인사말 세계는지금전환기에서있습니다. 이전환기는과거에서보면위기지만미래를바라볼때새로운가능성이됩니다. 그러나이러한미래의가능성도과거에대한반성, 그리고현실에대한정확한진단이없다면우리가바라는미래가될수없습니다. 2015년은 2차세계대전이파시즘에맞선민주주의승리로끝난지 70년이되는뜻깊은

인사말 세계는지금전환기에서있습니다. 이전환기는과거에서보면위기지만미래를바라볼때새로운가능성이됩니다. 그러나이러한미래의가능성도과거에대한반성, 그리고현실에대한정확한진단이없다면우리가바라는미래가될수없습니다. 2015년은 2차세계대전이파시즘에맞선민주주의승리로끝난지 70년이되는뜻깊은해입니다. 지난 70년동안전세계모든정치공동체들은자신을민주주의와일치시키기위해노력해왔습니다. 사람들에의한, 사람들을위한, 사람들의통치로서의민주주의는 21세기에도여전히모든공동체가답하거나양립해야할가장핵심적인정치사회적질문으로여겨지고있습니다. 그러나민주주의를위한전인류의노력과달리세계는지금내전, 안보위기, 금융위기, 사회경제적양극화, 정주권을보장받지못하는난민문제등지금까지의틀과가치로는해결될수없는많은갈등속에서새로운전환을필요로하고있습니다. 특히양적성장을추구해온전세계시장경제는근대이후확산된모든인간의존엄적가치를크게훼손하고있습니다. 이러한존엄적가치의훼손은아시아에서특히두드러지게나타나고있습니다. 현대사에서제국주의와식민지배모두를경험하고있고여전히그잔재가남아있는아시아는전후 70년동안불균등하고낮은경제적발전이라는늪에서빠져나오는데너무도많은사회적열정과에너지를소비해왔습니다. 그결과많은나라들이제도적으로민주화를만들어냈지만, 이과정이정치적 절차적민주화를넘어서탈식민주의, 균등한경제성장, 분배적정의의사회적실현으로이어지지는못하고있습니다. 특히 GDP나 GNI와같은양적인경제적수치의증가가곧민주주의의발전이라는착각에깊이빠지면서, 아시아의많은나라들은 1951년체결된 샌프란시스코강화조약 이후봉합되었던수많은문제들을 원폭피해, 강제징용, 냉전질서 제대로해결하지못하고있습니다. 동남아의인종 종교적분쟁, 그리고중동지역의역사-지정학적갈등또한경제발전으로변질된민주주의의환상속에서여전히미궁에남아있습니다. 불행히도민주주의의변질을동반한아시아의경제발전은 개발독재 에서부터정경유착에이르기까지수많은정치경제적문제 를만들어왔습니다. 이제민주주의는이러한현실에답을해야합니다. 프란치스코로마가톨릭교황과같은종교적지도자는사랑, 나눔그리고봉사를통해차별과빈곤의악순환을이겨내가자고합니다. 민주주의는보다구체적이고실천적인제도와관계를답해야할것입니다. 2015년서울민주주의포럼은아시아민주주의의현단계를진단하려합니다. 그러나아시아는다른대륙들과분리되어존재하는것이아니기에아시아민주주의에대한진단은전세계민주주의에대한진단을위한하나의출발이될것입니다. 진단은역사에대한검토이며그결과에대한성찰입니다. 그리고이성찰은문제해결을위한새로운시도로이어져야합니다. 2015년서울민주주의포럼은 70년전부터본격적으로시작된아시아에서의민주화과정에대한검토를통해, 민주주의가새로운궤도에진입하기위해해결해야할남아있는역사적과제들을재확인하고, 새로운궤도속에서진행되는여러흐름들중시민교육과마을공동체활동에주목할것입니다. 이와함께서울민주주의포럼은 아시아민주주의지표 를통해아시아민주주의의역동성을분석하고, 전후 70주년을계기로기억의재구성과민주주의의재구성의관계, 그리고남은과제들을찾아볼것입니다. 2015 서울민주주의포럼이아시아민주주의의발전을위한역사적성찰과현재의상황에대한공유의시간, 그리고민주주의의미래를위한과제를제시하는기회가되기를기대합니다. 함께하신모든분들의평안을기원합니다. 감사합니다. 2015년 10월 21일 민주화운동기념사업회이사장박상증 4 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 5

Greeting These days, the world is standing at a turning point. Seen from the past, this turning point appears to be a crisis, but looking towards the future, it becomes in fact a new possibility. However, this future possibility, the future that we hope for, will not come to pass without a thorough reflection upon the past and a precise diagnosis of our current reality. The year 2015 is a year of great significance, as it has been 70 years since the 2nd World War when democracy triumphed over fascism. During the past 70 years, political communities around the world have striven to incorporate democracy into their own systems. Even now in the 21st century, a democracy by the people, for the people, and of the people is considered the most crucial socio-political question that all communities must either respond to or coexist with. However, despite the efforts of past generations to create a flourishing democracy, the world today is full of civil war, security crises, financial crises, socioeconomic polarization, and refugees who have no assurance of resettlement. Amidst these many problems which cannot be resolved through the framework and value systems that have operated up until now, it is clear that new change in the world is urgently needed. In particular, the global market economy in its pursuit of quantitative growth is causing great harm to human dignity, which had been ennobled after the rise of modernity. Such harm to human dignity has been particularly notable in Asia. During the 70 years after the war, Asia, where the vestiges of a history of imperialism and colonial rule still linger, has consumed an incredible amount of social passion and energy in order to lift itself out of the swamp of unequal and slow economic growth. The results are that while many countries have produced a democratization at the institutional level, this process has not lead to the social actualization of distributive justice, equitable economic growth, or postcolonialism beyond a political-procedural democratization. In particular, falling deeply into the illusion that a rise in quantitative economic figures like the GDP or GNI is equivalent to the development of democracy, since the 'San Francisco Peace Treaty' signed in 1951, many Asian countries have not been able to properly resolve the countless problems that were merely patched up but not cured, such as the aftermath of the atomic bomb, compulsory military conscription, and the Cold War order. The racial and religious disputes in Southeast Asia and the historicalgeopolitical conflicts of the Middle East remain quagmires trapped under the illusion of democracy that has been corrupted by economic growth. Unfortunately, the economic growth in Asia that accompanied this corruption of democracy has produced countless political-economic problems, from 'developmental dictatorships' to government-business collusion. It is now time for democracy to respond to this reality. Religious leaders like Pope Francis have spoken about the need to overcome the vicious cycle of poverty and discrimination through love, sharing, and volunteer. Democracy should respond with concrete and practical systems and relations. At this 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum we aim to diagnose the present stage of democracy in Asia. However, as Asia does not exist in a state detached from the other continents, the diagnosis of democracy in Asia will be one step forward for the diagnosis of democracy across the globe. This diagnosis is an investigation into history and a reflection upon the results. Afterwards, this reflection should in turn lead to new attempts at solving the problems that persist in our communities and nations. Through the examination of Asia's democratization process, which began in 6 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 7

축 사 earnest 70 years ago, the 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum will revisit the remaining historical problems that must be resolved in order for democracy to embark upon a new trajectory, and among the many currents running in this new trajectory, we turn our attention to civic education and neighborhood community activity. Along with this, the Seoul Democracy Forum will analyze the dynamism of democracy in Asia using the 'Asian Democracy Index' and, on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, search for the relationship between the reconstruction of democracy and the reconstruction of memory, as well as other remaining challenges. I hope that the 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum becomes an occasion for sharing both historical reflections and present day circumstances, as well as an opportunity to raise important questions for the future of democracy. To all of you who have gathered here to participate in this forum together, I offer to you my wishes of peace. Thank you very much. October 21st, 2015 Korea Democracy Foundation Chairman, Park Sangjeung 반갑습니다. 국회안전행정위원장진영의원입니다. 서울민주주의포럼의개최를진심으로축하합니다. 2009년을시작으로벌써 4회째접어든포럼은아시아와국제사회의민주주의이슈와동향을논의하고미래지향적인아시아민주주의의발전에기여해오고있습니다. 이처럼뜻깊은행사에저와국회안전행정위원회가후원할수있는기회를주셔서감사하게생각합니다. 올해는 아시아민주주의진단 위기인가전환인가 라는주제로개최됩니다. 우리대한민국은물론, 아시아대부분의국가들이뜻깊게생각할종전 70주년을맞이해준비된이번포럼은, 전쟁이라는같은아픔을겪었던국가들이어떤방식으로민주주의를발전시켰는지를살펴보는의미를지닙니다. 특히, 이번포럼에서는정치적민주화와함께경제, 문화, 사회전반에진행되어온민주주의발전과정을종합적으로볼수습니다. 시민교육, 노동은물론, 협동조합이나마을공동체경제등과같은생활에밀접한다양한세션들까지기획하여진행하고있는만큼, 폭넓은상호간의이해를진전시킬수있을것으로기대합니다. 본포럼이아시아민주주의의토대가무엇이며발전과제는무엇인지, 전세계적민주주의흐름과공감 교류를어떻게강화할것인지, 아시아민주주의만의차별성은무엇인지확인하고고민하는자리가될수있기를기원합니다. 행사를준비하느라수고하신민주화운동기념사업회박상증이사장님과실무진여러분의노고에감사드리며, 관심과성원을보내주신행정자치부와파트너기관들에게도감사의말씀을전합니다. 끝으로, 지금도세계곳곳에서더나은미래 지속가능한미래를만들기위해진행되고있는민주주의의실험과도전을응원합니다. 감사합니다. 2015 년 10 월 21 일 국회안전행정위원장진영 8 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 9

축 사 Congratulatory Remarks 안녕하십니까? 행정자치부장관정종섭입니다. 오늘민주화운동기념사업회가 아시아민주주의진단-위기인가, 전환인가 라는주제로 2015 서울민주주의포럼을개최하게된것을진심으로축하드립니다. 아울러, 이석현국회부의장님, 김용태의원님, 김경성서울교육대학교총장님, 마티아스주주한스웨덴부대사님등을비롯한오늘이자리에참석하신모든분들께감사의말씀을드립니다. 대한민국은그동안민주주의를발전시키기위해끊임없이노력해왔습니다. 짧은기간에산업화와민주화를동시에달성하는기적을이루어내며전세계를놀라게하였습니다. 이제는대한민국에서민주주의는어느누구도부정할수없는가치가되었습니다. 민주화과정에서세계로부터수많은도움을받기도했습니다. Hello, everyone! My name is Jong-sup Chong, the Minister of the Interior. I would like to extend my sincere congratulations on the opening of 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum, hosted by Korea Democracy Foundation, to reflect on democracy in Asia, whether we face a crisis or a new trajectory. I would like to welcome Mr. Seok-hyun Lee, Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea; Mr. Yong-tae Kim, National Assemblyman; Mr. kyung-sung Kim, President of Seoul National University of Education; Mr. Mattias Chu, Deputy Head of Mission, the Embassy of Sweden in Seoul; and many other dignitaries here today. 대한민국의민주주의는국경을넘어아시아로전세계로관심을넓혀나가야할것입니다. 제2 차세계대전이후전세계모든지역에서민주주의를발전시키기위한노력들이진행되어왔습니다. 하지만아시아의일부국가는민주주의를굳건히뿌리를내리지못하고있습니다. 아시아의민주주의는정치적민주화를넘어, 사회 경제적민주화로까지나아가삶의질을향상시켜야할것이며, 이를위해서는지구적차원의공동협력이필요합니다. 오늘민주화운동기념사업회가주최하는서울민주주의포럼이아시아민주주의의발전을위한역사적성찰과현재의상황에대한공유를가능하게하여, 아시아특성에맞는민주주의발전에기여할수있는지역네트워크를확립하는계기를마련하는자리가되었으면합니다. 다시한번포럼의성공적개최를축하드리며, 이자리에참석하신모든분들의건승을기원합니다. 감사합니다. 2015년 10월 21일행정자치부장관정종섭 The Republic of Korea has been ceaselessly trying to advance the democracy. She had surprised the entire world by achieving a miracle of industrializing and democratizing herself at the same time. Now, the democracy has become a value that no one even bothers to challenge in Korea. Of course, many nations in the global community helped Korea in the course of becoming a democratic country. Now, the democracy of Korea will have to expand its scope beyond its borders, to Asia and to the world. Since the end of World War II, efforts have been made throughout all areas in the world to develop democracy. However, the democracy is yet to take its root in some countries in Asia. The democracy in Asia must not only achieve political democratization, but also must improve quality of people s life by democratizing societies and economies. To achieve this initiative, a global level cooperation is necessary. I wish the 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum hosted by Korea Democracy 10 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 11

Foundation will bring countries together, to self-examine their histories and share their current situations, so that the democracy in Asia will be advanced, and an opportunity will be created to establish a regional network that can contribute to the advancement of democracy tailored to Asia. I congratulate, again, the successful kick-off of the Forum, and wish the best for every one of the participants here today. Thank you. Jong-sup Chong, Minister of the Interior The Republic of Korea 12 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 13

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개막세션 아시아민주주의진단 - 위기인가전환인가 The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 기조발제 1 토노히라요시히코 ( 강제노동희생자추도, 유골봉환위원회공동대표, 일본 ) : 아시아민주주의의전환을향한역사적성찰 기조발제 2 스테판린드버그 ( 예테보리대학교, 민주주의다양성연구소대표, 스웨덴 ) 아시아를둘러싼민주주의의한계와과제들 사례발표 1 베르나비하자르 ( 필리핀 ) 이주노동자와민주주의 사례발표 2 보나짓후세인 ( 인도 ) 사회적안전망과민주주의 사례발표 3 프램루디다로웅 ( 태국 ) 개발협력과민주주의 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 27

기조발제 1 아시아민주주의의전환을향한역사적성찰 - 동아시아의희망 _ 국경을넘은시민의공동협력 도노히라요시히코 ( 殿平善彦 )_ 강제노동희생자추도, 유골봉환위원회공동대표, 일본 동아시아의희망 - 국경을넘은시민의공동협력 올봄, 일본과한국, 재일한국인그리고미국과호주의참가자로결성된 강제노동희생자추도 유골봉환위원회 는전시하에홋카이도 ( 北海道 ) 에서강제노동에의해희생된조선인 115명의유골을모시고, 지난 9월12 일홋카이도를출발하여일본열도를종단하는버스여행을실현했습니다. 시모노세끼에서페리로부산에상륙해 19일에서울시청앞광장에서장례를치르고, 20일경기도파주의서울시립묘지납골당에안장할수있었습니다. 재일한국인을비롯해다양한시민들이상호협력하여계획을세워정부에의존하지않고시민독자적으로유골봉환을실현한것은현대사에새로운획을그었다고해도과언이아닐것입니다. 유골봉환이전의역사 아시아태평양전쟁하인 1940년 ~45년일본에연행되어강제노동을하게된조선인은 70만명에달한다고이야기되고있습니다. 많은희생자가발생했지만, 전후 70년이지난지금까지홋카이도를비롯해각지에고향에돌아가지못하고남아있는많은유골들이있습니다. 동아시아에서역사의화해를실현하려한다면일본에남아있는희생자의유골조사와반환은불가결한과제입니다. 홋카이도는그중에서도희생자의유골이계속남아있는장소이며, 홋카이도에서시작된민중사발굴운동에의해서많은유골이발굴되고또불교사원납골당에서유골이발견되어왔습니다. 일본인자신이착수한스스로의역사다시보기운동이며, 그운동이동아시아사람들과화해를실현하고싶다고하는바람으로이어졌다고할수있을것입니다. 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 29

한일정부의유골문제 2004년12월, 노무현대통령과고이즈미총리의한일정상회담석상에서, 노무현대통령은일본에남아있는한반도출신자의유골반환을요구했고, 고이즈미총리는노력하겠다고약속했습니다. 이약속에따라정부간협의가단속적 ( 斷續的 ) 으로이루어져왔습니다. 군인군속유골반환은일부이루어졌으나, 기업에의해사역된희생자들의정부에의한유골반환은오늘까지한구도실현되지못했습니다. 그원인은식민지지배에대한반성을표명할수없는일본과내셔널리즘을내세우는양국정부로인해정상회담조차할수없는상황이이어졌기때문입니다. 변지인들에게협력을부탁했습니다. 박원순서울시장님도그중한분입니다. 시장님과우리는 1990년대부터만남을이어온친구입니다. 우정을키워온동아시아공동워크숍의멤버들이준비를위해바쁘게움직였습니다. 유골봉환의직접적인동기는유골을되찾고싶다는유족의강한염원을실현하고싶다는바람으로부터입니다. 우리는한국정부의진상규명위원회의지원을받으며한국내유족을찾았습니다. 그리고여러명의유족을찾을수있었습니다. 유골을유족에게전달하는것과함께, 유족을찾을수없는유골이있더라도한국에전달하고싶다고결심해이번유골봉환준비에착수한것입니다. 시민이진행하는화해의미래 개인의만남과공동협력정부간유골반환이교착상태에빠져있는가운데, 이번에시민의손에의한유골봉환이실현된이유에는무엇이있을까요? 물론오늘에이르기까지일본과한국의시민운동의지속과고조가배경이지만, 직접적인계기는개인과개인의만남이시작이었습니다. 1989년가을, 우연히한명의젊은한국인연구자가홋카이도의저희절을방문하였습니다. 정병호라는문화인류학자입니다. 당시미국일리노이대학에재적하고있던정병호씨는보육시스템연구를위해제가경영하는보육원을시찰하러왔던것입니다. 그때저희집에한달동안머물면서조사를했습니다. 저는 1980년부터홋카이도각지에산재하는조선인강제노동희생자의유골의발굴과조사활동을하고있었습니다. 저는그에게홋카이도각지에희생자들의유골이남아있으며, 바로근처의우류 ( 雨竜 ) 댐에도유골이잠들어있다고알렸습니다. 그리고, 꼭유골들을발굴해서유족에게반환하고싶다고전했습니다. 그때그는 저는곧한국에돌아가지만, 대학교교원이되면학생들을데리고발굴하러오겠습니다. 그때, 당신은일본인과재일한국인학생들을모아주십시오. 한국, 일본, 재일한국인의젊은이들의손으로유골을발굴해봅시다 하고제안했습니다. 그약속으로부터 9년째가되는 1997년여름, 일본, 한국, 재일한국인의젊은이들이유골발굴공동작업을하는 10일간의 평화를위한동아시아공동워크숍 이실현되었습니다. 슈마리나이 ( 朱鞠内 ) 에모인 100명의젊은이들은댐공사에서희생된일본인타코베야 ( 열악한시설의노동자합숙소 ) 노동자와조선인강제노동희생자의유골 4구를발굴했습니다. 유골발굴을위해같이땀을흘린젊은이들은흙속에서발굴된유골과대면합니다. 바로자신들과도이어지는역사가눈앞에나타난것입니다. 참가자들끼리는갈등을겪으면서도헤어짐을아쉬워하는우정을나누었습니다. 그후, 지금까지 18년간, 동아시아공동워크숍은지속되어 1000명이상의젊은이들이만남을이어가고있습니다. 거기에는특정이데올로기나조직이개재된것은아닙니다. 유골을통해손에넣은공통의역사인식을배경으로우정을계속이어가고만남을이어가고싶다는그들의생각이워크숍을지속시켜온것입니다. 이활동에대해서는오후세션에서다시발표하겠습니다. 이번유골봉환은 89년의두사람의만남을재현하듯, 저와정병호씨두사람의논의로부터구체화되었고, 주 이번유골봉환은한일양국정부에의존하지않고, 시민이독자적으로활동한것입니다. 그것은시민운동이특정권위나권력과결부되는것을거부하는것을의미합니다. 하지만, 시민운동이정치를거부하는것은아닙니다. 주체성을유지하면서필요하다면정치에적극적으로개입합니다. 본래현대시민운동이정치적이되는것은당연합니다. 현실정치가전쟁과평화나인권등동아시아의시민들에게직접적인영향을미치기때문이며, 정치는항상우리의생살여탈권 ( 生殺與奪權 ) 을장악하고있기때문입니다. 저는이번유골봉환의여정가운데, 각지에서의연설을통해한일양국정부에게유골협의재개를촉구했습니다. 즉, 현대의우리시민운동은정부와도대등하게마주하여발언하고비판도하지만, 필요하다면협력도마다하지않는운동이라고생각합니다. 유골문제도정부가역할을하지않으면, 최종적인해결은어려울것입니다. 일본군위안부 문제도그렇습니다. 하지만, 현재일본정부는시민운동과마주하는것에너무신중하며, 거부적이기까지합니다. 분명히일본의운동사의과거에는학생운동이나노동운동이반정부운동의성격을강하게가지고있던시대가있었습니다. 하지만, 21세기인오늘날, 시민운동의기본적인성격이반정부운동이라고는할수없습니다. 필요한비판은서슴지않지만, 시민운동의목적이정부를타도하는것이아닌것은확실합니다. 오히려현안에따라서는상호협력해야하는운동이어야한다고생각합니다. 오늘날동아시아에서실현해야할전쟁책임과식민지지배에대한책임에관해말한다면, 저희들도일본정부나기업과함께동아시아인들에대해역사적책임을자각하는사람이며, 정부에적대적으로싸우는것은아닙니다. 정부가권위주의적으로행동하고국수주의적이되면될수록정부와시민운동의공동협력은어려워집니다. 하지만, 굳이말씀드리자면, 일본정부는시민운동과솔직히마주해야합니다. 시민운동과정부의역할이공동협력관계로성장한다면동아시아현안의대부분이해결의방향으로향할것입니다. 기업의책임과역할이번유골봉환에는책임을져야하는일본기업이존재합니다. 전시하에조선인노동자나일본인타코베야노동자를사역한일본기업은당연히사망한희생자의유골을유족에게전달하고사죄하고보상해야했습니다. 하지만, 그책임을다하지못하고전후 70년이지났습니다. 이번에 115구의유골에대해책임이있는기업으로 5개회사가밝혀졌습니다. 이와타치자키건설 ( 岩田地崎建設 ), 히시나카건설 ( 菱中建設 ), 스가와라건설 ( 菅原建設 ), 미쯔비시머티리얼 ( 三菱マテリアル ), 닛테츠광업 ( 日鉄 30 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 31

