사문제에서교황권위로초점을이동시켰다. 루터의지지자들이이러한변화를더부추겼다. 우리는루터의도전을둘러싼신학적전개를추적할수있다. 이것들은그것이어떻게발전되었는지에대한일차적으로유용한자료이다. 크라나흐는루터의신학적입장에관한초기홍보자가되어그의목판화와조각작품들을통하여루터의말을퍼트리는데일조하였다. 예를들면, The Fuhrwagon(1519) 은종교개혁선전을위한초기작품으로, 에크와의라이프치히논쟁에서스콜라신학자들을공격하는것을보여준다. 상부에는악마가마차의바퀴를막아세우려함에도, 루터의추종자들의마차가그리스도를향하여나아가는것을묘사하고있다. 하부에는스콜라신학자들의마차가지옥으로향하고있는데, 그바퀴들은하늘에공로를쌓으려최선을다하는신학에의하여기름이쳐지고있다. 36 종교개혁 500 년, 그빛과어둠