鉱業 ) 입니다. 작년부터기업들을방문해유골봉환계획을전달하고, 책임감있는대응을촉구해왔습니다. 우리들은기업에법적인전후보상을요구하는것은아닙니다. 유골을유족에게돌려주는것은기업에게있어당연한책임이있는인도적인대응이며, 그에대한협력을요청한것입니다. 결국, 몇몇기업은협력의뢰에응해자금을갹출했으나, 몇몇기업은협력을거부했습니다. 이번기업들의대응을어떻게평가할것인가는우리가논의를해봐야하지만, 기업들이이번유골봉환에이러한태도를표명했다는사실을알려드립니다. 한일시민운동의공동협력이번유골봉환은일본과한국의시민운동의긴밀한협력관계로실현된것입니다. 1997년의유골발굴이일본과한국등청년들의만남과협력으로이루어진것과같이 2015년유골봉환도한국, 일본, 재일한국인의운동과종교인들의긴밀한연계와협력속에진행되어왔습니다. 일본에서는 강제연행 강제노동희생자를생각하는홋카이도포럼 과 NPO법인동아시아시민네트워크, 동아시아공동워크숍 등이적극적인역할을해, 혼간지 ( 本願寺 ) 교단에소속되어있는승려들과관심있는연구자들이협력을아끼지않았습니다. 한국에서는몇몇시민운동이결집해 사단법인평화디딤돌 을결성해, 일본과한국의시민운동이상호협의하여서로협력해서 강제노동희생자추도 유골귀환위원회 를결성했습니다. 위원회의공동대표는저와정병호씨가맡았습니다. 전후 70년이지난이제서야비로소라는생각은있지만, 당연한정의를실현하고자하는유골귀환위원회의바람은일본열도, 한반도종단의여정중에많은사람들의마음에전해졌다고생각됩니다. 유골이부산에서부터서울로향하며, 성공회대성당의지하납골당에안치된 19일새벽, 일본의국회에서는전쟁에대한길을여는안전보장법안을강행채결하고있었습니다. 전쟁을허용하는정부와예전의전쟁과식민지지배의어두운부분을극복하려고하는유골봉환은극명한대비를이루었습니다. 우리의유골봉환프로세스를한국과일본의매스컴들은적극적으로보도했습니다. 이번유골봉환은일본정부의전쟁정책에대한비판임과동시에정부의유골문제에대한활동을촉구하는여론환기의역할도하지않았나생각합니다. 동아시아의시민이만드는다양한시민운동은앞으로더욱중요한역할을할것입니다. 시민운동도글로벌화되어갑니다. 상호시민운동이국경을넘어교류하고, 우정을키우고, 정치를추종하지않고, 정치에촉구하는운동을동아시아에서발전시켜간다면, 오히려시민이앞장서서새로운시대를만들어갈가능성이있습니다. 우리는한국과함께대만의시민운동에서도배우고연계해나가고싶습니다. 또, 중국이나북한사람들과도적극적으로교류하고싶습니다. 거기에야말로새로운 21세기의희망이보인다고확신합니다. 完 Keynote Address 1 東アジアの希望 - 国境を越える市民の共同 報告殿平善彦 この春 私たち日本と韓国 在日の市民そしてアメリカやオーストラリアからの参加者で結成した 強制労働犠牲者追悼 遺骨奉還委員会 は 戦時下の北海道で強制労働により犠牲になった朝鮮人 115 体のご遺骨を奉持し 去る9 月 12 日 北海道を出発して 日本列島を縦断するバスの旅を実現しました 下関からフェリーで釜山に上陸し 19 日にソウル市庁前広場で葬儀を営み 20 日に京畿道坡州のソウル市公共墓地に納骨することができました 日韓在日をはじめ多様な市民が相互に協力しながら計画し 政府に依存することなく 市民独自の遺骨奉還が実現したことは 現代史に新たな刻印を標したと言っても過言ではないでしょう 遺骨奉還前史 アジア太平洋戦争下の 1940 年 ~45 年 日本に連行され 強制労働を強いられた朝鮮人は 70 万人に上ると 言われています 多くの犠牲者が出ましたが 戦後 70 年になる今日まで 北海道をはじめ各地に 故郷に帰ることなく止まり続けている多くの遺骨があります 東アジアに歴史和解を実現しようとするなら 日本に残された犠牲者の遺骨調査と返還は欠かせない課題です 北海道はその中でも 犠牲者のご遺骨が残り続けている場所であり 北海道で始まった民衆史掘り起し運動によって多くのご遺骨が発掘され あるいは仏教寺院の納骨堂から遺骨が発見されてきました それは 日本人自身が取り組んだ自らの歴史見直しの運動であり その運動が東アジアの人々との和解を実現したい 32 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 33

という願いにつながってきたということができるでしょう 日韓政府の遺骨問題 2004 年 12 月 廬武鉉大統領と小泉総理大臣の日韓首脳会談の席上 廬武鉉大統領が 日本に残されている朝鮮半島出身者の遺骨返還を求め 小泉首相は努力すると約束しました その約束に基づく政府間協議が断続的に開かれてきました 軍人軍属の遺骨返還は一部実現しましたが 企業によって使役された犠牲者の政府による遺骨返還は 今日まで一体も実現していません その原因は 植民地支配に反省を表明できない日本と ナショナリズムを振りかざす相互の政府にあって 首脳会談もできない状況が続いてきたからであります 個人の出会いと共同政府間の遺骨返還が膠着状態に陥っている中で この度 市民の手による遺骨奉還が実現した理由には何があるのでしょうか もちろん 今日に至るまでの日本と韓国の市民運動の継続と高まりが背景にありますが 直接的な契機は 個人と個人の出会いが始まりでした 1989 年秋 偶然 一人の若い韓国人研究者が北海道の私の寺を訪れました 鄭炳浩という文化人類学者です 当時アメリカのイリノイ大学に在籍していた鄭炳浩さんは 保育のシステムの研究を志し そのために 私の経営する保育園を視察に来たのです その時 彼は 私の家に一ヶ月間泊まり込んで調査をしました 私は1980 年から 北海道各地に散在する朝鮮人強制労働犠牲者の遺骨の発掘と調査に取り組んできました 私は彼に 北海道の各地に朝鮮人犠牲者の遺骨が残っており すぐ近くの雨竜ダムにも遺骨が眠っていると告げました そして ぜひ遺骨を発掘して遺族に返したいと伝えました その時 彼は 私は近く韓国に帰るが 大学の教員になったら 学生を連れて発掘に来ます その時あなたは日本人と在日朝鮮人の学生を集めてください 日 韓 在日の若者たちの手で遺骨発掘を試みようではありませんか と提案しました その約束から9 年目の1997 年夏 日本 韓国 在日の若者たちの遺骨発掘の共同作業を行う10 日間の 平和のための東アジア共同ワークショップ が実現したのです 朱鞠内に集まった若者たち100 人はダム工事で犠牲になった日本人タコ部屋労働者と朝鮮人強制労働犠牲者の遺骨 4 体を発掘しました 遺骨発掘に共に汗を流した若者たちは 土の中から現れた遺骨と対面します まさに自分たちにつながる歴史が目の前に現れたのです 参加者同士は 葛藤を経験しながらも 離れがたい友情を生み出しました これ以来 今日までの18 年間 東アジア共同ワークショップは継続し 1000 人以上の若者たちが出合いつづけています そこには 特定のイデオロギーや組織の介在があったのではありません 遺骨を通して手に入れた共通の歴史認識を背景に 友情を継続し 出会い続けたいという彼らの思いが ワークショップを継続させてきた のです この取り組みは 午後のセッションで改めて報告します 今回の遺骨奉還は 89 年の二人の出会いを再現するように 私と鄭炳浩さんの二人の相談から具体化し 周りの友人に協力を依頼しました 朴元淳ソウル市長もその一人です 市長と私たちは1990 年代から出合いつづけてきた友人です 友情を育ててきた東アジア共同ワークショップのメンバーが準備に奔走しました 遺骨奉還の直接の動機は 遺骨を取り戻したいというご遺族の強い思いを実現したいという願いからです 私たちは韓国政府の真相糾明委員会の援助を受けながら韓国内で遺族を探してきました そして 何人もの遺族が発見されました 遺骨を遺族に届けることと共に遺族が特定できない遺骨であっても 韓国にとどけたいと決心し 今回の遺骨奉還の準備に入ったのです 市民が進める和解の未来今回の遺骨奉還は 日韓両政府とは依存関係を作らず 市民独自の奉還として取り組みました それは 市民の運動は 特定の権威や権力と結びつくことを拒否することを意味します しかし 市民運動は政治を拒否するのではありません 主体性を維持しつつ 必要なら政治に積極的にコミットします そもそも現代の市民運動が政治的になるのは当然であります 現実政治が 戦争と平和や人権など 東アジアに住む市民に直接の影響を与えるからであり 政治は常に私たちの生殺与奪の権利を握っているからです 私は今回の遺骨奉還の旅の途上 各地でのスピーチを通して 日韓両政府に遺骨協議の再開を呼びかけました つまり 現代の私たちの市民運動は 政府とも対等に向き合い 発言し 批判もしますが 必要なら協力も惜しまない運動だと考えます 遺骨問題も政府が役割を担わなければ 最終的な解決は難しいでしょう 日本軍慰安婦 の問題もしかりであります しかし 今の日本政府は市民運動に向き合うことに極めて慎重であり 拒否的ですらあります 確かに日本の運動史の過去には 学生運動や労働運動が反政府運動の性格を強く持っていた時代がありました しかし 21 世紀の今日 市民運動の基本的性格が反政府運動であるとは言えません 必要な批判は遠慮なくしますが 市民運動の目的が政府を打倒することでないことは明らかです むしろ課題によっては 相互に協力しあう運動であるべきだと考えています 今日の東アジアにおいて実現すべき戦争責任と植民地支配への責任に関して言うなら 私たちも日本政府や企業とともに 東アジアの人々に対して 歴史的責任を自覚する者であり 政府に敵対して戦うわけではないのです 政府が権威主義的にふるまい ナショナリスティックになればなるほど 政府と市民運動の共同は難しくなります しかし あえて申し上げるなら 日本政府は市民運動に率直に向き合うべきであります 市民運動と政府の役割が共同協力の関係に成長するなら 東アジアの懸案の多くが解決の方向に向かうでしょう 企業の責任と役割今回の遺骨奉還には 責任ある日本企業が存在します 戦時下に朝鮮人労働者や日本人タコ部屋労働者を 34 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 35

使役した日本企業は 当然ながら 死亡した犠牲者の遺骨を遺族に届けて 謝罪し 補償すべきでありました しかし 彼らはその責任を果たすことなく戦後の70 年を過ごしてきました 今回 115 体のご遺骨に責任ある企業は 5 社が明らかになりました 岩田地崎建設 菱中建設 菅原建設 三菱マテリアル 日鉄鉱業です 昨年から企業を訪問し 遺骨奉還の計画を伝え 責任ある対応を求めてきました 私たちは企業に法的な戦後補償を求める立場にはありません 遺骨をご遺族にお返しすることは 企業にとって当然の責任ある人道的な対応であり そのことへの協力を要請したのです 結局 いくつかの企業は協力依頼に応えて資金を拠出し いくつかの企業は協力を拒否しました 今回の企業の対応をどう評価するかは 私たちの論議を待たねばなりませんが 企業がこの度の遺骨奉還にそのように態度を表明した事実をお伝えしておきます Keynote Address 1 Historical Reflection for The New Trajectory of Democracy in Asia 日韓の市民運動の共同 協力 Yoshihiko TONOHIRA( 殿平善彦 )_President of East-Asian Collaborative Workshop, Japan 今回の遺骨奉還は 日本と韓国の市民運動の協力関係が強く結びついて実現したものであります 1997 年の遺骨発掘が日本と韓国などの青年たちの出会いと協力で実現したことと同様に 2015 年の遺骨奉還も 日 韓 在日の運動と宗教者の緊密な連携と協力の中から進められてきました 日本では 強制連行 強制労働犠牲者を考える北海道フォーラム と NPO 法人東アジア市民ネットワーク 東アジア共同ワークショップ などが積極的な役割を果たし 本願寺教団に所属する僧侶や関心ある研究者たちが協力を惜しみませんでした 韓国では いくつかの市民運動が結合して 社団法人平和の踏み石 を結成し 日本と韓国の市民運動が相互に話し合い 協力し合って 強制労働犠牲者追悼 遺骨奉還委員会 を結成しました 委員会の共同代表には私と鄭炳浩さんが着きました 戦後 70 年を越えた今になってようやくとの思いではありますが 当然の正義を実現したいという遺骨奉還委員会の願いは 日本列島 韓半島縦断の旅の中で 多くの人々の心に届いたように思います 遺骨が釜山からソウルに向かい 聖公会大聖堂の地下納骨堂に安置された19 日未明 日本の国会では戦争への道を開く安全保障法案を強行採決していました 戦争を許容する政府に対して かつての戦争と植民地支配の暗部を克服しようとする遺骨奉還は見事な対比を描きました 私たちの遺骨奉還のプロセスを日韓のマスメディアは積極的に報道しました この度の遺骨奉還は 日本政府の戦争政策批判であるとともに 政府の遺骨問題への取り組みを促す世論喚起にもなったのではないかと考えます 東アジアの市民が創る多様な市民運動はこれからますます重要な役割を果たして行くでありましょう 市民運動もグローバル化していきます 相互の市民運動が国境を越えて交流し 友情を育み 政治に追随せず 政治に働きかける運動を東アジアに育むなら むしろ市民が先駆けとなって 新たな時代を創り出す可能性があります 私たちは韓国とともに台湾の市民運動にも学びたい そしてつながりたいと願っています また 中国や北朝鮮の人々にも積極的に語り掛けていきたい そこにこそ新しい21 世紀の希望が見えてくると確信します 完 This spring, the Committee to Mourn and Return the Remains of Deceased Forced Laborers formed by Japanese, Koreans, Koreans living in Japan, and participants from the U.S. and Australia carried the remains of 115 Koreans who died in Japan after being forced into hard labor during World War II, departed Hokkaido ( 北海道 ) in September 12, 2015, and travelled in Japan by a bus. The remains were carried and arrived in Busan from Shimonoseki by a ferry. Memorial ceremonies were held at the Seoul Square on September 19, and the remains were laid to rest in the charnel house at Seoul Memorial Park in Paju, Gyeonggi province. Citizens from all sorts of backgrounds including Koreans living in Japan cooperated and made a plan autonomously to return the remains of Koreans who died Hokkaido during World War II to their home without relying on the government. It is not too much to say that it marked a new era in modern history. History before the Return of the Remains It was estimated that over 700,000 Koreans were taken and forced to work in Japan during World War II from 1940 to 1945. Many of them died in Japan, never made it to home, and the remains have been left throughout Japan including Hokkaido even 70 years after the end of war. Investigation and the return of the remains of the victims are indispensable tasks to realize reconciliation of history in East Asia. Hokkaido is the one of the places where the remains are still left behind. Civic groups have been exhuming the remains and the remains have been found in charnel houses of Buddhist temple in Hokkaido. This is a campaign of addressing history in the past, which is began by Japanese 36 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 37

themselves, and this movement led to a wish to reconcile with the people in East Asia. Issues on the Remains of Korean and Japanese Governments In December 2004, President Roh Moo-hyun pressed to return the remains of Koreans in Japan at the Korea-Japan summit of President Roh Moo-hyun and Prime Minister Koizumi, and Prime Minister Koizumi pledged to work. Consultations between governments have been done intermittently in compliance with the promise. Some of the remains of conscripted Korean soldiers and civilians have been returned, but the remains of the victims who were forced to work by companies, even a single body, haven t been returned up to today. It was because even a summit couldn t be continued due to the Japanese government that did not express its reflection and both governments that advocate nationalism. Individual Meeting and Cooperation Why are the remains returned by citizens while the return of the remains between governments has come to a dead end? There have been civic movements of Japan and Korea up to this day. However the direct opportunity was the beginning of a meeting between individuals. In the fall of 1989, a young Korean researcher visited our temple by chance. He is Jung Byoung Ho, a cultural anthropologist. At that time, he was studying at the University of Illinois at Chicago, and he came to inspect a child-care center, which was managed by me. He investigated the childcare center while he was staying at my place. I have been investigating and exhuming the remains of Korean forced labor victims, scattered throughout Hokkaido, since 1980. I told him the remains of victims were remained throughout Hokkaido, and some of the remains were buried near the Uryu dam. And I told him that I would exhume the remains and return them to their families. Then he suggested I will go back to Korea soon but I will bring students to exhume the remains when I become a professor. Please gather students of Japanese and Korean residents in Japan. Let s exhume the remains by hands of young Koreans, Japanese, and Koreans living in Japan. In the summer of 1997, the 9th year since the promise, the East Asia Joint Workshop for Peace that was formed by young Japanese, Koreans, and Koreans living in Japan to exhume the remains was held for 10 days. One hundred young people gathered in Shumarinai ( 朱鞠内 ), and exhumed the remains of four Japanese takobeya (labor camp in poor conditions) labors (Japanese prisoners who were forced to work) and Korean forced labors who died for a dam construction. Young people who sweated together to exhume the remains have faced with the remains that were excavated from soil. History that is connected to the young people appeared before their eyes. Though participants were experiencing conflicts, they began to share a friendship. The East Asia Joint Workshop for Peace has been continued for 18 years, and over 1,000 young people are continuing the meeting. A specific ideology or organization was not interposed in this project. Their thoughts that they want to continue a friendship based on common historical awareness obtained through the remains have kept the workshop. I will present this activity in the afternoon session again. The return of the remains has solidified by the discussion of me and Mr. Jung, Byoung Ho and we sought cooperation of our acquaintances. Park Won-soon, the Mayor of Seoul, is the one of them. The mayor is the one of our friends who has kept participating the workshop since the 1990s. Members of the East Asia Joint Workshop for Peace who have been developing a friendship have worked busily to prepare the workshop. A direct motive of the return of the remains is from a wish to realize a strong desire of the bereaved. We searched for the bereaved in Korea while we are receiving support from the Korea s Truth Committee, and we have found the bereaved families. We have prepared to return the remains to the bereaved families, and we also wanted to return the remains that failed to locate the bereaved to Korea. The Future of Reconciliation by Citizens Citizens of both countries autonomously have worked on the project to return the remains of forced Korean labors who died in Japan during World War II without relying on the Korean and Japanese governments. This means that civic movements refuse to be related to a particular authority. However this doesn t mean that civic movements refuse politics. Civic movements get involved in politics if necessary while they maintain their independence. It is natural that civic movements are being political. It is because realistic politics directly affect the citizens in East Asia by wars, peace, human rights, etc. and it always seizes life-or-death authority of us. I have pressed both Korean and Japanese governments to resume the consultation on the remains through speeches in various places along my journey to return the remains. Modern civic movements face the governments equally, state their opinions, and criticize the government. However civic movements are willing to cooperate with the government if necessary. It will be hard to settle issues on the remains, if the government does not perform its role. So is the Sexual slavery issue. However, currently the Japanese government has a very cautious attitude toward civil movements, and the Japanese government has rather resisted citizens initiatives. There was a time when student movements or labor movements were antigovernment movements in the past of Japanese history of civil movement. However, it is not necessarily that a civic movement is an antigovernment movement in the 21st century. Civic movements do not hesitate to criticize the government if necessary but it is clear that civic movements do not target overthrowing the 38 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 39

government. I believe today s civil movements shall cooperate with the government by pending issues. As for war and colonial rule responsibilities to be realized in East Asia countries, we are aware of historical responsibilities to East Asian people, along with the Japanese government or companies. However, we do not wage a war against the government. It becomes more and more difficult for the government and civic movements to cooperate as the government is being authoritarian and nationalistic. However, if I may say, the Japanese government needs to face with civic movements openly. If the role of civic movements and the government grow as cooperative relations, the most of pending issues of East Asia will head for the direction of solutions. Responsibilities and Roles of Corporations There are Japanese companies who are responsible for the return of the remains to Korea. Japanese corporations that employed forced Korean labors or Japanese takobeya labors during World War II should have returned the remains of victims to the bereaved, made an apology, and compensated. However, 70 years have passed since the end of war without fulfilling responsibilities of Japanese corporations. Five companies have been revealed as companies that are responsible for the remains of 115 Korean forced labors. Those companies are Iwata chizaki Inc., ( 岩田地崎建設 ), Hisinaka Construction Corporation ( 菱中建設 ), Sugawara construction ( 菅原建設 ), Mitsubishi materials ( 三菱マテリアル ), and Nippon Steel and Mining( 日鉄鉱業 ). We have visited corporations, have delivered the plan of returning the remains, and have pressed them for a responsible response since last year. We are not asking for legal compensations to the corporations. Those corporations that employed force labors are responsible to return the remains to the bereaved, which is a humanitarian response, and we have requested cooperation in returning the remains. Several corporations eventually responded to our request and paid funds, but other corporations have refused to cooperate. We need to discuss how to evaluate the response of these corporations, but we would like to inform you that corporations showed these attitudes towards the return of the remains. role, and Buddhist monks from the Hongwanji order and interested researchers have spared no efforts. In Korea, several civic movements have united and formed the Peace Steppingstone Corporation, civic movements of Japan and Korea cooperated with each other, and they formed the Committee to Mourn and Return the Remains of Deceased Forced Laborers. Mr. Jung Byoung Ho and I are co-representative of the committee. We have the feeling that it is rather too late, 70 years after the end of World War II. However, we believe wishes of the committee to return the remains to the families were delivered in many people s minds in our journey from Japan to Korea. The enactment of new security legislations have passed in the Japanese National Security Cegislation at dawn of September 19, when the remains of forced labor victims arrived in Busan and laid in a vault of cathedral of the Anglican. The government that allows for wars presents a clear contrast to the return of the remains, which is a part of reconciliation to overcome a dark past of war and colonization. The media have aggressively reported the process of the return of the remains. I think the return of the remains is criticism for the war policy of the government and it also played a role to arouse public opinion to press the Japanese government for the activities on the issue of the remains. Diverse civic movements created by citizens of East Asia will play the more important role. Civic movements are being globalized. If civic movements of the two countries interact each other beyond the border, develop a friendship, do not follow politics and develop citizens movements that press the government and politics in East Asia, it is possible to create a new era by citizens. We would like to learn about civil movements of Taiwan with Korea, and establish ties with civic movements in Taiwan. We also would like to interact with Chinese and North Koreans actively. We are sure that there is new hope for the 21st century. Cooperation of Korean and Japanese Civic Movements The project to return the remains of Korean forced labor victims has been done by close cooperation of Japanese and Korean civic movements. As the exhumation of the remains were done by a meeting and cooperation of Japanese and Korean young people in 1997, the return of the remains has been ongoing under a close association and cooperation of civic groups and religions of Korean, Japanese, and Koreans living in Japan in 2015. In Japan, the Hokkaido Forum for the Recognition of Forced Labor and its Victims, NPO Corporation East Asia Citizen Network, and the East Asia Joint Workshop have played an active 40 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 41

Case Presentation 1 Migrant Workers and Democracy: Critical questions in the context of a neoliberal world order Verna Dinah Q. Viajar, _ ICDD Graduate Program University of Kassel SLIDE 1 Introduction I wish to thank the Korea Democracy Foundation for inviting me to participate in this important forum. It is indeed a great pleasure to come to Korea and I appreciate this opportunity to learn from the interaction with scholars and activists in this forum. I hope to contribute in this discussion on how we keep democratic concepts, based on our experiences, remain meaningful today and in our own lives because for some of us, the lack of democracy is still a matter of life and death. For some of us, the absence of democracy continue to push people into precarious life and work conditions such as the migrants and the domestic workers. For some of us in distant lands, the absence of democracy is sowing the fertile grounds of war and leaving hungry people along the way. And for some of us, the lack of democracy has created millions of refugees and economic migrants around the world. We saw Syrian children dying on the shores of Turkey just to cross the oceans to Germany. Closer to our homes, we saw Rohingyas left stranded in the middle of the ocean surrounded by Asian countries unwilling to take them in. From Asia to Europe, we share critical questions on why a few countries can become the destination of dreams while the many the epitome of misery; why a 1% of the population control the wealth created by hard labor while the rest remain slaves to the concept of wages; and why capital can multiply many times, goods can have freedom of movement but labor cannot. In this presentation, I will link the phenomenon of migration with the shifting and sometimes flowing understanding of democracy in the context of an increasingly neoliberalizing world that challenges our multi-faceted political, economic and cultural lives. I further argue that in this moment of history, democracy need to be understood in the context of power relations by raising critical questions about today s political and economic norms and challenging the dominant concepts in the current capitalist development. Democracy: critical questions Democracy is a concept important to me. So important that I named my daughter, Minju (however, I told her that if she is uncomfortable with it she can change her name when she s old enough). Being from the Philippines, a nation that has suffered under a dictatorship and revolted through people power, I understood democracy as inherently tied to the concept of freedom. And so my daughter s first name, Yana, is a derivative from the Tagalog/Filipino word Kalayaan which means freedom (I apologized to her about this and told her that she would understand her mother better for this). Being part of the generation called Martial Law Babies, those who grew up as a child in the 1970-80s, I got involved in the student movement while in university in late 1980s. Our understanding of democracy has evolved then into how to rebuild our political institutions and civil society severely damaged by authoritarianism. Democracy then would mean having the freedoms to speak our own mind, to organize workers against oppressive work conditions, to practice freely cultural beliefs and religions, to challenge systemic patriarchy, and to struggle for gender equality. SLIDE 2 Twenty-nine years later today, these issues remain relevant but our progressive movements in the Philippines need to ask more from our so-called democratic political institutions. To ask more critical questions such as: why despite institutionalizing the election process, governance remain corrupted and political elites still control the rules of the game?; or why Filipinos continue to sail abroad for work when this practice was supposed to be temporary to ease social unrest during the dictatorship? ; or why despite the freedom to unionize, Filipino workers remain powerless and destitute?. SLIDE 3 Our understanding of democracy has been transforming since it was practiced by the citizens of Athens in the ancient times. True to its literal meaning of rule of the people, the Athenoan form of direct democracy consists of the citizens governing themselves through collective dialogue and debates. But then during those times, only men with properties were considered citizens and so they excluded the rest of the human race. The evolution of the concept of nation-state further redefined the meaning of citizenship and ushered the practice of indirect 42 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 43

democracy where the people give their power to representatives to govern for them. Different forms of representative democracy exist today. However, no settled model of democracy exists, only a number of competing models (Heywood 1994, 170). Essentially, democracy as a concept, as a norm and as an idea has contested meanings. SLIDE 4 In this light, I argue that we examine democracy as a notion of how we live as a people and emphasize on the kratos or power in the word democracy. I view power in the sense that it goes beyond the ability to influence the behavior of others but power as capability to shape preferences (ideas) and conduct (behavior) through the capability to manufacture broad consent rather than the use of brute force. This is power conceptualized as hegemony. Hegemony is a form of domination but accepted and consented at the level of ideas supported by the production relations (neoliberal capitalist system) and institutions (i.e. laws, media, schools, church, or civil society). Hegemony, understood as opinion-molding activity (Bieler and Morton 2004), shapes our collective notions of reality. Reality being not only of our physical reality but also of the ideas underpinning our social institutions, cultural, moral and ideological contexts that shapes our thoughts and actions (also see Bieler and Morton 2004). To illustrate, the dominant notion today of the good life is accumulating material possessions, to rise above the rest through competition, and the rights of private and individual property reign supreme. Similarly this is reflected at the global level producing and reinforcing inequalities with the intensification of neoliberal capitalist development. Neoliberalism in this context would mean the dominance of the market logic in production relations; it is a type of capitalist accumulation based on competition; and the subjugation of labor by capital through the increase of precarious employment. The inequalities between and among nations along economic development created the core (the advanced) and the peripheral (the developing) countries in the global production system. The uneven development of core and peripheral countries set in motion the conditions for intensive economic and political migration. SLIDE 5 Migration and democracy, concepts which are familiar yet so alien Migration has never been this intense in this neoliberal period. Migration has been happening throughout the history of humankind. We are products of the ancient flow of people across lands and oceans. In the end, we are actually all migrants. Yet the resurgence of primitive accumulation under neoliberal capitalism at the national and global levels reanimates the importation of labor alongside emigration between the core and peripheral countries. The appropriation of labor however, is profoundly racialized which has already began in the past through the migrant flow from the former colonies to the core countries. The phenomenon of migrant labor serves the logic of maintaining low labor costs in capitalist production since the colonial period. In my study of migrant workers in Malaysia, the wheels of industrial development necessitates tapping into the vast army of cheap labor available across borders in order to serve the capitalist class. Migrant workers do not steal jobs but are caught in a production system where workers are put in competition with each other and where their labor is commodified. My study of migrant domestic workers in Malaysia highlights the commodification of labor in the domestic care industry through intensive demand for cheap and disposable labor composed of women from poorer countries in Southeast Asia. Domestic work whether paid or unpaid, reflects the continuing devaluation of women in the social productive-reproductive divide and separation of formal-informal labor. Because domestic work is mostly done inside the household considered not a workplace, most countries still consider domestic work as nonwork. Since domestic work is mostly unpaid and done by women, the patriarchal dimension of capitalist production that undervalues women maintain domestic work as a lowly-paid work. Race and gender hierarchies are intensified in this industry but the class dimension should not be forgotten because domestic workers are workers too. It just happens that they are women and migrants from poorer countries. The neoliberal capitalist system today thrives in the globalization of primitive accumulation expanding global labor reserve and allows enterprises to survive through the availability of coerced unfree labour (Ferguson and McNally 2014). At present, programs of temporary/ guest worker programs in migrant-receiving countries underline temporary servitude through the absence of civil and labour rights especially for the undocumented migrant workers. The migrant workers represent the hyper-precarious workers of our time given the restrictive and punitive migration policies of receiving countries. The inhumane border policies against migrant labor are meant to deepen the condition of deportability of migrant workers (Ferguson and McNally 2014, 6). Concluding Remarks: Alternative democratic visions At this point, I offer suggestions on how to frame the lines of analysis upon which we can base strategies towards democratization. From my experiences with the trade union movement in the Philippines, a clear analysis of the political-economic moment and awareness of the cultural pulse of the society is key in advancing alternative democratic visions and strategies. For example in the Philippines, political power resides to those that hold economic power because joining elections entail massive costs. The political structures and policies reflect the interests of the hegemonic class intent on maintaining political and economic power by 44 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 45

controlling the political processes that excludes the masses and thus, perpetuating poverty of the many. Political family dynasties remain hegemonic because of our cultural traditions that perpetuate a patron-client power relation where the people provide loyalty to political and economic leaders in their villages or communities. Thus, the interrelationship of our political, economic and cultural structures held together by hegemony reinforces a system of elite democracy. need to offer alternative ideologies that feeds the mind of the people. In short, the task of changing world order begins with the long, laborious effort to build new historic blocs within national boundaries Robert Cox SLIDE 9 Thank you for your attention. SLIDE 6 The figure shows the interlocking relations of the political, economic and cultural dimensions upon which alternative visions of democracy can be anchored. Verna Dinah Q. Viajar Email: verna.viajar@icdd.uni-kassel.de/ verna.viajar@gmail.com www.icdd.uni-kassel.de In order to democratize political structures and institutions, we need to ask ourselves how do we envision a democratic political system? From a neo-gramscian perspective, the view of the State is composed of the interlocking relations of the political society and civil society. In the formation of a democratic state, the political arena is a terrain of contestation of various social forces in the struggle for hegemony. SLIDE 7 Political democracy would then refer to how open and inclusive the space for political contestation and governance is in a given society. Some social movements would call it participatory democracy. Economic democracy would strive for alternative production relations of a social economy where the economy serves the purposes of the society and not the market. Is this what some would call solidary economy or social economy? Democratizing the economy addresses the questions of wealth distribution, income inequality, social protection, etc. Cultural democracy addresses the notions of consumerism, individualism and competition heightened by capitalist relations. This also challenges gender inequalities towards a gender fairer society. Cultural democracy also asks how to uphold individual freedoms but does not damage the collective fabric of society. Bibliography Bieler, A., and A. D. Morton. 2004. A Critical Theory Route to Hegemony, World Order and Historical Change: Neo-Gramscian Perspectives in International Relations. Capital & Class 28 (1): 85 113. doi:10.1177/030981680408200106. Cox, Robert W. 1981. Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory. Millennium (03058298) 10 (2): 203 54. Ferguson, Susan, and David McNally. 2014. Precarious Migrants: Gender, Race and the Social Reproduction of a Global Working Class. Socialist Register 51 (51). Heywood, Andrew. 1994. Political Ideas and Concepts: An Introduction. London: Macmillan Press. SLIDE 8 My point here is that we need to challenge power relations and ideologies underpinning the dominant notions of how our political, economic and cultural worlds are constructed. Essentially, democratization cannot only be confined at the political realm but also at the level of the economy and culture. For social movements that forwards alternative democratic visions of society, it is not only important to capture the hearts of the people but there is a 46 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 47

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특집세션 1. 아시아민주주의지표를통한민주주의진단 Review on Democratic in Asia through the Asia Democracy Index 1부. 변화하는아시아민주주의 사회 : 오유석 ( 성공회대학교 ) 발표 1. 김형철 ( 성공회대학교 ) 발표 2. 클레어베리아 ( 필리핀국립대학교, 필리핀 ) 발표 3. 욜란다판짓탄 ( 인도네시아국립대학교, 인도네시아 ) 발표 4. 앤드류아리아 ( 사라왁대학교, 말레이시아 ) 발표 5. 나루에몬따브츔폰 ( 출라롱콘대학교, 태국 ) 발표 6. 나빈찬데르 ( 뉴델리대학교, 인도 ) 발표 7. 힝신랴오 ( 세신대학교, 대만 ) 토론 : 패널 1. 스테판린드버그 ( 민주주의다양성연구소대표, 예테보리대학교, 스웨덴 ) 패널 2. 박종민 ( 아시아바로미터, 고려대학교 ) 2부. 지표에담긴민주주의, 지표를넘어선민주주의 사회 : 이기웅 ( 성공회대학교 ) 발표 1. 스테판린드버그 ( 민주주의다양성연구소대표, 예테보리대학교, 스웨덴 ) 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in AsiaCrisis or New Trajectory 53

발표 1 아시아민주주의지표 (ADI) 로본한국민주주의의성격 김형철 _ 성공회대학교 I. 서론 이연구는 CADI에서개발한 아시아민주주의지표 (Asia Democracy Index) 를통해한국민주주의의성격을분석하는데목적이있다. 한국은국내 외적으로제3의민주화물결을경험한국가들중모범적인민주화이행국가로서평가되어왔다. 즉, 헌팅턴 (S. P. Huntington) 이제시한기준에의하면, 1987년 12월민주헌법하에서실시된정초선거 (founding election) 이후공정하고자유로운선거의지속, 김영삼정부하에서하나회청산을통한군에대한문민통제, 그리고두차례에걸친여 야간에평화로운정권교체가이루어졌다는점에서한국민주주의는제도화되었다고할수있다. 그러나최근에는한국민주주의가후퇴하고있다는우려가확산되고있다. 지난 2012년대선에서국가정보원, 국가보훈처, 사이버사령부등정보기관과행정기관의선거개입이이루어졌다. 또한행정부에의한통합진보당의해산청구와전국교직원노조의법외노조규정등정치적 시민적기본권인결사의자유와의사표현의자유가심각하게침해되고있다. 프리덤하우스 (Freedom House) 의지표도이러한현상을반영하고있다. 즉, 2015년보고서에따르면, 한국은 1988년이후줄곧 1점을유지했던정치적권리 (political rights) 가 2013년과 2014년에는 2점으로평가되어종합적인자유지수가일본 (1), 대만 (1.5), 몽골 (1.5) 보다낮게평가되었다. 또한언론의자유및인터넷자유와같은의사표현의자유의정도는부분적자유 (partly free) 국가로평가되고있다 (http://www.freedomhouse. org/report). 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 55

free score freedom of the Press freedom of the Net < 표 1> 한국의자유지수, 언론자유지수, 그리고인터넷자유지수 (Freedom House 2004-2014) 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 1.5 (1,2) 29 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 29 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 30 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 30 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 30 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 30 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 32 (PF) - - - - - - - 1.5 (1,2) 32 (PF) 32 (PF) 1.5 (1,2) 31 (PF) 34 (PF) 2 (2,2) 32 (PF) 32 (PF) 2 (2,2) 33 (PF) 33 (PF) 출처 : http://www.freedomhouse.org/ 정리 즉, 한국의민주주의는민주주의를위한최소한의조건인시민적 정치적권리가침해되고있으며, 국가권 력기관의개입에의해선거공정성이침해되었다는점에서민주적결손 (democratic deficit) 현상을보이고있다. 따라서이연구는한국민주주의에있어어떠한민주적조건이결손되었는지를아시아민주주의지표를통해추적하고, 이에기초하여한국민주주의의성격을규정하고자한다. 이를위해메르켈 (Wolfgang Merkel) 과 Hans-Jurgen Puhle이제시한자유민주주의를구성하는부분체계 (partial regimes) 와결손민주주의 (defective democracy) 의유형을이용하고자한다. 이연구의구성은다음과같다. II장에서는아시아민주주의지표의체계와구성그리고조사방법에대해설명하고자한다. III장에서는결손민주주의의유형을정리하고다음으로지난 4년간조사한결과를중심으로정치영역에서의결여된부분체계를추적하고자한다. IV장에서는아시아민주주의지표조사결과를통해한국민주주의의성격을제시하고자한다. 자율성을회복함과동시에각영역의자기입법화가이루어지는자유화와권력과자원의독점에대한견제와균형이이루어지고평등하게배분되는평등화의정도를통해아시아민주주의의수준을평가할수있다. 이같은평가는권력과자원에대한접근과배분이소수에게집중되는과두제현상을설명할수있고또한절차적민주주의에서간과해온 평등 의원리를설명할수있다는점에서의미를찾을수있다. 아시아민주주의지표체계는핵심원리-하위원리-항목-지표의순으로구성된다. 핵심원리는자유화와평등화이다. 자유화는타영역으로부터의규제혹은개별영역에서의독점의규제로부터벗어나는정도를측정하는원리로서자율성과경쟁성을하위원리로한다. 즉, 시민들의자기의사결정에있어자율성과다양한가치의경쟁이보장되는정도로서의경쟁성을통해자유화의정도를측정할수있다. 평등화는분화된각영역에서자원의독점에대한견제와균형이얼마나이루어지고있는지, 그리고그것을할수있는자원이평등하게배분되고있는지를의미한다. 평등화의하위원리는권력과자원의분산정도를의미하는다원성과자원의독점을보정하는제도혹은수단의정도를의미하는연대성이다. 아시아민주주의지표는총 49개의항목과 57개의지표로구성되어있다. 이를보다자세히살펴보면정치영역은 18개의항목과 19개의지표, 경제영역은 16개의항목과 20개의지표, 시민사회영역은 15개의항목과 18개의지표로구성되어있다. < 표 1> 아시아민주주의지표총괄표영역정치 (18항목) 경제 (16항목) 시민사회 (15항목) II. 아시아민주주의의지표의구성과조사방법 1. 아시아민주주의지표의체계와구성 민주화이후아시아의여러국가들에서절차적수준 (procedural level) 에서의민주주의제도가정착되어지고있으나, 실질적수준 (substantial level) 에서여전히소수의특권계층과특권계급에의한권력과자원의독점화현상이지속되고있다. 한국, 대만, 필리핀, 인도네시아, 태국을대상으로민주주의의특성을분석한조희연 (2008) 은군부, 가문, 족벌 ( 필리핀 ), 기업 ( 자본 ), 인종, 종교등에의한구독점복합체가민주화이후에도해체의정도가미약하고변형되어지속되고있음을지적한다. 1) 예를들어, 한국과대만의경우, 절차적인수준에서정경분리및국가와시민사회의분리그리고구독점세력과저항세력간의권력분점이이루어졌지만, 여전히실질적인수준에서는변형된독점복합체 ( 자본-학벌-지역연합 ) 의영향력과독점현상이지속되고있다. 따라서아시아민주주의의수준을평가함에있어절차적수준뿐만아니라정치, 경제그리고사회영역에서권력과자원의 탈독점화 라는실질적수준에서접근할필요가있다. 즉, 독점복합체의해체를통해각영역이 원리 자유화 평등화 자율성 경쟁성 다원성 연대 1 국가폭력의행사정도 2 시민적자유 3 정치집단의형성및활동의자유 4 정치적반대의허용 1 참정권의확대 2 국가의효율성 3 비선거적최고권력의존재 4 법치 / 법의지배 5 선거공정성 6 투명성 1 권력기구상호간독립성및상호견제 2 의회내권력분산 3 정치적대표성 4 국가기구의민주화 1 참여제도및참여정도 2 적극적조치 3 현민주주의제도에대한신뢰도 4 민주주의제도및가치에대한신뢰도 1 정치권력으로부터의자유 2 기본적노동권의보호 3 정책결정의대외적자율성 1 경제의투명성 2 경제의공정성 3 정부의책임성 4 기업의책임성 1 경제적독점 2 지역간불평등 3 소득불평등 4 자산불평등 5 고용불평등 1 사회보장제도 2 노동조합의활동 3 기업감시 4 불평등완화의식 1 국가로부터 ( 시민사회의 ) 자율성 2 시장으로부터 ( 시민사회 ) 자율성 3 사회구성원의자율성 4 관용 1 자발적결사체의능력 2 자발적결사체의공공성 3 자발적결사체의투명성 4 자발적결사체의다양성 1 공론장의불평등 2 정보의불평등 3 문화의불평등 4 권력의불평등 1 다양성보장제도및적극적조치 2 참여의식및활동 3 국가와시민사회의가버넌스 1. 조희연은민주화이후독점복합체의해체의정도를중심으로독점복합체의해체정도가낮고, 정치적독점의해제정도가낮은체제를신과두제 (neo-oligarchy) 로, 반면에각영역의독점세력간의분화가이루어졌고, 정치적영역에서도분화가이루어진체제를포스트-과두제 (postoligarchy) 로유형화하고있다. 2. 조사대상의선정과조사방법 아시아민주주의지표는전문가를대상으로초점집단조사를하였다. 본조사는객관성과전문성을동시에확 56 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 57

보하기위해먼저, 전문가를선정하는데있어이념적기준을활용하여이념적편향성을통제하였으며, 다음으 로는정치, 경제, 시민사회라는세분석영역의전문가를대상으로조사하였다. 이러한원칙에따라한국에서는 II. 경제영역 정치, 경제, 시민사회의영역별전문가 9 명씩을대상으로하였으며, 각영역내에서는보수, 중보, 진보집단별 항목질문 11 12 13 14 로 3명을할당하였다. 총 27명의전문가들은학자와활동가로구성되었다. 정치와경제영역의조사대상은주로교수등의연구자집단으로구성되었고, 시민사회영역의조사대상은시민사회활동가들로구성되었다. 각항목에대한설문문항은 < 표 2> 와같으며, 각각의설문문항은 10점척도로구성되어있다. 자유화 자율 국가폭력의행사정도 시민적자유 < 표 2> 설문문항 I. 정치영역 항목질문 11 12 13 14 정치집단형성, 활동의자유 정치적반대의허용 1. 시민들은국가기관이행사하는폭력으로부터어느정도보호받고있다고생각하십니까? 2. 시민들에게기본적인자유가어느정도보장되고있다고생각하십니까? 3 정치집단 ( 정당및준정치집단 ) 의결성과활동의자유가어느정도보장되고있다고생각하십니까? 4. 지배세력및지배이념에대한정치적반대및활동이어느정도허용되고있다고생각하십니까? 6.56 6.89 6.67 6.13 7.22 7.33 7.11 6.38 7.11 7.44 6.89 5.88 6.56 6.22 6.44 5.75 참정권의확대 5. 시민들의참정권은어느정도보장되어있다고생각하십니까? 8.22 7.11 7.89 6.38 국가의효율성 6. 국가기관및정부의정책이얼마나효과적으로적고있다고생각하십니까? 4.33 5.00 5.67 4.25 원리 자유화 자율 경쟁 다원성 정치권력으로부터의자유 기본적노동권의보호 정책결정의대외적자율성 1. 정치권력이민간기업의운영에어느정도영향력을행사한다고생각하십니까? 4.78 5.22 4.00 4.11 2. 노동권이얼마나잘보장되어있다고생각하십니까? 4.33 4.89 3.56 3.78 3. 강제노동과아동노동에대한금지가얼마나잘지켜지고있다고생각하십니까? 4. 중앙정부의경제정책결정과정이외국및외국자본의영향력으로부터얼마나자율적이라고생각하십니까? 5.78 5.67 5.67 6.78 5.89 5.22 4.11 5.56 경제의투명성 5. 기업경영은얼마나투명하게이루어지고있다고생각하십니까? 4.22 4.33 3.22 4.56 경제의공정성 6. 기업간경쟁은얼마나공정하게이루어진다고생각하십니까? 3.67 3.44 2.78 4.00 정부의책임성 7. 정부는노동자의권리를보장하기위해얼마나많은노력을하고있다고생각하십니까? 3.56 4.11 3.00 4.11 기업의책임성 8. 민간기업이노동자의권리를잘보장하고있다고생각하십니까? 3.44 3.67 3.00 4.22 경제적독점 지역간불평등 9. 경제가특정세력이나집단에의해얼마나장악되어있다고생각하십니까? 10. 지역적차이에의한경제적불평등이얼마나심각하다고생각하십니까? 3.13 2.78 1.78 1.89 4.67 3.22 2.56 2.67 소득불평등 11. 소득불평등이얼마나심각하다고생각하십니까? 4.22 2.11 1.89 1.89 자산불평등 12. 자산의불평등이얼마나심각하다고생각하십니까? 3.00 1.89 1.22 1.33 경쟁 비선거적최고권력의존재 7. 선거에의해지않은집단이국가권력을어느정도장악하고있다고생각하십니까? 4.00 3.78 4.33 3.00 법치 / 법의지배 8. 법치주의 (rule of law) 가어느정도실현되고있다고생각하십니까? 5.33 5.22 6.22 5.75 선거공정성 / 경쟁성 9. 선거는얼마나공정하게이루어진다고생각하십니까? 7.78 7.67 7.56 6.50 평등화 고용의불평등 13. 노동시장에서의차별은얼마나심각하다고생각하십니까? 3.78 2.89 2.11 2.78 사회보장제도 14. 빈곤계층에대한지원제도가얼마나잘시행되고있다고생각하십니까? 4.56 4.22 4.22 4.22 15. 사회보험제도가얼마나잘시행되고있다고생각하십니까? 4.89 5.22 4.33 5.11 원리 다원성 다원화 투명성 권력기구상호간독립성, 상호견제 의회내권력분산 정치적대표성 10. 국가기관들이얼마나투명하게운영되고있다고생각하십니까? 11. 국가기관들의독립성과상호균형이어느정도이루어지고있다고생각하십니까? 5.33 5.33 5.33 4.38 5.11 5.11 5.00 4.75 12. 의회에서권력분산은어느정도이루어지고있다고생각하십니까? 4.78 5.00 5.78 6.25 13. 의회는사회의다양한집단들을얼마나잘대표하고있다고생각하십니까? 4.78 3.89 5.11 4.63 국가기구의민주화 14. 국가기관들은얼마나민주적으로운영된다고생각하십니까? 4.78 4.89 5.56 4.13 참여제도및참여정도 15. 시민들이선거를포함한다양한정치적의사결정과정에얼마나활발하게참여한다고생각하십니까? 7.00 4.44 5.33 4.50 연대 노동조합활동 기업감시 불평등완화의식 16. 노동조합이얼마나잘조직되어있다고생각하십니까? 3.11 3.33 3.11 3.56 17. 노동조합이중앙정부의정책결정과정에얼마나영향을미친다고생각하십니까? 4.00 3.67 3.11 3.11 18. 노동조합의경영참여가얼마나잘이루어진다고생각하십니까? 2.11 2.11 2.00 1.89 19. 기업활동에대한시민감시가얼마나잘이루어지고있다고생각하십니까? 20. 시민들이경제적으로불평등한구조를개선하는데얼마나적극적이라고생각하십니까? 3.44 3.89 3.67 5.00 3.88 3.78 4.11 5.00 연대 적극적조치 현민주주의제도에대한신뢰도 민주주의제도및가치에대한신뢰도 16. 사회적약자및소수자에대한적극적조치 (affirmative action) 가어느정도시행되고있다고생각하십니까? 4.33 4.44 5.11 4.63 17. 시민들이정부를얼마나신뢰한다고생각하십니까? 4.00 4.67 4.67 4.00 18. 시민들이의회에대해얼마나신뢰한다고생각하십니까? 4.11 3.78 3.78 2.50 19. 시민들이민주주의를얼마나신뢰한다고생각하십니까? 7.33 7.22 7.67 7.00 58 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 59

원리 III. 시민사회 항목질문 11 12 13 14 국가로부터 ( 시민사회의 ) 자율성 시장으로부터의 ( 시민사회의 ) 자율성 사회구성원의자율성 ( 기본적필요 basic needs 및기초인간개발정도 ) 관용 자발적결사체의능력 capability 자발적결사체의공공성 자발적결사체의투명성 자발적결사체의다양성 1. 시민들의활동이정부의간섭과규제로부터얼마나자유롭다고생각하십니까? 2. 관변단체는시민사회에얼마나많은영향력을발휘한다고생각하십니까? 3. 민간기업은시민사회에얼마나많은영향력을미친다고생각하십니까? 4. 기본적필요 (basic needs) 가어느정도충족되고있다고생각하십니까? 5. 기본적필요이외에아동, 여성, 장애인, 이주자등사회적약자와소수자들의특수한필요가어느정도충족되고있다고생각하십니까? 6. 시민들에게교육의기회가어느정도제공되고있다고생각하십니까? 7. 시민들이자신과다른집단의언어, 문화, 종교, 인종, 민족, 이념등을얼마나존중한다고생각하십니까? 4.33 5.00 4.67 4.44 6.11 4.11 4.00 3.11 6.00 3.56 4.22 3.56 5.67 5.89 5.67 5.67 4.11 4.67 3.78 4.33 5.78 6.67 6.00 7.11 5.11 4.67 3.33 4.56 8. NGO 가얼마나영향력이있다고생각하십니까? 5.56 5.33 4.44 5.22 9. NGO 가공공의이익을잘대변한다고생각하십니까? 6.56 6.56 6.00 5.89 10. NGO 가민주적으로운영된다고생각하십니까? 5.22 6.11 5.22 5.33 11. NGO 가사회의다양한가치와요구들을잘대변하고있다고생각하십니까? 5.78 5.56 4.22 5.00 공론장의불평등 12. 언론이공정하다고생각하십니까? 2.75 3.78 2.56 2.78 정보의불평등 13. 시민들간의정보격차가얼마나심각하다고생각하십니까? 7.22 4.33 4.00 4.11 문화의불평등 14. 시민들이문화시설을이용하고문화활동을하는데얼마나평등한기회가주어진다고생각하십니까? 4.67 5.11 4.89 5.44 권력의불평등 15. 시민사회의권력이얼마나분산되어있다고생각하십니까? 4.11 4.78 3.89 4.44 다양성보장제도및적극적조치 참여의식및활동 국가와시민사회의가버넌스 16. 사회적약자와소수자를위한적극적조치 (affirmative actions) 가얼마나잘실현되고있다고생각하십니까? 17. 시민들이 NGO 활동에얼마나적극적으로참여하고있다고생각하십니까? 18. NGO 가정부의정책결정과정에얼마나영향을미친다고생각하십니까? 3.11 3.89 3.00 3.44 3.89 4.00 3.89 3.67 3.78 5.00 4.67 4.56 III. 한국민주주의는무엇이결여되었는가?: 정치영역을중심으로 1. 자유민주주의의부분체계와결손민주주의의유형 신생민주주의의성격과관련된논의는많은학자들에의해진행되었으며, 대부분의신생민주주의체제가민주주의와권위주의의혼합체제 (hybrid regime) 의성격을갖는다고평가하고있다. 2 즉, 다수의신생민주주의체제는민주주의와비민주주의라는스펙트럼사이에존재하며, 자유민주주의 (liberal democracy) 를구성하는부분체계 (partial regimes) 가결여된결손민주주의 (defective democracy) 의성격을갖고있다. Hans-Jurgen Puhle에따르면, 자유민주주의는민주적선거체제 (electoral regime), 정치적자유 (political liberties/public arena), 시민적권리와법의지배 (civil rights and rule of law), 수평적책임성 (horizontal accountability), 그리고통치를위한효과적권력 (the effective power to govern) 의보장이라는 5가지의부분체계로구성되었음을지적한다 (Puhle 2005, 9-10; Merkel 2004, 36). 민주적선거체제는공정하고자유로운경쟁적선거를통해대표를선출하며보통선거권이확대된상태를의미한다. 정치적자유는의사표현의자유와결사의자유가보장되는것이며, 시민적권리와법의지배는시민권의보장, 법의지배와위헌심사권이보장되는것을의미한다. 다음으로수평적책임성은국가권력기구간에견재와균형이이루어지는상태이며, 통치를위한효과적권력은선출자에의해정부가구성됨을의미하는것이다. 그는이들부분체계중결여된구성요소를통해민주주의성격유형을정의하고있다 (Puhle 2005, 12). 1 배제적민주주의 (exclusive democracy) 는자유민주주의와많은부분에서유사하나, 정치권력에의접근이제한된민주주의로서보통선거권의제한을특징으로한다. 2 후견민주주의 (tutelary democracy) 는권력독점의해체가제한된민주주의로서선거와헌법에의해정당화된권력기관존재함에도불구하고군부, 준군사기관, 경제엘리트등비토권력의자의적권력이간접적또는공식적으로제도화된민주주의유형이다. 3 비자유민주주의 (illiberal democracy) 는정치권력의권리가제한되거나침해되는민주주의로서대통령, 관료, 준군사기관, 부패한사법부가헌법을침해하며, 준다원주의적성격에따라행정부에로의권력집중에의한의회와사법부의권력견제와균형이이루어지지못한민주주의이다. 4 위임민주주의 (delegative democracy) 는입법부와사법부의행정부에대한통제와견제가이루어지지않는민주주의로서수평적책임성이존재하지않는민주주의유형이다. 반면자유민주주의는 5가지의부분체계가효과적으로작동되는민주주의로서보통선거권과법의지배가실현되는체제로서정치권력이헌법에기초하여실현되며, 다원주의에기초하여권력의독점이해체된민주주의이다. Merkel(2004) 과 Puhle(2005) 의연구에서태국은배제적민주주의로, 필리핀을비롯한다수의아시아국가는비자유민주주의, 인도네시아는후견민주주의, 대만은자유민주주의로분류되며, 한국은위임민주주의로분류된다. 그러나최근한국의정치적상황과사회경제적상황을고려했을때이들이제시한부분체계에있어수 2. 이러한민주주의의유형을결손민주주의 (defective democracy), 선거민주주의 (electoral democracy), 위임민주주의 (delegative democracy), 혼합민주주의 (hybrid democracy), 그리고제한된민주주의 (restricted democracy) 등이있다 (Diamond 1999; Lipset 1994; Merkel 2004; Rueschemeyer et al. 1992). 60 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 61

평적책임성의결여뿐만아니라시민적권리와법의지배및정치적자유가결여된비자유민주주의의성격을보이고있다고할수있다. 이러한성격의변화가존재하는지를아시아민주주의지표중정치영역을구성하는항목을중심으로살펴보고자한다. 즉, 5개부분체계에부합하는설문항목의변화에초점을맞추어한국민주주의의성격변화를추적하고자한다. < 표 3> 자유민주주의의부분체계와 ADI의구성항목 partial regimes 아시아민주주의지표의구성항목 ( 정치영역 ) electoral regime 참정권의확대, 선거공정성 ( 경쟁성 ), 참여제도및참여정도 political liberties/public arena 정치집단형성, 활동의자유, 정치적반대의허용 civil rights and rule of law 시민적자유, 법치 / 법의지배, affirmative action, 국가폭력의행사정도 horizontal accountability 권력기구상호간독립성, 상호견제, 투명성, 의회내권력분산 the effective power to govern 국가의효율성, 비선거적최고권력의존재 2. 한국민주주의지수 2014년한국민주주의지수는 4.50 으로 2013년도와동일하게측정되었다. 그러나 2011년지수와비교하면 4.93에서 0.43p 하락한것을알수있다. 즉, 자유화지수가 2011년 5.53에서서서히하락하여 2014년조사에서 5.07로낮아졌으며, 평등화지수도 2011년 4.33에서 2014년 3.94로낮아졌다는점은한국민주주의가후퇴하고있음을보여주는것이다. < 그림 1> 한국민주주의지수의변화추이 (2011~2014) 자유화지수의변화추이를보면, 비록 2013년보다 0.11p 상승하여 5.07이지만 2011년과 2012년보다는크게낮아졌다. 이는한국사회전반에있어자유화의수준이지난 4년간후퇴하고있음을의미하는것이다. 다음으로평등화지수도 3.94로서 2011년에조사를시작한이후가장낮게평가되고있다. 즉, 평등화의정도가지속적으로악화되고있음을알수있다. 이는지난박근혜정부의성장중심의경제정책의결과이며, 이를중심으로한사회적양극화의심화에서기인한것이라고평가할수있다. < 표 3> 각영역에서의자유화와평등화지수변화 Politics Economy Civil Society Lib Equ Lib Equ Lib Equ 2011 6.60 5.11 4.46 3.74 5.54 4.14 2012 6.33 4.82 4.57 3.16 5.41 4.4 2013 6.48 5.34 3.67 2.95 4.75 3.84 2014 5.54 4.74 4.64 3.05 5.02 4.04 다음으로각영역에서의자유화와평등화지수의변화를살펴보았다. 그결과중중요한의미를갖는것은정치영역에서의자유화지수가크게하락했다는점이다. 즉, 2011년에정치영역의자유화지수는 6.6이었으나 2014년조사에서는 5.54로다른어떤영역의자유화지수보다크게하락하였다. 이는정치적민주주의를위한최소한의조건으로서시민의정치적자유와권리가위축되었음을의미하는것이며, 법의지배및투명성등이크게후퇴하였음을보여주는것이다. 또한평등화지수도 4.74로서지난조사와비교했을때가장낮은평가를받고있다. 평등화의원리는주로권력의분점과민주주의에대한신뢰와효능감을평가하는데전반적으로이들구성요소에대한평가가낮아졌다. 따라서메르켈이제시한 5개의부분체계 ( 선거체제, 시민적권리, 정치적자유, 수평적책임성그리고통치를위한효과적권력행사 ) 의영역들모두에서결손현상을보이고있다고할수있다. 즉, 자유화와평등화의원리모두에서민주주의가위축되고있음을의미하는것이다. 경제영역의민주주의지수를평가해보면한국민주주의의토대는상당히취약하다는점을알수있다. 경제영역의지수가각영역의지수중가장낮을뿐아니라그경향이지속된다는점은한국민주주의의미래에관해상당한우려를낳게하는동시에, 최장집이주장했던 경제적불평등의심화로인한민주주의의토대상실 이민주주의지표연구에서도나타나고있음을알수있다. 자유화원리는예년의조사와마찬가지로평등화원리보다높은평가를받았는데, 특이한점은두원리간의차이가조사이후가장많이벌여졌다는것이다. 자유화원리가 4.64인데반해평등화는 3.05로거의 1.6의차이가났다. 이는한국사회의가장중요한갈등요소인경제적불평등이여전함을보여준다고할수있다. 시민사회는한나라민주주의의잠재력및동력을측정하는영역이다. 다시말해서다른영역의민주주의지수가낮더라도시민사회의민주주의지수가높다면그나라의민주주의는장기적으로발전할가능성이높다고평가할수있다. 앞의경제영역과마찬가지로 2014년조사에서시민사회영역의민주주의지수는전년도에비하여상승하였다. 시민사회영역의민주주의지수는 2013년도에 4.30으로 2012년비해하락하였는데 2014년에는 2012년의 4.90을회복하지는못하였지만 4.53으로상승하였다. 이러한지수상승에도불구하고자유화원리와평등화원리간의차이는여전히유지되었다. 자유화원리가평등화원리보다여전히높은평가점수를받아, 한국의시민사회가자율화의원리, 즉시민사회가국가및경제로부터독립적이면서독자적인자기원리를갖고있지만, 상대적으로평등화의원리, 즉시민사회내부의다원성과연대는상대적으로부족하다는점을지속적으로보여주고있다. 또시계열적으로보면자유화가상대적으로많이상승한반면평등화는상대적으로상승폭이작았다. 이역시평등화의원리가상대적으로부족함을잘보여준다. 62 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 63

3. 정치영역에서의결손된부분체계자유화와평등화를구성하는구성항목을살펴보면, 우선모든구성항목이전반적으로하락하고있음을확인할수있다. 특히자유화지수를구성하는자율성과경쟁성이크게하락하였다는점은 6.00 이상의평가를받은항목은유일하게자율성 (6.03) 인데이또한지난조사와비교했을때가장낮은평가이다. 나머지경쟁성, 다원성그리고연대성은모두 4.50에서 5.00 범위에위치하고있다. < 표 4> 정치영역의자유화와평등화지수 2011 2012 2013 2014 autonomy 6.86 6.97 6.78 6.03 Lib competition 6.33 5.69 6.17 5.04 참여를축소하는결과를가져올것이다. 그리고그결과민주주의공고화의가능성도낮춤으로써한국민주주의의미래를어둡게한다고할수있다. 정리하면, 한국민주주의는모든영역에서뚜렷한후퇴의경향을보이고있다. 특히, 정치영역에서의민주주의후퇴현상은자유민주주의를구성하는주요원리인시민의자유와권리가위축된것에의한것이며, 공정한경쟁과참여가선거과정에서제한되어졌기때문이다. 또한권력기구간의견제와균형이라는수평적책임성과투명성을비롯한정부의효과적인권력행사가결여된결과라고할수있다. 또한정치영역에서평등화의지수가낮아진다는것은민주주의가지향하는정치적평등성을실현하지못하고있다는것을의미하며, 이것은한국민주주의의미래를어둡게한다. 즉, 정치적대표성이왜곡됨으로써권력자원의동원과권력획득에대한접근가능성이특정집단에독점되는경향이높아질것이다. 이같은불평등의심화는민주체제에대한신뢰와정당성을약화시킬것이며, 체제로부터의이탈과민주체제가아닌다른체제에대한열망을가져와민주주의체제의불안정성과붕괴의위험성을가져올것이다. Equ pluralization 4.86 4.72 5.36 4.94 solidarity 5.36 4.91 5.31 4.53 IV. 결론 : 한국민주주의의성격 자율성을측정하기위해설계한하위항목을살펴보면, 모든항목에서평가지수가낮아지는경향을보이고있다. 즉, 자율성을구성하는하위항목은정치적자유와시민적권리를측정하는항목인데이들항목이낮아졌다는것은자유민주주의의위기를의미하는것이다. 자유민주주의는의사표현의자유, 집회결사의자유등시민적권리와자유가보장되는조건하에서형성발전하는데이들조건들이후퇴하고있다는점은한국민주주의가위기에직면해있음을보여주는것이다. 다음으로경쟁성도크게위축된것으로조사되었다. 경쟁성을구성하는하위항목을보면, 참정권의확대와선거의공정성및경쟁성항목이낮아졌다는점에서메르켈이제시한부분체계중선거체제에있어서개방성과경쟁성이제약되는경향을보이고있다고평가할수있다. 또한투명성과국가의효율성항목도낮아졌는데이또한위임받은권력이효과적으로행사되지못하고있음을의미하는것이다. 이같은평가는국가정보원와같은국가기관의선거개입과세월호사건에서크게문제가된부패와정부의무능력등이이들항목의하락에영향을주었다고할수있다평등성을구성하는다원화의하위항목은의회내권력분산에대한평가를제외한모든항목이낮게평가되고있다. 즉, 수평적책임성을측정할수있는항목, 정치적대표성그리고국가기구의민주화항목은낮게평가되었으나의회내권력분산에대한항목은오히려상승하였다. 이같은조사결과는많은학자들이한국민주주의가위임민주주의로유형화된다는점을증명해주는것이다. 즉, 한국에서대통령의권한을견제하고통제함에있어낮은수준에머무르고있다는점은수평적책임성이낮은특징이보여지는것이다. 마지막으로평등성의구성항목인연대의경우정부와의회에대한신뢰뿐만아니라민주주의가치에대한신뢰도낮게평가되었다. 또한시민들의정치적의사결정과정에대한참여를평가하는항목도지속적으로하락하고있다. 반면사회적약자및소수자에대한적극적조치항목은 2013년조사보다하락하였지만그이전의조사결과와유사한평가를받고있다. 한국민주주의에있어중요한문제는국가권력기구에대한신뢰와민주주의가치에대한신뢰가낮아졌다는점이다. 이점은시민들의정치적무관심을확대함으로써시민들의정치적 민주주의는절차적수준의실천과인민주권을실현하는특정의내용을실현하는실질적민주주의라는두개의궤적이상호작용하면서발전하는정치과정이다 ( 최장집 2009, 89). 오늘날직면한민주주의의문제는보통사람들의삶의질을개선할수있는실질적측면을갖도록어떻게실질적효과를만들어낼수있는가에있다. 왜냐하면보통사람들의삶의질이개선되지않는다면그것은보통사람들의평등한정치적참여를본질로하는통치체제로서의민주주의의장점을실현하지못하기때문이다. 4차례에걸친아시아민주주의지표조사를보면한국민주주의는정치영역에서뚜렷한후퇴의경향을보이고있다. 정치영역에서의민주주의후퇴현상은자유민주주의를구성하는주요원리인시민의자유와권리가위축된것에의한것이며, 공정한경쟁과참여가선거과정에서제한되어졌기때문이다. 또한이는권력기구간의견제와균형이라는수평적책임성과투명성을비롯한정부의효과적인권력행사가결여된결과라고할수있다. 따라서앞서제시한 Merkel(2004) 과 Puhle(2005) 의민주주의성격유형에따르면, 한국은위임민주주의보다는비자유민주주의로분류할수있을것이다. 한국민주주의와관련해서낙관적이지않은이유는민주주의의가치와국가기관에대한신뢰가낮아지고있기때문이다. 민주주의제도가공고화되고민주주의의질적내용이수행되기위해서는민주주의가치에대한풍부한신뢰가이루어져야한다. 그리고민주주의가치에기초해서국가기관이작동되고있다는신뢰가요구된다. 그러나한국의경우민주주의가치에대한신뢰도가하락하고있으며, 정부및의회의무능력과권력기구 ( 행정-입법 ) 간승자독식적경쟁은정치에대한불신과무관심을확대하고있다. 또한한국사회에서사회경제적불평등이심화되고있다는점은절차적수준의민주주의가지향하는정치적평등성마저도왜곡시킨다는점에서한국민주주의의미래는낙관적이지않다. 오히려정치적대표성이왜곡됨으로써권력자원의동원과권력획득에대한접근가능성이특정집단에독점되는경향이높아질것이다. 이같은불평등의심화는민주체제에대한신뢰와정당성을약화시킬것이며, 체제로부터의이탈과민주체제가아닌다 64 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 65

른체제에대한열망을가져와민주주의체제의불안정성과붕괴의위험성을가져올것이다. 따라서한국민주주의발전을위해서는정치적 시민적권리를확대하기위한노력이모든영역에서이루어져야할것이며, 또한수평적책임성의증진과더불어시민들의민주주의에대하신뢰를강화할수있는방안들을모색해야할것이다. 이를위해서는정치적대표성과책임성의강화를위한정당정치의제도화가선결되어야할것이다. Speaker 1 Nature of Democracy in Korea based on ADI 참고문헌 Berg-Schlosser, Dirk. 2004. The Quality of Democracies in Europe as Measured by Current Indicators of Democratization and Good Governance. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 20. No. 1, 28-55. Diamond, Larry. 1999. Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Held, David. 이정식옮김. 1993. 민주주의의모델. 서울 : 인간사랑. Huntington, S. P. 1993. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late 20th Century. University of Oklahoma Press. Lipset, Seymour M. 1994. The Social Requisites of Democracy Revisited: 1993 Presidential Address. American Sociological Review 59. No. 1, 1-22. Merkel, Wolfgang. 2004. Embedded and Defective Democracies. Democratization 11, No. 5, 33-58. Morlino, Leonardo. 2004. Good and Bad Democracies: How to Conduct Research into the Quality of Democracy. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics. 20. No. 1, 5-27. Puhle, Hans-Jurgen. 2005. Democratic Consolidation and Defective Democracies. Conferencia Impartida en la UAM. Estudio/ Working Paper 47. Rueschmeyer, Dietrich., Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens. 1992. Capitalist Development and Democracy. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Schedler, Andreas. 2006. Electoral Authoritarianism: The Dynamics of Unfree Competition. Lynne Rienner Publishers. Freedom House. http://www.freedomhouse.org/ 김형철. 2005. 민주주의개념과측정지표 : 경험적비교연구의맥락. 김웅진외, 비교민주주의: 분석모형과측정지표 서울 : 한국외국어대학교출판부. 양동훈. 2011. 민주주의질 ( 質 ) 의개념화와평가 : 다차원적접근. 경성대사회과학연구 제27집 1호. 조희연. 2008. 다층적탈독점화과정 으로서의민주화와그아시아적유형 : 민주화이후민주주의 의복합적갈등과위기에대한비교정치사회학적유형화를위한기초논의, 복합적갈등속의아시아민주주의 : 정치적독점 의변형연구, 조희연엮음, 서울 : 한울아카데미 최장집. 2009. 한국민주주의무엇이문제인가 서울 : 생각의나무. Kim Hyung-Chul_Sungkonghoe University Introduction The purpose of this study is to analyze the nature of Democracy in Korea based on the Asia Democracy Index (ADI) developed by CADI. Among the countries which experienced a third democratic wave, Korea has been recognized as the exemplary country which has successfully adopted democracy. In other words, under the S.P. Huntington s standard, since the founding election conducted under the democratic constitution in December 1987, democracy has been institutionalized in Korea. For example, Korea has experienced the continued free election, the civilian control of the military through the dissolution of Hana Assembly during the Kim Young Sam government, and two peaceful power changes between the ruling and the opposition parties. Recently, however, the concerns over the regression of democracy is spreading in Korea. In 2002, intelligence services and the administrative agencies including the National Intelligence Service, the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs, and the National Cyber Command, etc. intervened in the presidential election. Moreover, the freedom of association and the freedom of expression which are the basic political and civil rights were seriously damaged when the executive requested for dissolution of the United Progressive Party and the court considered the KTU as the outsider labor union. The index of Freedom House also supports such phenomenon. According to 2015 report, Korea s political rights index has fallen (from 1 point to 2 points) in 2013 and 2014, which was lower than those of Japan (1), Taiwan (1.5) and Mongolia (1.5). In addition, it is evaluated that Korea enjoys partial freedom of expression such as freedom of speech and freedom of 66 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 67

expression on internet. (http://www.freedomhouse.org/report). free score freedom of the Press freedom of the Net 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 1.5 (1,2) 29 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 29 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 30 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 30 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 30 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 30 (F) 1.5 (1,2) 32 (PF) - - - - - - - 1.5 (1,2) 32 (PF) 32 (PF) 1.5 (1,2) 31 (PF) 34 (PF) 2 (2,2) 32 (PF) 32 (PF) 2 (2,2) 33 (PF) 33 (PF) Source: http://www.freedomhouse.org/ In other words, in Korea, the civil and political rights, the minimum conditions for democracy, are infringed, and in a sense that the impartiality of election is damaged by the intervention of the state power agencies, Korea is showing the democratic deficit. Accordingly, this study will look into what kinds of democratic deficit occurs in Korea based on the ADI, and define the nature of democracy in Korea. To this end, I will use the partial regimes constituting the liberal democracy and the defective democracy theory suggested by Wolfgang Merkel and Hans-Jurgen Puhle. Construction of this study is as follows: Chapter II provides system and composition of Asia Democracy Index and research method. Chapter III explains the type of defective democracy, and the political defects discovered by 4-year research. And last, Chapter IV presents the nature of Korean democracy based on the research result on ADI. System and Composition of Asia Democracy Index and Research Method 1. System and Composition of Asia Democracy Index Since the democratization, many Asian countries have adopted the democracy on the procedural level, but on the substantial level, the privileged minority has monopolized the power and the resources. Hee Yeon Cho 1) (2008) who analyzed the nature of democracy in Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand points out that the old monopoly complex controlled by the military, the family, the clan (In Philippines), the corporate (capital), races, and religion, etc. has not been fully dissolved even after the democratization and it still exists in the modified form. For instance, in case of Korea and Taiwan, despite the separation of political and economic affairs, separation of state and civil society and separation of the old monopoly power and the resistance group on the procedural level, influence and monopoly by the modified monopoly complex (capital-academic clique-regional clique) are still there on the substantive level. Therefore, when evaluating the level of Asia democracy, we need to take an approach on the substantive level of De-monopolization of power and resources in the social sector as well as on the procedural level in the political and economic sectors. Namely, the degree of equalization which means that each sectors recover its autonomy through the dissolution of monopoly complex and that the liberalization to which each sector goes through selflegalization process, and the monopoly of power and resources are checked and balanced can be the index of Asia democracy. Such approach can be meaningful in a sense that it can explain the oligarchy phenomenon of why the power and the resources have been monopolized by the minority and that it can also explain the principle of equality which has been ignored under the procedural democracy. ADI system consists of core principle, sub-principle, the item and the indicator. Core principle means liberalization and equalization. Liberalization means the principle of measuring the degree of liberty free from the regulation in other sector or the liberty free from regulation from the monopoly in the individual sector, and it has autonomy and competition as the subprinciples. That is, autonomy in self-decision making process and the competition ensuring co-existence of various value can be the indicators of liberalization. Equalization means that how well the check and balance on the monopoly of resources are maintained in each segment, and that the resources for such check and balance are equally distributed. Sub-principle of equalization indicates plurality which means the degree of decentralization of power and resource, and the solidarity which means the degree of system or means supplementing the plurality and the monopoly of resources. ADI consists of 49 items and 57 indicators in total. More in detail, political area has 18 items and 19 indicators, economic area has 16 items and 20 indicators and civil society area has 15 items and 18 indicators. 1). Focusing on the level of dissolution of monopoly complex after the democratization, Hee Yeon Cho defines a regime under which dissolution level of the monopoly complex is low and dissolution level of political monopoly is also low as neo-oligarchy and a regime under which power of the exclusive powers are decentralized in each arena including the political arena as post-oligarchy. 68 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 69

< Table 1> Inclusive table of ADI Area <Table 2> Questionnaire Politics (18 items) Economy (16 items) Civil society (15 items) I. Political arena Principle liberalization Equalization Autonomy Competition Plurality Solidarity 1 Use of state violence 2 Civil liberty 3 Form of political party and freedom of activity 4 Permit of political opposition 1 Expansion of rights to vote 2 Efficiency of state 3 Existence of non-electoral supreme power 4 Rule of law 5 Impartiality of election 6 Transparency 1 Independence and mutual control of political agencies 2 Decentralization of power in the Assembly 3 Representativeness of politics 4 Democracy of state 1 Participatory system and the level of participation 2 Affirmative actions 3 Confidence in the current democracy 4 Confidence in democracy and value 1 Freedom from political power 2 Protection of basic labor rights 3 Autonomy in making political decision 1 Economic transparency 2 Economic fairness 3 Responsibility of government 4 Responsibility of corporate 1 Economic monopoly 2 Regional inequality 3 Income inequality 4 Assets inequality 5 Inequality in employment 1 Social welfare system 2 Labor union activities 3 Surveillance on corporate activities 4 Awareness on mitigation of inequality 1 Autonomy from state (autonomy of civil society) 2 Autonomy from market (autonomy of civil society) 3 Autonomy of social member 4 Tolerance 1 Capability of voluntary association 2 Publicity of voluntary association 3 Transparency of voluntary association 4 Diversity of voluntary association 1 Inequality in public forum 2 Inequality of information 3 Inequality of culture 4 Inequality of power 1 System guaranteeing diversity and affirmative actions 2 Conscientiousness of participation and activities 3 State and civil society governance Principle Liberalization Autonomy competition Plurality Items Questions 11 12 13 14 Use of state violence Civil liberty Form of political party and freedom of activity Permit of political opposition 1. Are the citizens protected from the state violence? 6.56 6.89 6.67 6.13 2. Do the citizens enjoy the basic rights? 7.22 7.33 7.11 6.38 3 Are the freedom of forming and being engaged in the political group (political party and quasi political group) guaranteed? 4. Are the political opposition and activities against the ruling power and the governing ideology permitted Expansion of rights to vote 5. Is the citizen s rights to vote guaranteed? 6. Are the policies of the national Efficiency of state agencies and the government effective? Existence of non-electoral supreme power Rule of law Impartiality of election Transparency Transparency Independence and mutual control of political agencies Decentralization of power in the Assembly Representativeness of politics 7. How much power does the nonelectoral group dominate? 7.11 7.44 6.89 5.88 6.56 6.22 6.44 5.75 8.22 7.11 7.89 6.38 4.33 5.00 5.67 4.25 4.00 3.78 4.33 3.00 8. Is the rule of law realized? 5.33 5.22 6.22 5.75 9. Is the election fairly conducted? 7.78 7.67 7.56 6.50 10. Are the government agencies operated transparently? 11. Are the independence and mutual balance between the government agencies achieved? 12. Is the power of the National Assembly decentralized? 13. Does the National Assembly well represent the various social groups? 5.33 5.33 5.33 4.38 5.11 5.11 5.00 4.75 4.78 5.00 5.78 6.25 4.78 3.89 5.11 4.63 2. Selection of Subject and Research Method ADI conducted focus group study on experts. This study bases on the ideological standards in selecting the experts to secure the objectivity and professionalism, and control the ideological bias, and then surveys the experts in three areas including politics, economy and civil society. Based on these principles, the study was conducted on each 9 experts from political, economic and civil society areas, and each areas have conservative, moderate and liberal groups of 3 people. Total 27 subjects are the scholars and activists. In the political and economic arena, the 다원성 Solidarity Democracy of state Participatory system and the level of participation Affirmative actions Confidence in the current democracy 14. Are the government agencies operated democratically? 15. Are the citizens actively involved in the political decision making process? 16. Are affirmative actions for the social weak and the minority taken? 17. Do the citizens rely on the government? 18. Do the citizen rely on the National Assembly? 4.78 4.89 5.56 4.13 7.00 4.44 5.33 4.50 4.33 4.44 5.11 4.63 4.00 4.67 4.67 4.00 4.11 3.78 3.78 2.50 most of the subjects are the professors while in the civil society arena, the subject are the civil activists. <Table 2> below is the survey questions, and each question has been allocated 10 Confidence in democracy and value 19. Do the citizen rely on the democracy? 7.33 7.22 7.67 7.00 points. 70 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 71

Principle Liberalization Equalization autonomy Competition Plurality Solidarity II. Economic arena Items Questions 11 12 13 14 Freedom from political power Protection of basic labor rights Autonomy in making political decision Economic transparency Economic fairness Responsibility of government Responsibility of corporate Economic monopoly Regional inequality Income inequality Assets inequality Inequality in employment Social welfare system Labor union activities Surveillance on corporate activities Awareness on mitigation of inequality 1. Does the political power exercise influence on the private company? 4.78 5.22 4.00 4.11 2. Is the rights to labor well protected? 4.33 4.89 3.56 3.78 3. Is the restriction on the forced labor and the child labor well complied with? 4. Is the economic policy decision making process of the central government free from the influence of foreign countries and foreign capital? 5. Is the business managed transparently? 6. Is the competition between the companies conducted in an impartial way? 7. How much efforts does the government make to protect the rights of workers? 8. Do the private companies guarantee the rights of workers? 9. How much influence does the economy exercise on the specific group or power? 10. How serious is the economic imbalance by region? 11. How serious is the income inequality? 12. How serious is the imbalance in the assets? 13. How serious is the discrimination in the labor market? 14. Is the system supporting the poor well implemented? 15. Is the social insurance system well operated? 5.78 5.67 5.67 6.78 5.89 5.22 4.11 5.56 4.22 4.33 3.22 4.56 3.67 3.44 2.78 4.00 3.56 4.11 3.00 4.11 3.44 3.67 3.00 4.22 3.13 2.78 1.78 1.89 4.67 3.22 2.56 2.67 4.22 2.11 1.89 1.89 3.00 1.89 1.22 1.33 3.78 2.89 2.11 2.78 4.56 4.22 4.22 4.22 4.89 5.22 4.33 5.11 16. Is the labor union well organized? 3.11 3.33 3.11 3.56 17. Can the labor union affect the decision making process of the central government? 18. Can the labor union participate in the management of a company? 19. Are the corporate activities well monitored by the citizen? 20. How much positively do the citizens participate in the efforts to improve unequal economic structure? 4.00 3.67 3.11 3.11 2.11 2.11 2.00 1.89 3.44 3.89 3.67 5.00 3.88 3.78 4.11 5.00 Principle Liberalization Equalization Autonomy Competition Plurality Solidarity III. Civil society Items Questions 11 12 13 14 Autonomy from state (autonomy of civil society) Autonomy from market (autonomy of civil society) Autonomy of social member (basic needs and basic HDI) Autonomy of social member Capability of voluntary association Publicity of voluntary association Transparency of voluntary association Diversity of voluntary association Inequality in public forum Inequality of information Inequality of culture Inequality of power System guaranteeing diversity and affirmative actions Conscientiousness of participation and activities State and civil society governance 1. Are civil activities free from the government intervention and regulation? 2. How much influence the groups in the government circle have on the civil society? 3. How much influence the private company has on the civil society? 4. Are the basic needs well satisfied? 5. Other than basic needs, are the special needs of the social weak and the minority including the child, women, the disabled, and the migrant satisfied? 6. Is opportunity for education well provided to the citizens? 7. Do the citizens respect the language, culture, religion, race, ethnicity, and ideology of other groups? 8. How much influence does NGO has? 9. Does NGO represent the public interests? 10. Is NGO operated in a democratic way? 11. Does NGO represent the diverse social value and demands? 4.33 5.00 4.67 4.44 6.11 4.11 4.00 3.11 6.00 3.56 4.22 3.56 5.67 5.89 5.67 5.67 4.11 4.67 3.78 4.33 5.78 6.67 6.00 7.11 5.11 4.67 3.33 4.56 5.56 5.33 4.44 5.22 6.56 6.56 6.00 5.89 5.22 6.11 5.22 5.33 5.78 5.56 4.22 5.00 12. Is the press impartial? 2.75 3.78 2.56 2.78 13. How serious is the citizen s information gap? 14. Are the citizens provided fair opportunities in enjoying cultural facilities the cultural activities? 15. Is the power in the civil society decentralized? 16. Are the affirmative actions for the social weak and the minority well realized? 17. How active do the citizen participate in NGO activities? 18. Does NGO affect the government in making political decision? 7.22 4.33 4.00 4.11 4.67 5.11 4.89 5.44 4.11 4.78 3.89 4.44 3.11 3.89 3.00 3.44 3.89 4.00 3.89 3.67 3.78 5.00 4.67 4.56 72 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 73

Political Defects in Korea: focusing on Political arena 1. Partial regimes of liberal democracy and the type of defective democracy Many scholars have been involved in discussions on the nature of young democracy, and they evaluated that the young democracy has a uniqueness as hybrid regime of democracy and authoritarianism 2). In other words, system of the young democracy is in the spectrum between the democracy and the non-democracy, and at the same time, it has a nature of defective democracy which defects the partial regimes consisting of liberal democracy. According to Hans-Jurgen Puhle, liberal democracy consists of 5 partial regimes including democratic electoral regime, political liberties/public arena, civil rights and rule of law, horizontal accountability, and the effective power to govern. (Puhle 2005, 9-10; Merkel 2004, 36). Democratic electoral regime means the situation where the representative is elected through the fair, free and competing election, and political liberties mean to guarantee the freedom of expression and the freedom of association. Civil rights and rule of law mean to guarantee the rights of citizen, the rule of law and the rights to examine the constitutionality. And lastly, horizontal accountability means the situation where the checks and balances between the state power agencies are made, while the effective power to govern means to form the government by the elected people. Hans-Jurgen Puhle defines the type of democracy through the defective factors of the partial regimes. (Puhle 2005, 12). (1) Exclusive democracy is similar to liberal democracy in many ways, under the exclusive democracy, access to the political power is restricted through the universal suffrage, (2) tutelary democracy is one form of defective democracy under which dissolution of power monopoly is limited, and arbitrary power with veto-power such as the military, quasi-military agency, and economic elite is, either directly or indirectly, officially systemized despite the power agencies whose existence is justified with the election and the constitution, (3) illiberal democracy is the democracy under which rights of political power are limited or infringed, which the president, officials, quasi-military agency, and corrupt judiciary infringe on the constitution, and which check and balance of the judicial power is not realized due to the concentration of power on the administration in accordance with the nature 2). There are 5 types of democracy including defective democracy, electoral democracy, delegative democracy, hybrid democracy, and restricted democracy. (Diamond 1999; Lipset 1994; Merkel 2004; Rueschemeyer et al. 1992). of quasi-pluralization, and (4) the delegative democracy is democracy under which the judiciary and legislative branches are often unable to properly check the power of the executive branch and there is a lack of horizontal accountability. On the contrary, in the liberal democracy, 5 partial regimes effectively work, the universal suffrage and the rule of law are realized, the political power is exercised based on the constitution, and the monopoly of power is dissolved based on the pluralization. In the study conducted by Merkel (2004) and Puhle (2005), Thailand was categorized as exclusive democracy while many Asian countries including the Philippines are classified as illiberal democracy and Indonesia as tutelary democracy, Taiwan as liberal democracy and Korea as delegative democracy. However, taking the political and socio-economic situations in Korea into consideration, it can be said that Korea shows the nature of illiberal democracy under which the civil rights and rule of law and political liberty as well as the horizontal accountability lack in the partial regimes. Let s take a closer look at the items constituting the political arena out of the ADI to see whether such changes in the nature happen. That is, changes in the Korean democracy were studied focusing on the changes in the items of the questionnaire conforming to 5 partial regimes. Partial regimes Electoral regime Political liberties/public arena Civil rights and rule of law Horizontal accountability The effective power to govern 2. Democracy Index in Korea In 2004, Korea s democracy index recorded 4.50, same as 2013. However, compared to 2011, the index has fallen by 0.42p from 4.93. In other words, liberalization index has slowly <Table 3> Partial Regimes of Liberal Democracy and Items constituting ADI Items constituting ADI (Political arena) Expansion of rights to vote, fairness in election (competition), impartiality of election and degree of participation Form of political group, freedom of activities, permit of political opposition Civil liberty, rule of laws, affirmative action, use of state violence Independence between power organizations, mutual checks, transparency and decentralization of power within the Assembly National efficiency, existence of non-electoral supreme power <Figure 1> Changes in Democracy Index in Korea (2011~2014) 74 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 75

declined from 5.53 in 2011 to 5.07 in 2014, and equalization index has also decreased from 4.33 in 2011 to 3.94 in 2014, which shows regression of democracy in Korea. Liberalization index has risen by 0.11p to 5.07 in 2014 but the number has significantly declined compared to 2011 and 2012. This means that the level of liberalization has set back in Korea for the past 4 years. The equalization index recorded the lowest level since 2011 with 3.94 points. That is, the level of equalization has continuously been deteriorated. These are the result of economic policy of Park Geun-hye government focusing on the growth, and these are catalyzed by the social bi-polarization. <Table 3> Changes in Liberalization and Equalization Index in each Arena Politics Economy Civil Society Lib Equ Lib Equ Lib Equ 2011 6.60 5.11 4.46 3.74 5.54 4.14 2012 6.33 4.82 4.57 3.16 5.41 4.4 2013 6.48 5.34 3.67 2.95 4.75 3.84 2014 5.54 4.74 4.64 3.05 5.02 4.04 Next, this study looks into the changes in liberalization and equalization index in each arena. As a result, I found that the liberalization index in the political arena has plummeted. In other words, in 2011, the liberalization index in the political arena was 6.6 but the figure has declined to 5.54 in 2014, recording the greater decrease than other arenas. This indicates that the political liberty and rights of citizen, the minimum conditions for political democracy, have been reduced, and the rule of law and transparency have also declined. In addition, equalization index recorded the lowest score with 4.74. The principle of equalization is to evaluate the confidence in and efficacy of power-sharing and democracy, and therefore, the evaluation on such factors have been lowered. Accordingly, 5 partial regimes suggested by Merkel (election regime, civil rights, political liberty, horizontal accountability and he effective power to govern) have shown the defects. Namely, under the both principles of liberalization and equalization, democracy has set back. Evaluation on the democracy index in the economic arena shows that the foundation for the democracy in Korea is very weak. The democracy index in the economic arena is the lowest among other things, and such trend has been continued, which cause significant concerns over the future of democracy in Korea. As Choi, Jang Jip insists, the loss of foundation for democracy due to the deepening economic inequality is seen in the study on the democracy index. The principle of liberalization receives the higher score than that of equalization as it has been in the previous years, but what s unique is that the two principles recorded the highest gap in history. Gap between liberalization (4.64) and equalization (3.05) is 1.6, which shows the economic imbalance, the most important factor causing social tension in Korea. Civil society is the arena measuring potential power and dynamic power of democracy of a country. In other words, even if the democracy index in other area is low, if the democracy index in the civil society area is high, democracy of such country has a potential power for long-term development. Like the economic arena, democracy index in civil society area increased in 2014 compared to the previous year. In 2013, democracy index in civil society area declined to 4.30 year on year, but the number increased again to 4.53 thereafter even if it failed to come back to 4.90, the level of 2012. Despite the increase of such index, however, the gap between the liberalization and the equalization is still existing. Although the principle of liberalization receives the higher score than that of equalization showing that the civil society of Korea enjoys the principle of liberalization, that is, the civil society has the principles free from the state and economy, but the country suffers from the lack of the pluralization and solidarity, the principle of equalization, inside the civil society. And from a time series point of view, liberation relatively increases a lot while the equalization does not. This shows that the principle of equalization relatively lacks in Korea. 3. Defective Partial Regime in the Political Arena If you look at the items constituting the liberalization and the equalization, you may find that all items are declining. In particular, the fact that autonomy and competition which constitute the liberalization index have dramatically decreased means that the autonomy which receives 6.03, as the only item receiving the score of 6.00 or higher, has recorded the lowest result. Competition, pluralization and solidarity receive the score between the range of 4.50 and 5.00. <Table 4> Liberalization and Equalization Index in the Political Arena 2011 2012 2013 2014 Autonomy 6.86 6.97 6.78 6.03 Lib. Competition 6.33 5.69 6.17 5.04 76 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 77

Equ. Pluralization 4.86 4.72 5.36 4.94 Solidarity 5.36 4.91 5.31 4.53 Sub-items designed to measure the autonomy show the low evaluation index. That is, subitems constituting the autonomy is measuring the political liberty and civil rights, and the fact that the evaluation index of those items have decreased means that the liberal democracy is facing crisis. Liberal democracy develops when the civil rights and freedom including the freedom of expression and the freedom of assembly and association are guaranteed, so the fact that such conditions are going back means democracy in Korea is facing crisis. Furthermore, the study shows that the competition index has also declined. As the expansion of rights to vote, the impartiality of election and competition receive the lower evaluation index, access to the openness and competition in the election regime have been limited. In addition, transparency and the state efficiency index have been lowered, which means that the authorized power does not work effectively. Based on such evaluation result, it can be said that corruption and incapacity of the government which have been demonstrated in the event intervening in the election by the state agencies such as the National Intelligence Service and the disasters like Sewol ferry accident have affected the decline of such index. As per sub-item of the pluralization constituting the equalization, all the items except the evaluation on the decentralization of the power in the National Assembly are downgraded. In other words, evaluation on the items which can measure the horizontal accountability, and the items related to the political representativeness and the democratization of the state organizations are low, while the evaluation on the decentralization of the power in the National Assembly is high. Such study result proves that many Korean scholars see the Korean democracy as the delegative democracy. That is, the fact that the index about checking and controlling the power of the president is low in Korea means that the horizontal accountability is low. Lastly, in case of solidarity constituting the equalization, confidence in the value of democracy as well as confidence in the government and the National Assembly are evaluated very low. And item evaluating the citizen s participation in the political decision-making process has been continuously downgraded. Meanwhile, even though the items about affirmative action for the socially weak and the minority has declined compared to 2013, but the evaluation result is similar to the previous one. One of the important issues with the democracy in Korea is that the confidence in the state power and in the value of democracy has been reduced. It may hamper the citizen s political participation by expanding the citizen s political indifference. And as a result, possibility to consolidate the democracy is low, darkening the future of democracy in Korea. In short, democracy in Korea shows the clear tendency of recession in all areas. In particular, recession of democracy in the political arena is caused by the shrinking of civil liberty and rights, which are the key principles of the liberal democracy, and by the restrictions on fair competition and participation in the election process. And it is because that there are no horizontal accountability of check and balance between the power authorities, no transparency and no effective use of power by the government. In addition, lowering equalization index in the political arena means that the country fails to realize the political equalization, which is the ultimate goal of democracy, and this darkens the future of democracy in Korea. In other words, as the political representativeness is distorted, possibility that the accessibility to the power resources and the acquisition of power are monopolized by a specific group will be high. Intensified inequality will weaken the trust in and justification of the democratic regime, and cause secession from the system and desire for other regime other than democracy, heightening instability in the democratic system and the risk of regime collapse. Conclusion: Nature of Korean Democracy Democracy is the political process in which two wheels of the procedural democracy and the substantive democracy which realizes a popular sovereignty develop further through the interactions. (Choi, Jang-Jip. 2990, 89). The challenge faced by the democracy today is to create substantive effect so that the democracy can substantially improve the quality of ordinary people s lives. That s because if democracy cannot improve the quality of ordinary people s lives, it cannot realize the advantage of democracy as a governing regime under which the ordinary people can equally participate in the politics. According to the ADI survey results collected over 4 occasions, democracy in Korea shows the clear tendency of recession in the political arena. Recession of democracy in the political arena is caused by the shrinking of civil liberty and rights, which are the key principles of the liberal democracy, and by the restrictions on fair competition and participation in the election process. And it is because that there are no horizontal accountability of check and balance between the power authorities, no transparency and no effective use of power by the government. According to the type of democracy suggested by Merkel (2004) and Puhle (2005), democracy in Korea can be classified as illiberal democracy rather than as delegative democracy. The reason why the future of Korean democracy is not optimistic is because confidence in the value 78 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 79

of democracy and the state organizations is declining. Consolidation of democracy and substantive practice of democracy require full truth in its value. And the confidence that the state organizations are operated based on the value of democracy is also required. However, in Korea, confidence in the value of democracy is declining while inability of the government and the National Assembly and the competition between the power authorities (the executive and the legislative) under winner-takes-it-all system spread the distrust and indifference in the politics. And in a sense that the socio-economic inequality is worsened in Korea, the future of Korean democracy is not optimistic because it may distort the political equality, the ultimate aim of the democracy on a procedural level. Rather, distorted political representativeness will allow any specific group to monopolize the rights to mobilize the power resources and to access to the power. Such deepening inequality will weaken the trust in and justification of the democratic regime, and cause secession from the system and desire for other regime other than democracy, heightening instability in the democratic system and the risk of regime collapse. Therefore, efforts to expand political and civil rights should be made in all arenas to develop democracy in Korea, and the ways to strengthen the public trust in the democracy and to enhance the horizontal accountability should be found. To this end, party politics targeting to strengthen political representativeness and accountability should be systemized in advance. Comparative Democracy: Analysis Model and Measurement Index. Seoul. Press of Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Yang Dong-Hoon. 2011. The Quality of Democracy and Its Conceptualization & Assessment: A Multidimensional Approach. Social Science Research Institute Kyungsung University. Vol.27 N. 1. Hee Yeon Cho. 2008. A Study on Democratization as a Multi-Layered Process of De-monopolization and its Asian Types: A Preliminary Discussion for Comparative Typolization of Complex Conflict and Crisis in the Post-democracy, Asian Democracy in the Complex Tension: study on Changes in Political Monopoly. Seoul: Hanul Academy. Choi, Jang-Jip. 2009. Democracy in Korea. Seoul: Think Tree Reference Berg-Schlosser, Dirk. 2004. The Quality of Democracies in Europe as Measured by Current Indicators of Democratization and Good Governance. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 20. No. 1, 28-55. Diamond, Larry. 1999. Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Held, David. Translated by Lee Jung-seok. 1993. Democracy Model. Seoul: Ingan Sarang (human love). Huntington, S. P. 1993. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late 20th Century. University of Oklahoma Press. Lipset, Seymour M. 1994. The Social Requisites of Democracy Revisited: 1993 Presidential Address. American Sociological Review 59. No. 1, 1-22. Merkel, Wolfgang. 2004. Embedded and Defective Democracies. Democratization 11, No. 5, 33-58. Morlino, Leonardo. 2004. Good and Bad Democracies: How to Conduct Research into the Quality of Democracy. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics. 20. No. 1, 5-27. Puhle, Hans-Jurgen. 2005. Democratic Consolidation and Defective Democracies. Conferencia Impartida en la UAM. Estudio/ Working Paper 47. Rueschmeyer, Dietrich., Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens. 1992. Capitalist Development and Democracy. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Schedler, Andreas. 2006. Electoral Authoritarianism: The Dynamics of Unfree Competition. Lynne Rienner Publishers. Freedom House. http://www.freedomhouse.org/ Kim, Hyung-chul. 2005. Concept and Measurement of Democracy: Context in the empirical comparison. Kim, Woong-jin and others. 80 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 81

발표 3 아시아민주주의지수를통해서본인도네시아민주화의최근동향과새로운임무 욜란다판자이탄 _ 인도도네시아국립대학교, 인도네시아 낮은점수를기록하고있다. 이로써권위주의몰락에뒤따른정치적자유화가반드시경제의반독재화를수반하는것은아님을알수있다. 시민사회의역할은 2014년총선을기점으로현재에이르기까지상승세이기는하나제한적일뿐이다. 또한절차적, 제도적측면에서는좀더긍정적인평가를받고있으나, 경쟁과복수화는상당히뒤처져있다. 정치부문에서민주적제도는제대로갖춰져있는편이다. 그러나공식적권력과의사결정과정에접근하는것이여전히특권층에게만허용되고있다. 경제부문의상황은더암담하다. 지역사회대중과소외계층대다수는여전히경제구조와과정의전반적인계획에서배제되고있다. 인도네시아의민주주의에는전반적으로모순이존재한다. 권위주의적제도를대체하도록고안된민주적제도가공식적제도안에깊이뿌리내린권위주의를완전히제거하지못했기때문이다. 정치제도의민주화라는목표와목적은정당, 선거, 삼권분립, 분권같은공식적제도가전반적으로민주주의의과정과모순되는권위주의적특성을유지함으로써중대한장애에부닥쳤다. 2011년인도네시아에서아시아민주주의지수 (ADI) 가도입된이래 ADI는다른기관들, 즉프리덤하우스나이코노미스트인텔리전스유닛, 인도네시아정부가개발한측정법과비교할수있는중요한기준이되었다. 위세기관이각각개발한지수는민주주의의절차적, 제도적측면을강조한다. 이와견주어 ADI는반독재화의개념을도입했을뿐아니라다른지수에결여된경제및사회부문의평가를포함시켰다는장점이있다. 인도네시아같은경우민주화와관련한문제를 ADI가더정확히포착해낼수있다. 다음은주기적으로이루어진네번의조사에서인도네시아가기록한 ADI 점수이다. 년도 2011 2012 2013 2014 점수 4.99 5.32 4.97 5.42 최고점수는 2014년기록한 5.42이고최하점수는 2013년기록한 4.97로두점수의차이는고작 0.45에불과하다. 정치, 경제, 시민사회부문 지역수장을뽑는지방선거, 2014년의원선거, 2014 대통령선거를보면권력에대한접근은공식적제도안에서대단히제한적이나, 오히려사회가의사결정과정에영향을미치기위해접근하는메커니즘과공간에서볼수있듯이사회안에서더잘이루어짐을알수있다. 일례로정부조직의상부에서하부에이르기까지각단계마다수행되었고, 일부지역사회도참여한개발계획대화 (Musrenbang) 를들수있다. 이메커니즘은여러방면에서개선이요구되는등실행면에서여전히단점이많다. 그러나본질적으로, 참여적의사결정과정을풀뿌리수준까지도입하기위한중요한과정이며소외그룹에게도발언기회를제공하고있다. 그러나전국수준으로눈을돌리면권력은여전히엘리트의전유물이다. 경쟁은엘리트와대중사이에서벌어지지않고엘리트사이에서벌어진다. 조코위도도대통령의연립정부와야당사이에서벌어지는권력투쟁은곧잘비민주적조치에호소하기도한다. 야당들이 2014년에지방선거및의회의역할과구조와관련하여비민주적법률을발의한것은조코위도도대통령의연립정부가 2014년이후시행될전국및지방단위의선거마저모조리장악하지않을까우려했기때문이다. 점수의해석 점수가 4년간정체되어있다는것은자유화와평등화라는변수를통해드러나듯이인도네시아의민주화에중대한문제가있음을뜻한다. 두변수의점수는세부문의진전이불균형하게이루어지고있음을보여준다. 일반적으로정치가세부문에서가장점수가높다. 반면경제, 특히평등화라는변수로본경제는 4년내내가장 수실로밤방유도요노전대통령의행정부에서도연립정부와반대파사이에유사한권력투쟁이있었다. 유도요노대통령이조화로운의사결정을위해가능한한많은정당과연합하려했음에도그러했다. 사실유도요노의임기동안야당이라할수있는것은위도도가이끄는민주투쟁당과다른두소수당뿐이었다. 그럼에도유도요노는정권을쥠으로써얻을수있는이익 ( 내각의자리와의석 ) 을더많이누리려는이들때문에연립정부내에서도계속저항에직면했다. 82 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 83

전국수준이든지역수준이든엘리트가지배하는정치과정에서정치공간, 특히집행부의자리는비정당인이면서사회에서영향력이큰인물들로채워졌다. 집행부수반을직접뽑는선거는정당바깥에있으나사회에서영향력있고기반이튼튼한사람들이선출되는결과를낳았다 이들은공식정치에서정당의영향에서벗어나상대적으로자주적으로행동했다. 이론상인도네시아의정당에는위계가있다. 하위단계는상위단계와밀착되어있고상위단계에대한책임을진다. 그러나실제로는그렇게철저하지않아서지방수준이상위단계에종속되지않고다양한수준에서자주적으로작동한다. 그런데이는지방수준의정당을종교, 전통, 기타선천적배경, 혹은경제에강력한기반을둔지방엘리트가장악하는부정적인결과를낳는다. 그결과지방수준에서민주적과정은요원한일이된다. 방금말한사실에서반독재화가당의장악, 특히지방수준에서당의장악을약화하고, 지방수준에서다른대안집단에기회를주는데성공적이었음알수있다. 그럼에도여전히현재의정치과정은민주적인것과거리가멀고일반대중역시여전히의사결정과정에서소외되어있다. 2011년, 2012년, 2013년에이루어진인도네시아 ADI 조사의질적측면에서드러나듯이경제부문에서반독재화의방향은아직결정되지않았다. 자연자원을두고벌어지는갈등이양적으로늘었고질적으로도더심각해졌다. 대체로현지주민과채광회사또는플랜테이션회사사이에서이런일이일어나고있다. 이런사례에서정부의위치는취약하다고표현할수있다. 정부는갈등으로야기된주민들의희생을막지못했으며오히려자본의힘에굴복했다. 자연자원의개발과관련하여, 주민들이대기업의힘에맞서려고정부와연합해야만했던사례가많이있다. 노동조합의결성이늘었다. 노동계는최근몇년간정부가최저임금을인상하도록밀어붙이는데성공했다. 그러나다른측면을보면노동계는자본소유주에비해여전히약하다. 노동계의상태가심각한데는독점적경제구조의지속, 자산의독점에서알수있는낮은복수화비율, 인구집단과지역에따른소득격차, 노동시장에서이뤄지는차별과불평등같은다른요인들이있다. 사회적관용마저훼손되는결과를낳기도한다. 앞으로할일 네번의민주적의원선거결과를보면정당별지지 ( 득표 ) 격차가줄어드는것을알수있다 2014년선거이후, 어느정당도입법기관에서국민투표또는그로인한의석을장악하지못했다. 게다가선출의원대부분이정치및경제엘리트출신이었다. 선거는행정적인면뿐아니라정당과후보가선거운동에서쓰는비용면에서도점점더비싼일로변해갔다. 이경우정당개혁이인도네시아정치의중요한의제가된다. 득표에서드러난작은격차는어느정당도새롭거나향상된정치의제를제시하는데크게성공하지못했음을보여주었다. 시민들은정당의정체성이나이념을근거로투표하지않았다. 정당에선명한강령이결여된것은정당과후보들이표를동원하고선거에서승리하기위해돈에의존한데서도분명히드러났다. 입법기관의선출의원을엘리트가장악했다는것은정당에서신규모집과선발과정이비민주적으로이루어지고있음을보여준다. 인민의관심과열망을의회에서제시하려면정당은정치및경제엘리트의단순한대리인이되는대신선출된정치적지위가정치적대의라는기본원칙에충실할수있도록하는것이시급하다. 인도네시아민주화의문제를해결하기위해 새로운 시각을제시하는것역시시급하다. 새로운시각은정책입안과전반적인정치적정당성을맡고있는정치사회의역할을무시하지않으면서시민사회의역할을강조해야한다 그것은시민사회와정치사회를연결하는데집중하는시각이다. 이런역할은점점더중요해지고있다. 정당과의회가인민의열망을전달하는기능을제대로수행하지못하고있는데다선거메커니즘이오직간헐적으로만작동하는탓에그영향이제한적이기때문이다. 인도네시아선거메커니즘은민주주의를위한중심역할을맡고있으면서도인민의관심을완전히표현하고종합하는데실패했다. 인도네시아의정치대표제에는시민사회와정치사회를연결함으로써채워야하는진공이있다. 이는시민사회의정치참여, 특히정책수립과정참여에집중하여인도네시아의실질적인민주주의를향상함으로써근본적으로해결해야할문제이다. 사회부문에서, 자유화와평등화는여전히많은도전에직면하고있다. 정치가개방됨으로써자주성과시민적자유는더많이보장되고있다. 그러나정부는 2014년법률로통과된, 대중조직에대한권위적인법안을입안할때증명되었듯이대체로시민사회단체를의심스러워한다. 다행히시민사회단체가이법의비민주적조항에이의를제기했고대법원에서승소했다. 민주적가치와좋은거버넌스의가치를홍보하면서, 시민사회단체들은대중으로부터많은의견을듣고지지를받았다. 이는어떤연대는좀더일시적이며 ( 예를들면소셜미디어를통해 ) 단순한담론에그치고만다는것을뜻할수있다. 또한정부의보호역시매우제한적인탓에소수자집단을위한연대가여전히약하다. 설상가상으로대중사이에강하게존재하는원초적정서는때로정치적지지를동원하려는정당에이용당하며연대와 84 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 85

Speaker 3 The recent trend and new tasks of democratization in Indonesia through the looking glass of Asian democracy index YOLANDA PANDJAITAN_Center for Political Studies University of Indonesia democratization, as seen through the variables of liberalization and equalization. Scores from indicators within the two variables demonstrate the imbalance of progress across the three aspects. Politics generally scores the best among the three areas, while the economy s score, especially in the variable of equalization, is the lowest during the four cycles. It shows that political liberalization that took place after the downfall of authoritarianism is not accompanied with demonopolization in economy. The role of civil society remains modest at best, even if it saw a rise around the time of the 2014 General Election until currently. Furthermore, while the procedural and institutional aspects are assessed more positively, competition and pluralization lags significantly. Democratic institutional arrangements in political sphere may be in place. However access to formal power and decision making process still belongs to privileged groups. The economic area shows an even bleaker picture, as the wider public and marginalized parts of the community are still excluded from the overall scheme of economic structure and processes. Since its inception in 2011 in Indonesia, the Asian Democracy Index (ADI) provided important comparisons to measurements developed by other institutions such the Freedom House, the Economist Intelligence Unit and the Indonesian government. The three other Indices emphasize the procedural and institutional aspects of democracy. The ADI possesses a strength in introducing the concept of demonopolization as well as providing an assessment of the economic and social spheres, the traits absent from the other Indices. In the case of Indonesia, the ADI can capture the problems of democratization more accurately. Below is the summary of the Indonesia ADI scores over the four cycles of research: Year 2011 2012 2013 2014 Score 4.99 5.32 4.97 5.42 The highest score at 5.42 was reached in 2014 and the lowest at 4.97 in 2013, showing the very narrow gap of only 0.45. How to Interpret the Scores The stagnant scores over the four years reveals grave problems in Indonesia s In general there is a paradox in Indonesia s democracy, as the blueprint of democratic institutions designed to replace authoritarian institutions could not fully manage to remove authoritarianism that had rooted deeply within formal institutions. The aim and purpose of democratizing political institutions met significant obstacles as formal institutions such as political parties, electoral institutions, trias-politica institutions, and decentralized institutions have kept their authoritarian traits, which overall contradict the process of democracy. Political, Economic, and Civil Society Spheres Evidence from local elections of head of regions, the 2014 Legislative Election and 2014 Presidential Election can be used to suggest that access to power is very limited in formal institutions but more well-distributed in the society, as can be seen throught the mechanism and space accessible by the society to influence the decision making process. One example is the conduct of Dialogue on Development Planning (Musrenbang) conducted at each tier of the government from top to bottom, which involved members of local communities. This mechanism still has a lot of weaknesses in its practice, warranting various improvements, but in essence it is an important process to introduce participatory decision-making process down to the grass-root level and provided opportunity for marginalized groups to speak out. However at the national scene power still resides among the elite. Competition occurs not 86 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 87

between the elite and the public, but among the elite themselves. Power struggle between the President Joko Widodo s coalition parties and their opposition often resort to non-democratic actions. The issuance of the non-democratic law on local election and the law on the role and structure of the parliament, both in 2014, was the effort of Widodo s opposition parties to anticipate the dominance of his Coalition in the national and local arenas post-2014 Elections. The previous administration under president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono saw similar power struggle among the President s coalition parties and their opponents, despite Yudhoyono s attempt to ally with as many parties as possible in order to achieve harmony in policy making process. Indeed, only PDI-Perjuangan, Widodo s party, along with two other minor parties, claimed to be the oppositions during Yudhoyono s period. However, time and again Yudhoyono faced resistance even from his coalition parties in their effort to seek more profit from being in power (cabinet and legislative seats). In a political process dominated by elites both at national and regional levels, political spaces, particularly in executive positions, were filled by non-political party persons yet who are influential figures in the society. Direct election of executive-head have led to the election of persons outside of political parties but influential and well-rooted in the society in formal politics, they have managed to act relatively autonomous from party influence. In theory, Indonesian political parties should be tiered: the lower tiers adhere to and are responsible to the tiers above it. In practice it is not quite so as in various levels the local level may operate autonomously without being dependent to the above tier. This has negative implications however: parties at the local level are dominated by local elites strongly based on religion, tradition, other primordial bases, or economy, thus perpetrating far-from-democratic process at local levels. as weak: it has not managed to protect the citizens victimized by the conflict and instead succumbed to the power of the capital. In their development, a number of cases showed that the people had to resort to making alliance with the state to support them in the effort to deal with the power of big corporations. Labor unions have become increasingly organized. In the last few years, labor power has managed to push for increases of minimum wage by the government. However, in other aspects, labor power is still weak compared to capital owners. Other factors that contribute to the grave condition include the persistence of a monopolistic economic structure and the low rate of pluralization, indicated by monopoly of assets; income gap across population groups and across regions; and discrimination and inequality in the labor market. In the social sphere, liberalization and equalization still encounters many challenges. Along with political openings, autonomy and civil liberty are more guaranteed. However the government is usually suspicious towards civil society groups, as proven when they drafted the authoritarian Bill on Mass Organization, which was passed as Law in 2014. Fortunately civil society groups succeeded in challenging the non-democratic clauses of the Law and won the case in the Supreme Court. In promoting democratic and good-governance values, civil society groups found many outlets and support from the wider public. This may show a certain degree of solidarity albeit is more temporary and stays as mere discourse (e.g. through social media). Also, solidarity towards the minority is still weak, as the protection from government is also very limited. To make matters worse, primordial sentiments, strong among the public, are sometimes used by political parties to mobilize political support, to the detriment of solidarity and social tolerance. The points above showed that demonopolization has been successful to the extent of reducing party grip particularly at local levels, also in providing opportunities for other alternatives at local levels. However, the ongoing political processes is still a far-cry from being democratic and the general mass is still alienated from decision-making processes. As shown in the qualitative aspect of the Indonesia-ADI Survey in 2011, 2012, and 2013, the direction of demonopolization in the economic sector is yet to be determined. Naturalresource-based conflicts have increased in both quantity and severity, generally among local people and mining or plantation companies. In these cases, the state s position can be described The Tasks Ahead Results from the four democratic legislative elections showed the narrowing gap of support (votes) among parties after 2014 election, no parties dominated the popular votes or resulting seats in the legislative bodies. Furthermore, most elected legislatives have been from political and economic elite circles.elections have become more and more expensive not only in terms of the administration but also the expenses used by parties and candidates in their campaign. 88 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 89

In this case, party reform is an important agenda in Indonesian politics. The narrow gap between party electoral gains showed that no parties have significantly succeeded in presenting new or reformed political agenda. Citizens did vote not based on party identity or ideology. Parties lack of clear platform was also evident by their and candidates dependency on the use of money to mobilize votes and attain electoral victory. The elite-dominated elected members of the legislative body shows the non-democratic process of recruitment and selection in political parties. It is urgent that political parties return their elected political positions to the basic principle of political representation as an effort to make people s interest and aspiration present in the parliament instead of being the mere agent of political or economic elites. It is also urgent to propose a new perspective to address problems in Indonesian democratization. The newer perspective should emphasize the role of civil society without ignoring the role of political society as the bearer of policy-drafting and political legitimacy in general a perspective that focuses on connecting civil society and political society. This role is becoming increasingly important when there is a dysfunction of political parties and parliament in channeling people s aspiration and the limited impact of electoral mechanism as it only works intermittently. Despite its central role in a democracy, the Indonesian election mechanism failed to fully articulate and aggregate people s interest. There is a vacuum in the Indonesian political representation system that needs to be filled by connecting civil and political society. This is what must be fundamentally addressed by promoting substantive democracy in Indonesia, focusing on the participation of civil society in politics, including and even more importantly, in the policy-making process. Speaker 4 Tracking the 2013, 2014 and 2015 Asian Democracy Index for Malaysia Andrew AERIA_University of Malaysia Sarawak 90 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 91

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발표 5 독점강화 : 태국의 21 세기신 - 권위주의개발국가의탄생 키워드 : Thailand, democracy, monopolization, military, neo-authoritarian state 태국, 민주주의, 독점, 군대, 신-권위주의국가 서론 지난수십년동안, 태국은대의민주주의기간이조금씩늘어나는것을경험하긴했지만, 동시에잦은정치 적시위와분열, 논쟁적정치, 군부의개입등도경험했습니다. 2014 년 5 월 22 일, 가장최근의군사쿠데타가 Naruemon Thabchumpon, Jakkrit Sangkhamanee, Carl Middleton, Weera Wongsatjachock and Pholvee Phunphanich 발생했고, 이로인해나라를통치하기위해국가평화질서회의 (NCPO, National Council for Peace and Order) 가만들어졌습니다. 우리는이글에서초 (Cho) 의렌즈 (2012) 를통해이해했던민주주의조치들과상반되게, 군부통치하의태국이정치, 경제그리고시민사회의힘에대한재-독점의시기로접어들었음을보일 것입니다. NCPO가만든공공정책, 규제그리고제한조치등을통해증명되듯이, 최근의다른군사쿠데타와대조적으로, 2014년의쿠데타가태국의재주장을특별히강하게보여주고있으며, NCPO는우리가 21세기신-권위주의개발국가 라칭하는것을만들어내는방향으로일하고있다는것이우리의주장입니다. 개요 이글에서우리는태국의기초민주주의수준이퇴보했다는것을명백히보여주는 2014~2015년의종합적인아시아민주주의지수 (ADI, Asian Democracy Index) 를살펴보려합니다. 1991~2014년사이, 태국은 3번의쿠데타와 4번의정치개혁을겪었습니다. 이전의개혁움직임은의회의주도권을확보하기위한방편으로볼수있는반면, 마지막쿠데타는방향이다른듯보입니다. 1년간의군부통치영향을이해하기위해 2015년 7 월부터 11월사이에모은, 서로다른정치이념을가진 27명의전문가설문을바탕으로우리는그정치적, 경제적, 시민사회영역등에대한 ADI를평가했습니다. 종합적으로보아, 2014~2015년태국의 ADI 점수는 2013~2014년의점수와비교하여, 명백하게태국의민주주의수준이손상되었으며민주화를위해갈길이아직멀다는것을보여주고있습니다. 현재의정치적배제와경제독점을반영하여, 우리는태국이현재신-권위주의개발국가로가는노정에있다고결론내렸습니다. 민주주의회복을위해서는태국사회의미래를함께만들어나가기위해건설적으로참여하는사람들이정치, 경제그리고시민사회영역의탈-독점화과정을다시강조할필요가있습니다. 우리는태국정치에대한 27명의주요전문가설문을바탕으로, 우리의주장을상술 ( 詳述 ) 하고, 태국의최근사건들과경향들에대한평가를통해이를맥락화할것입니다. 이글은네부분으로구성됩니다. 다음섹션에서우리는 2014~2015년사이의태국민주주의정치의중요한이정표들을살펴볼것입니다. 그러고나서우리의연구방법에대해논의하며, 2014년 5월쿠데타 1년후실시된설문기간동안맞닥뜨린몇몇어려움의세부사항에대해서도얘기할것입니다. 세번째섹션은정치, 경제, 시민사회등의항목에따라구조화한설문에서발견한것들을보여줄것입니다. 마지막두섹션에서는, 21세기신-권위주의개발국가 의영향을되새겨보고, ( 탈 ) 독점화의정치라는렌즈를통해 2014~2015년의태국민주화과정에대한몇가지결론을제시할것입니다. 2014~15 년사이태국민주주의의행보 2013년후반이후, 태국의민주화는다시한번격렬한논쟁과혼란스런감정의대상이되었습니다. 프어타이당 (PTP) 은 2011년, 지금은망명중인탁신친나왓 (Thaksin Shinawatra) 전총리의여동생잉락친나왓 (Yingluck Shinawatra) 총리의지도로선거에서승리했습니다. 프어타이당의사면법안통과시도실패및 2013년 11월의헌법개정을둘러싼논란이가두시위로번졌고, 프어타이당은 2014년 2월총선을대비해 2013 년 12월의회를해산했습니다. 의회해산의뒤를이어잉락친나왓총리가과도정부를구성했습니다. 그러는사 Naruemon Thabchumpon: 출라롱콘대학교국제개발연구석사과정 (MAIDS) 프로그램디렉터, 정부학부정치학조교수. Jakkrit Sangkhamanee: 출라롱콘대학교사회학과인류학부사회학조교수. 칼미들턴 (Carl Middleton): 출라랑콘대학교국제개발연구석사과정 (MAIDS) 프로그램강사. Weera Wongsatjachock: 부라파대학정치과학학부강사. Pholvee Phunphanich: 출라롱콘대학교정치과학학부사회개발연구센터 (CSDS) 보조연구원. 이거리에서는잉락친나왓총리의과도정부에반대하고총선거를방해하기위해전부총리인수텝트악수반 (Suthep Thaugsuban) 의지도하에국민민주개혁위원회 (PDRC) 의시위, 도로봉쇄, 폭력사태등이일어났습니다. 이에대한반독재민주주의연합 (UDD) 과동맹세력들의반대움직임도나타났습니다. 이거리행동기간동안최소 28명이사망하고 827명이다쳤습니다 ( 프리덤하우스, 2015). 한편, 방콕한가운데를꽉막아버린 108 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 109

정치상황이경제활동에영향을미치는바람에태국경제역시침체되었고, 정치상황은계속격렬해졌습니다. 연구방법및평가 정치위기가고조됨에따라, 민간과도정부가 2014년 1월에서 3월까지비상사태를선언했으나문제를해결하는데실패했습니다. 일련의소규모폭탄테러이후, 가두시위가계속수그러들지않자, 군대가개입했습니다. 2014년 5월 20일, 군이계엄령을선포하고 5월 22일쁘라윳짠오차장군이이끄는국가평화질서회의 (NCPO) 지휘하에쿠데타가선포되었습니다. 그후국가평화질서회의는 2007년도헌법을폐기하고 ( 군주제에관한제 2장은제외 ), 모든정치집회를강제해산했으며, 표현과집회결사의자유그리고미디어에대한엄격한통제가실시되었습니다. 2014년 7월 22일임시헌법제정에뒤이어 2014년 8월에는쁘라윳장군이 200석으로정해진단원제국가입법회의 (NLA) 를이끌기위해총리자리를차지했습니다. 자신에게유리하게인선한국가입법회의는 105명의군장교와 10명의경찰관, 그리고학계인사, 기술관료그리고사업가등으로구성되었습니다. 2014년에서기산해 3년이전의정당과연관된정치가나활동가등은국가입법회의에초빙이금지되었습니다. 태국은현재전면적인 민주주의로드맵 을마주하고있습니다. 정부는이에대해명확한시간제한없이국가적화해, 개혁그리고최종선거에대해초점을맞춰설명하고있습니다. 쿠데타군사정권이지정한국가개혁위원회 (NRC) 는 250명으로구성되었으며, 통치및정치적프로세스를포함하는종합적인개혁의제를준비하기위해만들어졌습니다. 또한 36명이헌법초안위원회 (CDC) 구성원으로선발되었습니다. 그러나그들이만들어 2015년 9월 6일국가개혁위원회에제안한헌법초안은거부되었고 ( 가디언, 2015년 9월 6일 ), 현재새로운헌법초안위원회구성을요구하며선거에대한전망을미루고있습니다. 군주제의상태에대해남아있는우려는태국의민주주의그리고그정치적위기와얽혀있습니다. 태국에서국왕모독죄는처벌이엄하므로왕위계승문제는공개적으로논할수없습니다. 국왕모독죄의공격적집행은광범위한불안감을만들어내고온라인과인쇄물그리고방송미디어, 공공행사등에서표현의자유를억압했습니다. 2014년쿠데타이후, 공식항소권없이새국왕모독죄사례가군사법정에기소되었습니다. 대부분의국왕모독죄사례의비밀주의때문에 2014~2015년사이에얼마나많은사람들이기소되었는지확실하지않지만, 아마도수백명에이를것으로생각되며, 이로인해또얼마간의사람들은재판을피하기위해나라를떠날결심을했습니다. 설문데이터취합이글의데이터는아시아민주주의지수 (ADI) 설문형식 (Cho 2012) 에따른구조화된인터뷰방식을이용하여수집되었습니다. 연구프로세스는선호도점수에따른양적설문및태국정치의현재상황에대한인식, 코멘트, 숙고등을수집하기위해질적으로반구조화된전문가인터뷰, 두가지로이루어졌습니다. 설문은 2015년 7월에서 9월사이에실시되었습니다. 따라서설문의결과들은 2014년 5월의쿠데타이후태국정치상황에대한전문가들의태도및의견을반영합니다. 인터뷰는총 27명의전문가에대해수행되었습니다. 각전문가는그들의직업과정치이념이라는 2가지기준에따라분류되었습니다.: 구체적역할 / 직업에따른분류, 즉 : 정치인, 국가공무원혹은국가평화질서회의 (NCPO) 가지정한정치조직의구성원 ; 시민사회조직의지도자혹은실무자 ; 학계인사혹은대학직원 정치이념에따른분류, 즉 : 태국에서진행중인이념적정치적논쟁내부에서의그들의포지셔닝에따라분류한우익, 좌익, 중도보수. 이러한유형분류체계에따라, 우익은태국자체의독특함 ( 예를들어, 타이스러움 ), 왕가혹은엘리트특권에대한강력한지지, 선거민주주의에대한불신등, 보수적생각을가지는사람들을말합니다. 좌익은태국자체와태국스러움을세계적인사해동포주의의일부로바라보는생각에대한지지, 선거민주주의개념에대한지지, 시민권과정치적권한촉진, 특히표현의자유의촉진그리고선거를자신의정치적의지를표현하는수단으로바라보는생각등의정칙적포지션을가지는사람들을말합니다. 중도보수는좌익과우익사이에서있는사람들혹은자기자신을좌익과우익두가지로는제대로설명하기어려운사람들을말합니다. 좌익, 우익, 중도보수등의정치이념을가진, 그리고서로다른역할과직업 ( 정치인, 시민사회, 학계 ) 을가진사람들사이에서균형적인샘플을얻기위해유의표본추출법을사용했습니다. 27명의전문가들의상대적인정치적포지셔닝은설문안에있는질문에대한답변을통해결정했습니다. 2014~2015년을거치며태국은쿠데타, 헌법개정, 선거의사이클을계속되풀이하고있는것이드러났습니다. 태국이입헌군주제를처음도입한 1932년이후, 이나라는대략 20번의성공적혹은실패적인군대쿠데타를겪었습니다. 쿠데타, 헌법개정, 선거라는이반복적인시나리오는또한민주주의의질에영향을주는정치와경제사이의관계와도관련이있습니다. 2014년 5월 22일일어난가장최근의쿠데타는그전쿠데타로부터채 8년도되지않았습니다. 이사실은선거정치를포함하는태국의정치전반에서여전히군대와관료집단이주요역할을하고있다는것을보여주는것이며, 선거무대뒤편에있는실제권력을드러내는것입니다. 얄궂은것은, 군과정치정당모두개발과경제성장을권력유지정당화에사용한다는것입니다. 전체적으로, 인터뷰한 27명의전문가들은정치인, 학계인사, 시민사회인사등으로나뉩니다. 각섹터의대표들은또한좌익적, 우익적, 중도보수적정치이념으로구분되었습니다. 달리말하자면, 각각의정치적포지션을갖고있는각섹터의세대표들을인터뷰했습니다. 아래의표1은인터뷰한전문가들의정치적, 경제적, 사회적질문에대한총체적인응답의평균과정치이념을보여주고있습니다. 110 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 111

표 1: 인터뷰한전문가들의정치적, 경제적, 사회적질문에대한총체적인응답의평균과정치이념 정치이념 사회적역할 / 직업 정치적질문 경제적질문 사회적질문 좌익 정치인 3.45 3.94 3.87 시민사회인사 2.99 3.26 2.5 학계인사 2.55 2.92 3.35 합계 3 3.37 3.57 중도보수 정치인 4.7 5.02 5.72 시민사회인사 3.14 4.66 5.03 학계인사 4.08 3.95 4.89 합계 3.97 4.54 5.21 우익 정치인 4.64 4.35 5.22 시민사회인사 3.92 4 4.95 학계인사 4.86 3,56 4.21 합계 4.47 3.97 4.79 총계 3.81 3.96 3 일부응답자들은또한어떤질문들은번호로선택하기어려운복잡성을내포하고있다는점을언급하며, 질문그자체를비판하기도했습니다. 예를들어태국의표현의자유와관련한질문은부정으로표시됐는데, 이경우응답자는국왕모독죄나군사법정등을포함해미디어가다루는주제들을고려할것을요구받았고, 군주제와관련된실제사건들에대한기사들은 1 혹은 2에가까운값의선택을요구하는반면미디어에실린다른사건들은좀더높은점수가나왔을것이므로따라서이질문에대한점수결정이복잡했을것입니다. 시민사회의자율성과관련한몇몇질문의경우, 인터뷰에응한일부전문가들은질문들의수치척도가서로맞지않는듯보이는탓에혼란스러워했습니다. 예를들어, 민주적측면에대한질문은높은점수를표기하도록되어있고자유를제한하는것에대한질문은낮은점수를주는식인데, 문제는독점과관련한질문에높은점수를, 평등과관련한질문에낮은점수를주도록되어있는것이었습니다. 마지막으로, 일부참여자들이특정이슈에대한질문들을이해하기어려웠다는점을언급했습니다. 예를들어, 태국이현재임시헌법하에있고국가및지방차원에서어떠한선거일정도잡혀있지않으며다음선거가언제어떤조건하에서치러질지불확실하기때문에태국의선거와관련한질문들은대답하기어려웠다는것입니다. 이와관련하여, 일부인터뷰대상자들은태국에서정부가자신에게부여된권리에맞게진실로사람들을도운적은없다고말했습니다. 그보다는, 사람들을돕는것은엘리트와귀족들의 자비 로베풀어지는것입니다. 즉, 일부전문가들은정치적후원이나여러가지사회정책의결과물그리고복지의틀같은것들은정부에의한실질적인개입이라기보다 선거후의선물 이라고표현하는것이더적당하다고생각하고있었습니다. 설문의한계 태국이겪고있는특수한정치적상황에일부기인하여연구팀은인터뷰수행에있어다음과같은몇가지 어려움을겪었습니다. 여러어려움을감안하여, 연구팀은몇가지질문들을참여자들이응답하기편한단순한척도에집어넣어명확하게함으로써이문제들을해결했습니다. 뿐만아니라인터뷰응답자들은다음의분석안에문서화되고고려된자신들의코멘트와의견을통해수치척도로한답변을명확하게만들수있었습니다. 인터뷰이의절반정도가자신들의답변을양적척도에맞춰답변하기어렵다는점을지적했습니다. 몇몇전문가들은 0에서 10까지의각정도가서로다른의미를가지고있다고말했습니다. 또어떤사람들은이도구가번호를골라개인의태도를반영할뿐이며, 이는전문가들사이에달라질수있다고말했습니다. 즉, 우리가그들의선호도점수를각각의것과비교하여병합하거나위치시키려하면전문가들의점수사이에불일치가있을수있다는것입니다. 대부분의주요정보제공자들은, 현존하는정치시스템, 특히군사정권하의실제조건들을반영하는데에사용될수없기때문에 아시아민주주의지수 그자체가태국의민주주의의존재혹은단계를증명할수없다고언급했습니다. 몇몇요소들은전문가들로부터낮은점수로측정이되거나아예무응답항목도있었습니다. 예를들어어떤전문가들은태국이민주적인나라든아니든간에아시아민주주의지수 (ADI) 가낮은것이반드시태국민주주의의최종결과를의미하지는않으며, 오히려전문가의견해로볼때태국의민주화과정의점수가낮다는사실을반영한다고주장했습니다. 결과 이섹션에서는, 설문결과제시후 4.1과 4.2 그리고 4.3 섹션에서각각초 (Cho) (2012) 에의해개념화된것처럼, 이를태국의정치, 경제, 시민사회등의필드에따라분석할것입니다. 태국정치필드최근몇년간, 태국의정치상황은선출된권력과선출되지않은권력사이의충돌로인해도전받아왔습니다. 잉락정부를축출한 2014년 5월의쿠데타이후태국의민주화수준은현저히후퇴했습니다. 군부와선출되지않은엘리트들은탁신친나왓은물론지난 15년간태국정치를지배해온친탁신세력을제거하려고했습니다. 쿠데타의리더이자수상인쁘라윳짠오차장군은 1차적수준에서가부장적권력의고전적개념으로이해될수있는권위주의국가를만들었습니다 (Pye, 1985: 321). 112 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 113

군사정권은관료적부하들과국가의메커니즘에대한그들의통제력위에새로운정치적정당성을수립하려고시도한국가주의지도자들에의해대표됩니다. 정부에는당국의권위주의문화만있는것이아니라관료들과군대, 왕가의엘리트등을포함하는선출되지않은권력메커니즘의지원도받고있습니다 (Pye, 1985: 321-325). 이는정부의 태국에다시행복을 프로그램, 그리고헌법초안프레임워크의미완성프로세스로명백히알수있습니다 ( 이코노미스트, 2015, 9월 12일 ). 이런프로그램들은태국사회통제를추구함에있어문화의힘과공권력을모두이용해독점한권력을 NCPO에집중시키고있습니다. 군사정권이권력을잡고 1년이지난후, 표 2에서보듯모든측면 ( 자율성, 경쟁, 다원화, 결속 ) 에서정치권력의독점이현저히증가했습니다. 군사정권과국가입법회의 (NLA) 는상당한수의억압적인규제와법령들을제정했습니다. 집권즉시신군사정권은정치운동통제를위해전국에계엄령을선포했고권력의집중을원활하게하는몇가지경제적, 정치적정책들을전개했습니다. 예를들어, 학계인사, 시위자, 저널리스트, 전수상등은쿠데타발생후 1주일동안군에의해억류되었습니다. 군의부대변인 Weerachon Sukondhapatipak 대령은이렇게말했습니다. 이것은충돌에연루된모든사람들을진정시키고생각할시간을가지기위한것이다. 우리는그들의자유를제한할의도는없고, 다만이것은압박을완화하기위한것이다 ( 텔레그라프, 2014년 5 월 24일 ). 이러한상황은태국의정치를 하이브리드정권 혹은 선거권위주의 에서 완전권위주의정권 으로바꾸어놓았습니다. 그러나이정권의권위는불안정합니다. 왜냐면나라안의학계인사들과학생운동그룹등에도전받고있으며또한외부, 예를들면유럽연합이나휴먼라이츠워치같은 NGO등의압력을받고있기때문입니다 ( 레비츠키, 웨이, 2010: 제2장 ). Table 2: 태국정치지수 2014 2015 자율성 5.85 3.16 경쟁 4.82 4.35 다원화 4.25 2.91 결속 4.32 3.87 태국정치지수에서, 2015년점수는 4가지하위항목모두에서 2014년에비해현저히낮습니다. 2014년에는표상에서평균점수가 4에서6사이로, 상대적으로안정적이었습니다. 2014년태국정치지수에서가장높은점수는자율성항목으로 5.85였고, 가장낮은것은다원화항목으로 4.25였습니다. 경쟁과결속은두번째와세번째로각각 4.48과 4.25였습니다. 2015년에는, 네가지하위항목모두에서상당한대비가일어납니다. 자율성점수는최고점이었다가 2015년에는 3.16을받아세번째로내려왔습니다. 최고점수는경쟁항목으로바뀌어 4.35점이었습니다. 그러나최저점수는여전히전과동일하게다원화항목으로, 2.91점이었습니다. 결속항목은점수가올라서전체네항목중두번째가되었습니다. 자율성의경우, 점수가 5.85에서 3.16으로내려간이유는시민의자유그리고집회의자유가축소되었고정치활동이원천적으로금지되었기때문입니다. 어떤운동이라든가 5명이상의사람이정치적목적을가지고모이는것은금지되었으며, 여기에는태국정치와관련된평화적시위, 정치토론, 학술활동까지모두포함되었습니다. 예를들어, 군사정부는 2015년 6월군부통 치에대해평화적으로반대입장을표명한 14명의학생운동가들을체포했으며, NCPO의대중집회금지명령을위반한사람에게형법 116조에따라 7년의금고형을씌우고, 추가로 6개월의형량과최고 1만바트 ( 미화 312 달러 ) 의벌금을부과할수도있었습니다 ( 휴먼라이츠워치, 2015). 경쟁항목을보면, 이항목이 2015년설문에서는최고점수입니다. 그러나점수자체가 2014년설문에비해좀낮습니다. 현재전국 / 지방선거가없긴하지만, 태국정치에는이익집단및정치력을소유한비-선출그룹이있으므로이런것이경쟁항목에서나타난것으로보입니다. 예를들자면, 국가입법회의 (NLA) 구성원은 200명으로, 이들은쁘라윳장관이임명했는데, 이중 105명은군인이고, 11명은경찰, 84명의시민은우익학자들과기업대표들, 기술관료및전의원등이었습니다 ( 국제선거제도재단, 2014). 그러나, 핵심정치권력은군사정부에집중되어있습니다. 다원화항목은 2015년설문에서가장낮은점수를받았습니다. 이는태국의정치조직과압력단체들이군사정부와관료집단에속한중앙정치기관들과권력을나눌수없기때문입니다. 논란이많은이슈와국가적의제에대한대중의비판수용과책무는무시되었습니다. 게다가, 군사정부가권력을독점한탓에현재의태국정치에는국가기구들간에견제와균형이없습니다. 기자들은오로지정부를지원하는기사밖에쓸수없을것이기때문에의사결정은감시하기가쉽지않습니다. 만일어떤기자가정부를비판할라치면 태도교정 명목으로법원에소환될것입니다. 이에대한전형적인예로, 최근의쁘라빗로자나프룩 (Pravit Rojanaphruk) 사건이있습니다. 옥스포드대학전 ( 前 ) 쉐브닝장학생 ( 영국외무성장학생 ) 이자더네이션 (the Nation) 지 ( 誌 ) 수석칼럼니스트인쁘라빗로자나프룩은군사정부비판및국왕모독죄관련이슈에대한논평으로인해심문을위해군사정부에의해구금되었습니다 ( 가디언 2015). 그리고출소하자마자곧바로 10년이상일해온신문에서퇴사할것을요구받았습니다. 마지막으로, 결속항목점수 3.87은전년보다낮아졌는데, 이는요즘태국에군사정권치하임에도여전히정치통합이제한적이기때문입니다. 군사정권이권력집중을위해예비역장군들을의회에 1/3 이상채웠는데도불구하고군사정권과비-선출엘리트집단은새헌법초안같은논란거리가많은이슈들에대해여전히충돌하고있습니다. 결속의결여는설문응답에나타납니다. 예를들어, 대중이정부를얼마나신뢰한다고보십니까? 그리고 의회 / 입법기관은? 같은질문의점수는각각 4.25와 3.74였습니다. 응답자들이쁘라윳장군정권의강하고공격적인성향이이전의선출정부보다오히려더빠르고효과적으로문제를해결할수있을것이라고생각하는분야에서조차, 권력을잡은지이제근 1년하고도반년이지났지만, 진행중인경제침체, 정치갈등, 사회분열등은현군사정부에있어계속해서심각한도전과제일것입니다 ( 블룸버그 2015). 강력한규제와결정들이군사정부의불안정한형태를연상시켜이들로하여금소프트파워 ( 연성권력 ) 보다는하드파워 ( 강성권력 ) 를사용하게할것으로보입니다. 토마스캐러더스 (2002) 는그의저서 패러다임전환의종말 에서대부분의체제전환국가들은독재국가도아니고뚜렷하게민주주의를지향하는것도아닌, 정치적회색지대에머무른다고주장합니다. 그러나 2014년쿠데타이후태국정치는캐러더스의주장에반대증거가되고있습니다. 체제전환국가인태국은현재흑색지대의권위주의체제로특징지을수있기때문입니다. 민주주의로의회귀는기약이없고, 새헌법안에포함된, 정치적위기상황에군대가민간정부로부터권력을인수할수있게하려는 위기관리위원회 계획에대한논란등을보면, 군사통치를조기에종식시킬수있을거라는낙관은근거가없어보입니다. 2015년 4월계엄령철회이후에도, NCPO는군사정권의과도헌법제 44조를승인하여총리에게절대권력을주었습니다. 태국의부 114 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 115

총리위사누끄릉암 (Wisanu Kruengam) 은이렇게말했습니다. 이법은알제리전쟁당시사용된 1958년의프랑스법안을따라서만들었습니다. 이로써현정부는안보관련문제들뿐아니라안보와관련이없는수많은다른행정적문제들도더신속하게처리할수있을것입니다. ( 채널뉴스아시아, 2015) 그러나, 이법은 1950년대태국의권위주의정권시절에도채용되었던것으로, 그시절군사정부에게절대권력을주어사회를통제하고반대하는사람들을억눌렀습니다. 민주적제도의형성과내재화의관점에서, 이는태국정치의심각한문제를보여주는것입니다. 2013~14년과 2014~15년설문을대조하면쿠데타이후태국민주주의가현저하게약화되었다는것을알수있습니다. 현재, 태국사람들은참여나심의원칙은고사하고, 선거 개최자체를위해싸우고있습니다. 군사정부가법률, 규칙, 규정등을바꾸어서권력을독점및집중화하고정치의중심에군대와관료집단과왕실기구등을앉혔습니다. ADI프레임워크에따라자유화및평등에초점을두면 (2015년설문에서각각 4.09와 3.58), 설문은현재태국의민주주의가실패했다는것을보여줍니다. 그결과, 태국정치는앞으로도계속민주주의투쟁에초점을맞출것이고선출권력과비-선출권력사이의정치적갈등, 특히왕위계승문제그리고민주주의절차와태국의핵심제도간의관계의맥락에서의갈등해결을위한긴여정을마주하게될것입니다. 태국경제필드 2014년 5월 22일의군사쿠데타이후, 군사정부와예하세력은자신들의정치적통제력을강화했습니다. 그러나, 경제관점에서, 경제정보연구소 (EIU, Economic Intelligence Unit) 의 2015년자료에따르면이들은자신들이원했던강한경제의회복에실패했습니다. 태국경제가정치불안이경제에심각한지장을주었던 2014 년초기의불황에서벗어나기는했지만, 태국경제는여전히불안정합니다. 아시아개발은행 (2015) 에따르면, 2015년에서 2019년간의평균경제성장률예상치가최고 3.8% 에머무름에도불구하고태국의국민총생산 (GDP) 은 2015년전반기에 2.9% 성장했습니다. 아시아개발은행 (2015) 에따르면, 2014년과 2015년전반기정부지출은국가경제로회수될수없습니다. 왜냐면낮은농장수입, 느린임금인상, 높은가계부채때문에가계소비와투자가저조하기때문입니다. 경기진작을위해정부는가뭄피해지역지원및농업생산품가격보조, 중소기업경기부양책등을시행했습니다. 이러한재정조치들과, 대규모기반시설기획프로젝트및내년도주요산업의수출전망향상에대한기대감등에기대어정부는 2016년의국민총생산 (GDP) 이 2015년에비해단지 1퍼센트포인트라도오를것을기대했습니다. 반면, 쿠데타 1년후수출만하락세가아니라소비자신뢰역시한해동안꾸준히하락하고있습니다. 이러한최근의경제침체는불과한세대이내에저소득국가에서고소득국가로바뀌면서보여준, 지난 40 년동안의태국의현저한 때로불안정한- 사회적경제적이슈의발전과대비하여병치됩니다. 태국은최소한경제개혁측면에서, 특히 1980년대의지속적인경제성장과빈곤감소때문에, 전에는개발성공스토리의예로널리언급되었습니다. 그래서현재의경제상황이과거의경향과비교해볼때상당히부정적인전환이아닌가, 그래서현재와미래의사회적정치적위기를더복잡하게혹은더심각하게만들지않겠느냐는우려가있습니다. ADI 체계로계산한경제지수를보면, 2015년설문의점수는전년에비해모든하위항목에서심각하게하락했습니다. 2014년에는최고점수가경쟁항목이었으며점수는 4.69였고그뒤를이어결속, 자율성그리고다원화항목등리각각 4.65, 4.49, 그리고 3.45였습니다. 2015년에는, 비교해보면, 결속이 3.23으로모든항목중최하위였고, 반면경쟁은 3.95로여전히최고점이었습니다. 두번째는자율성으로 3.89점, 세번째는다원화로 3.34점이었습니다. 표 3: 태국경제지수 2014 2015 자율성 4.49 3.89 경쟁 4.69 3.95 다원화 3.45 3.34 결속 4.65 3.23 경제적자율성에는국가의간섭으로부터의경제적자유, 노동권보호, 외부세력으로부터의경제정책의자율성등이포함됩니다. 설문결과에따르면, 경제적자율성의점수는 2014년 4.49에서 2015년 3.89로심각하게줄어들었습니다. 이는정치인-경제인네트워크에서군네트워크및군과관련된경제인네트워크로교체된태국의과두정치구조내부의문제를가리킵니다. 지난수십년간, 많은경제인들이서서히정치분야로진출해자신들의권력과특권을공고히했습니다 ( 파수크, 베이커, 2004). 2014년군사쿠데타는상황을거의완전히관료주의정치와관련경제후원으로대표되는예전의정치경제로되돌렸습니다. 쿠데타이후, 군은경제정책에서더큰역할을수행하고있습니다. 임시헌법제 44조를이용하여군은대기업들이권력이양에도움을주는한 동맹세력 들이투자하고이익을얻을수있도록경제친화적환경을제공했습니다. NCPO가사용한 44 조의사례를보자면다음과같습니다.: 지방정부의정기선거취소, 수림보호지역및자연자원관리경계선및보호조치해제, 복권위원회의장에군인사임명, 낚시도구에대한신규규정, 기반시설프로젝트와특별경제지구에대한특수팀창설. 반면, 쿠데타로노동권보호가나아지지는않았습니다. 쿠데타전에도노조원에대한법적보호가미약하고강제력이없었는데, 쿠데타이후에는공공집회에대한일반규제조치하에노동자와노조의권리보호를위한파업과시위는금지되었습니다. 경제적경쟁항목에는경제적투명성, 경제의공정성, 정부의책임, 기업의책임등이고려되었습니다. 다른하위항목들과비교하여가장높은점수를보였던경제적협력에대한 ADI 설문점수는 2014년 4.69에서 2015 년 3.95로감소했습니다. 경제분야가운데에서, 경제적독점은여전히통신및에너지분야에서가장쉽게보였습니다. 게다가경제적투명성과정부 / 기업의책임측면에서보면, 군사정부와밀접한관계를맺고있고, 그연결고리를이용해과두집단으로서주요한권력네트워크를함께형성하는몇몇독점적기업군이있습니다. 여기에는태국의진로에영향을미칠수있는비즈니스네트워크가포함되며, 이들은군사정부와밀접하게연결되어있으면서또한인접국및미얀마, 라오스, 캄보디아, 말레이지아등과의국경지대를다라형성된여섯개의특별경제지구와도연결점을가지고있습니다 (Thabchumpon 등, 기타참조, 2014). 116 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 117

경제적다원화평가는경제적독점척도, 지역격차, 소득평등, 자산불일치, 고용평등등을포함하는경제적자원의공정한분배를고려했습니다. 설문결과점수를보면 2014년 3.45에서 2015년 3.34로약간감소했습니다. 이는의사결정권력이정치기구와경제조직의엘리트집단에더집중화되고독점되었기때문입니다. 지방행정을통제하는내무부의권력반환, 자신이선택한파트너를통해정부의경제제도를밀고나가기위한국영기업에 초월적이사회 설치, 최근의디지털경제통제시도등은모두태국경제의다원화해체를위한과정들로볼수있습니다. 태국시민사회필드태국시민사회지수는 2014~2015년의시민사회의민주화에대한의견을가리킵니다. 점수는또다시감소했습니다 ( 표 4). 다원화점수는 2014년 5.06으로최고였지만다음해 4.56으로떨어졌습니다. 대신 2015년에는최고점수항목이 4.64를받은경쟁항목으로바뀌었습니다. 그다음은자율성 4.59, 다원화 4.56이며, 결속은 3.6으로가장낮았습니다. 파숙퐁파이칫 (Pasuk Pongpaichit) 과 Pornthep Benjaapikul(2013) 에따르면, 가계소비지출에대한지니계수로측정한지난 20년동안의태국의불평등은거의개선되지않았으며, 반면가계소득에대한지니계수는가파르게상승했지만점점나빠지고있습니다. 그러나세계은행 (2015) 은최근의데이터에기초하여, 지니계수로측정한최근의소득불평등이 0.45 이상으로계속높게유지되고있기는하지만최근몇년간약간씩떨어지고있다고언급했습니다. 전체적으로, 태국의극빈층은 1986년 67% 에서 2014년 11% 로엄청나게줄어들었음에도소득불평등과균등한기회의결여는계속남아있습니다. 지역별로볼때, 세계은행 (2015) 에따르면도심지역의빈곤은이제전체빈곤층의 1/3 정도인반면최남단과북동부같은일부지역은여전히다른지역에뒤쳐져있습니다. 즉, 태국국가경제의성공의혜택을모두가균등하게나누지못하고있다는것입니다. 마지막으로, 경제적결속의평가에는사회보장시스템, 노동조합활동, 기업감시, 불평등완화에대한인식등이포함되었습니다. 설문결과를보면, 점수가 2014년 4.65에서 2015년 3.23으로가파르게떨어졌습니다. 이는 ADI 하위항목중에서가장낮은점수입니다. 이결과는빈곤층을지원하는정부의사회복지및사회보장정책들이축소됐음을가리킵니다. 지난탁신친나왓전 ( 前 ) 총리시절시작된정부의국가건강보험정책이전국민에게적절한의료서비스를받을수있게한다는목표를광범위하게성취했다는세계은행 (2015) 이밝힌사실에도불구하고이런결과가나왔습니다. 그결과, 태국의최빈곤층가정들은 재난적의료비지출 발생률이감소추세인것에기대거나혹은전체가계소비지출의 10% 를넘는자기부담금을지불해야만합니다. 요약하면, 태국은처음의저소득국가에서 2011년현재중-상위소득국가상태로발돋움할수있었지만, 소수의특권계층이과도한권력의혜택을보고있고국가경제발전의주요수혜자라는논란이있어왔습니다. 또한이제더이상기존의경제발전모델에기댈수없다는것에대한동의가늘고있으며, 대안은무엇인가에대한논쟁도부상하고있습니다. 아직어떤해결책에대해서도합의가이루어지지는않았지만, 대부분의사람들은새로운모델이사회적관심사와공정한분배 ( 소득, 임금, 교육, 사회적급여 ), 경제적차원에서의참여확대등을통합해야한다는데에동의하고있습니다. 태국의정치적, 경제적배제는쌓이고쌓여 2014년쿠데타가터졌고현재국가개발의모든측면에서주요역할을하고있는군부와그연대세력들의정치, 경제, 사회적권력독점으로이어져지금의정치위기를초래했습니다. 그러므로이나라는단지정부가선택한우선사안들에국가자원을배분하는일반적개발국가가아니라, 태국의시대적맥락속에서민주주의는한쪽에제쳐두는 신-권위주의개발국가 로간주될수있습니다. 나라의흔들리는경제를회복시킬수있을지어떨지는두고봐야겠지만, 권력층은이제강력한관료계층과그들이신뢰하는비즈니스동맹세력들의지원을통해일하면서상당한경제적공헌을하려하고있습니다. 표 4: 태국시민사회지수 2014 2015 자율성 4.79 4.59 경쟁 4.92 4.64 다원화 5.06 4.56 결속 4.57 3.6 최근의태국정치분위기는민주화과정에서의시민사회의제한적인역할과파편화된상태를형상화하는데있어가장중요한요소입니다. 2015년시민사회필드의전체적점수는모든측면에서의시민사회의약화를반영합니다. 좀더자세히보자면, 정부의개입으로부터시민의사회적활동의자유도측면에대해우리의주요정보제공자들은 3.92점을주었습니다. 이것은특별히낮은점수이지만이는대학의학술세미나와현정치시스템에대한자신의생각을표현하기위해공공장소에모이는학생들로부터농업분야에서씨름하고있는도전과제들에대한정부의쓸모없는정책의영향에대한자신들의불만을표현하고자하는농부와마을사람들의집회에대한강제해산에이르기까지, 사회적정치적모임에대해모든수단을통해개입하는최근의정부의움직임을반영하고있습니다. 앞에서언급한제 44조는정부요원들, 주로군과경찰이국가안보를위협하거나, 혹은실제로는정부그자체에위협이된다고여겨지는활동을개시하는것으로간주되는모든사람을조사, 사생활침해, 구금하는것등에대해정당성을주장할수있는정치적수단중하나입니다. 주요정보제공자들은많은사안들에대한정부요원들의 44조사용을알고있으며, 이것이정부개입으로부터사회의자율성의개선을막고있다는데에동의하는것으로보입니다. 2015년, 44조의사용은더욱명백해졌으며이는아마도내년의전문가평가점수에영향을미칠것입니다. 시민사회가공공영역에대한염려를표현할수있는역할과범위까지정부에서통제하고있는것으로보이는반면, 민간영역또한자금제공에있어중요하며동시에자신들의기업의제에기반하여몇몇시민사회조직에영향을주고있다고생각됩니다. 민간기업이시민사회에가지는영향에대해질문받았을때, 전문가들의전체적점수는 5.57로, 다른필드의점수와비교하면상대적으로높았습니다. 그러나이렇게높은점수에도불구하고, 대부분의전문가들이기업이시민사회에끼치는영향이무엇이고, 어떻게영향을끼치는지에대해서 118 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 119

는명확한생각을가지고있지않았습니다. 슈는 3.07 로시민사회관련질문들중가장낮은점수를받았습니다. 그러나우리는민간기업이지난몇년간벌여온자선활동과 CSR 프로젝트, 소비자캠페인및텔레비전방송그리고태국사회에서새롭고다른종류의네트워크를형성하기시작한페이스북같은소셜미디어활동등을통해서그들의계획의영향에대해단서를찾을수있을것입니다. 이러한새로운그룹의사람들은사회적이해와관용그리고기본적욕구등에대한접근방법등을개선해나가는것에대한그들의관심사에기반하여점진적으로활동을늘려왔습니다. 이러한사람들의앞선행동은광범위한인기를얻어특히방콕이나치앙마이같은대도시에서해가넘도록영향력을발휘하고있습니다. 몇몇비정부기구들은활동과캠페인의지속을위한기금을찾기위해씨름하는반면, 이독립적이고느슨한구조를가진사람들의선도적행동은최근몇년간민간기업들로부터더큰지원을얻어내고있습니다. 시민사회진영내부의경쟁관점에서볼때, NGO들은상대적으로태국사회에그리큰영향을주지못하고있는것으로간주되어전문가평점 4.84를받았습니다. 몇몇전문가들은요즘은매우많은 NGO들이있으며그들각자가자신들만의뚜렷한전략과이슈를가지고있다고언급했습니다. 그러나, 공공의제에대한비판을통해유명해진수많은 NGO들중문제해결을위한구체적메커니즘을제시하는곳은없습니다. 인터뷰에응한몇몇전문가들은때때로너무많은논평이신뢰성과합리성상실의위험을가져왔다고말했습니다. 일부는좀더나아가, 일반사회가어떻든간에시간이한정되어있다는마음가짐을가지고있는엘리트와기술관료들에게영향받은몇몇조직들이있다고주장하기도했습니다. 또한어떤사람들에게는, NGO의배타성은과연 NGO들은나라안의광범위한공공의이해를얼마나잘대변하고있는가에대한질문을떠올리게하기도했습니다. 이러한특별한지점에대해전문가들은 NGO가가지는시민사회전체의대표성의효과성과포괄성에대해 4.74점을주었습니다. 더나쁘게는, 일부 NGO가운영되는방식이상대적으로비민주적이라고인식되고있습니다. 일부 NGO들은민주적이념을가지고있지않고, 정권에서그들이오랫동안투쟁해온이슈기반의제를밀어주기만하면군사정부의편을드는등, 정치적으로비도덕적이라는점때문에화제가되기도했습니다. 이점에대한점수는 4.18에불과했습니다. 시민사회영역의다원화과정관련해서는, 태국사회의분열을묘사하는사례로미디어가좋은예가될수있습니다. 미디어는정치정당이나정치운동혹은민간기업의편을드는것으로인식되어왔습니다. 즉, 일일방송이나신문에서중립적이거나객관적인매체는드물다는뜻입니다. 태국의정치상황에대한기사의공정성과중립성은 3.62의낮은점수를받아신뢰성있는정보및의견교환에대한대중접근권의불평등으로시민사회의다원화를부당한프로세스로만들어버렸습니다. 점점더많은사람들이다양하고값싼미디어채널을통해정보를더잘얻고있는반면, 매체영역에대한사람들의집착과편향적인미디어때문에정보격차가지속되기도합니다. 이문제를좀더깊이들여다보면, 미디어불평등과정보접근의이슈는또한사회구성원간의힘의불평등으로까지연결됩니다. 정부소유의미디어가수치도모르고프로파간다 ( 선전선동 ) 프로그램을하는한편, 자금줄이풍부한미디어들은종종자신들의자금제공자를지원하는기사를생산했습니다. 또한태국의인터넷접속을소위 단일게이트웨이 로바꾸려는정부의최근계획은정부기관하의소셜미디어규제, 통제및감시를포함하는미디어집중화를향한결정적발걸음입니다. 태국사람들간의힘의분배의평등에대한이 마지막으로, 결속과관련해서, 전체적랭킹은꽤낮으며특히시민들의 NGO활동참여적극성은 3.22점을받았습니다. 이는위에서언급한 NGO의배타성문제와관련된것으로보이며또한시민들이자신의관심사와염려를다양한비공식적방법을통해표현할수있는대체옵션들때문이기도할것입니다. NGO활동에대한시민들의적극적참여의이러한한계그리고일부 NGO의배타성과무능함을생각할때, 정부정책결정과정에대한 NGO의영향력에대한점수가상대적으로낮은 4점인것은그리놀랄일도아닙니다. 토론 ADI 척도 (Cho, 2012) 에따라, 자율성과경쟁에대한측정치는자유화의측면으로이해되며, 다원화와결속 에대한측정치는평등에대한측면으로이해됩니다. 해체되고평균화된데이터로서의 2014년과 2015년의수 치들은표5와 6에각각제시되었습니다. 표5: 2014년과 2015년민주주의변수의 4가지태국지수 정치 경제 시민사회 평균 2014 2015 2014 2015 2014 2015 2014 2015 자율성 5.85 3.16 4.49 3.89 4.79 4.59 5.04 3.88 자유화 경쟁 4.82 4.35 4.69 3.95 4.92 4.64 4.81 4.31 다원화 4.25 2.91 3.45 3.34 5.06 4.56 4.25 3.6 평등 결속 4.32 3.87 4.65 3.23 4.57 3.6 4.51 3.56 계 4.81 3.57 4.32 3.6 4.83 4.34 표6: 2014~2015 태국지수의자유화및평등 정치 경제 시민사회 평균 2014 2015 2014 2015 2014 2015 2014 2015 자유화 5.33 3.75 4.59 3.92 4.85 4.61 4.92 4.09 평등 4.27 3.39 4.05 3.28 4.81 4.08 4.38 3.58 계 4.8 3.57 4.3 3.6 4.83 4.34 표6은자유화항목이 2014년설문결과와비슷하게 4.09로최고랭크를차지했음을보여주지만, 2014년보다 는수치가내려갔습니다. 자유화, 시민사회, 경쟁등의세가지값들의구성은 4.61로최고점을받았고, 반면 정치적자율성은 3.16으로최저점을받았습니다. 한편, 시민사회의자율성점수는 2014년 4.79에서 4.59로약 간내려갔을뿐입니다. 120 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 121

평등항목에서, 시민사회는 4.08로다른필드와비교해서또다시최고점을받았습니다. 이부문에서는, 2014년의점수와비교하면전체점수가극적으로내려갑니다. 정치적평등은 3.39점으로경제적평등보다약간높을뿐입니다. 평등의부주제안에서, 정치적다원화는 2.91점으로가장낮습니다. 동시에, 시민사회다원화는 4.56점을받았습니다. 경제적결속은 3.23으로가장낮았고최고평균은정치적결속으로, 3.87점입니다. 2014년점수와비교해서, 전체평균은뚜렷하게내려갔습니다. 네가지부주제가운데진보적경쟁은최고평균점 4.31로최고를차지했고, 진보적자율성, 평등한다원화, 그리고평등한결속이각각그뒤를이었습니다. 2014년설문과결과가다른데, 진보적자율성이 5.04점으로최고를차지했고, 진보적경쟁, 평등한결속, 평등한다원화가각각그뒤를따랐습니다. 정치적 4.27 3.36 3.84 경제적 4.44 3.97 3.48 사회적 4.94 4.5 4.15 그림2: 인터뷰이의역할에따른정치적, 경제적, 사회적질문에대한답변의점수평균 그림2는각역할 ( 정치인, 학자, 시민사회 ) 의정치적, 경제적, 사회적질문에대한점수의평균을보여줍니다. 표7: 정치이념에따른정치, 경제, 사회요소의전체평균요약 좌익 중도보수 우익 정치적 3 3.98 4.48 경제적 3.38 4.55 3.07 사회적 3.57 5.22 4.8 그림 1: 인터뷰이의정치이념에따른정치적, 경제적, 사회적질문에대한답변의평균점수 그림 1 은정치, 경제, 사회, 세그룹의질문에의해분류된각정치이념의평균점수를보여줍니다. 정치적 세유형의질문중에서정치인의점수가가장높습니다. 시민사회의경우, 다른두역할군에비해정치적분야에대한의견의점수가현저히낮았습니다. 반면, 시민사회의점수는경제분야와사회분야에서각각 3.97과 4.50을기록하며급격하게상승했습니다. 학자의경우, 정치질문의점수는다른두역할군의중간이었지만, 경제와사회에대한질문에서는세역할군중점수가가장낮았습니다. 결론 질문에관련한좌익과우익간의점수는상당히다릅니다. 좌익의평균점수는우익의 4.48보다낮은 3.00인반면, 중도보수의점수는우익에가깝습니다. 경제적질문에대해서는, 좌우익간차이가덜하며, 중도보수의점수가다른두그룹보다높았습니다. 사회관련질문에대해서는우익이 4.8점으로날카롭게상승했고, 반면중도보수의점수는 5.22로정점을찍었으며, 좌익은 3.57로낮았습니다. 전체적으로, 이그래프를통해우익의답변에는변동성이있고, 반면좌익과중도보수는큰변화가없음을알수있습니다. 표8: 인터뷰이의직업 / 역할에따른정치, 경제, 사회요소에대한전체평균요약 2014년초반의 방콕셧다운 으로부터 2015년한해를거치며일어난 민주주의셧다운 까지, 태국사람들은현재신-권위주의국가의탄생과정을겪고있습니다. 정치는안보부문에의해고도로통제되고있으며경제는태국에적절한개발패러다임에대해특정견해를가지는신-권위주의방식으로움직이고있습니다. 그결과, 경제적독점이강화되는동안태국의정치적자율성 / 경쟁력그리고민주주의는현재위태로운지경이되었고, 정치적후원을받는시민사회가더욱중요해졌습니다. 이러한환경아래에서, 국가는단지선택된이슈에대해국가자원을배분하는, 일반적인개발국가의역할을수행하는것이아니라, 시민사회가그저시민의상태에머무르는와중에강력한관료계층과그들이신뢰하는비즈니스동맹세력들로부터국가경제개발에있어주도권을가지는권력층이나오는동안민주주의를한쪽에제쳐놓는개발권위주의국가로간주될수있습니다. 태국이라는나라가계속신자유주의경제개발계획쪽으로인도되는동안관료계층은여전히최소한의개입으로자유시장을지원하고, 정치지도자들은경제성 정치인시민사회학자 122 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 123

과를통해나라가 신 - 권위주의개발국가 로보일수있게하는동의지점을찾으려고하고있습니다. 결론적으로, 이글은아시아개발지수 (ADI) (Cho, 2012) 의렌즈를통해태국의민주주의상황을검토했으며, 태국이라는나라가독점의방향으로전환되고있다고말할수있습니다. 태국내의정치경제적배제의과정전반을통해 ( 시대적 ) 맥락은국가가개발과민주화과정의모든측면에서주요역할을수행하는정치, 경제, 사회적독점으로향했습니다. 결국, 우리는태국의민주화과정은오직정치, 경제, 그리고더공정한사회로향하는길을만드는데사람들이건설적으로함께참여할수있는시민사회영역의탈-독점화를통해서만얻을수있다고주장합니다. Speaker 5 Monopolization Strengthens: The Creation of a 21st Century Neo-Authoritarian Development State in Thailand Naruemon THABCHUMPON_Chulalongkorn University in Thailand Abstract In this paper, we find that the overall Asian Democracy Index (ADI) score for 2014-15 clearly shows that Thailand has retreated away from a basic level of democracy. From 1991 to 2014, Thailand has faced 3 coups and 4 cycles of political reforms. While previous waves of reforms may be seen as a way to ensure parliamentary supremacy, the latest coup seems to show a differ-ent direction. Based on a survey of twenty-seven experts across the political ideologies, collected between July and September 2015 to understand the implications of over one year of military rule, we evaluated the ADI for its political, economic and civil society spheres. Overall, the ADI score for 2014-15 for Thailand in comparison with 2013-14 clearly shows that Thailand s level of democracy is in a bad shape and progress towards democratization seems to be a long road ahead. Reflecting on the current political exclusions and economic monopoly, we conclude that Thailand is now on the path to a neo-authoritarian development state. To move back towards democracy, a process of de-monopolization of the political, economy and Naruemon Thabchumpon is Assistant Professor in politics, Department of Government and program director at Master of Art in International Development Studies (MAIDS), Chulalongkorn University. Jakkrit Sangkhamanee is Assistant Professor in sociology, Depart-ment of Sociology and Anthropology, Chulalongkorn University. Carl Middleton is Lecturer on the Master of Art in International Development Studies (MAIDS) program, Chulalongkorn Uni-versity. Weera Wongsatjachock is Lecturer at the Faculty of Political Science, Burapa University. Pholvee Phunphanich is Assistant Researcher of the Center for Social Development Studies (CSDS), Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University. 124 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 125

civil society spheres needs to re-emphasized by the people who need to constructively engage to shape the future of Thai society together. Keywords: Thailand, democracy, monopolization, military, neo-authoritarian state 1. Introduction Over the past several decades, Thailand has experienced increasingly extended periods of representative democracy, but also frequent periods of political demonstration and disruption, contentious politics, and military intervention in politics. On 22nd May 2014, Thailand experienced its most recent military coup that created the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) to govern the country. We demonstrate in this paper that Thailand under military rule has entered into a period of re-monopolization of political, economic and civil society power counter to the measures of democracy as understood through the lens of Cho (2012). As evidenced by the public policies, regulations and restrictions created by the NCPO, in contrast to other recent military coups, we argue that the coup of 2014 has seen a particularly strong re-assertion of Thailand, we argue that the NCPO has worked towards the creation of what we term a 21st century neo-authoritarian developmental state. We elaborate our argument based on a survey of twenty seven key experts on Thai poli-tics, and contextualize it by an assessment of recent events and trends in the country. The paper is divided into four parts. In the next section, we map out significant milestones in the politics of Thailand s democracy during the period 2014-15. We then discuss our research method, and de-tail some of the difficulties encountered during the survey, which was conducted one year after the May 2014 coup. The third section of the article presents the findings of the survey, organized according to the fields of politics, economy, and civil society. In the final two sections, we reflect on the implications of the s21st century neo-authoritarian developmental state, and guided by the lens of the politics of (de-)monopolization provide some conclusions on Thailand s democ-ratization process in 2014-15. 2. The Course of Thai Democracy During 2014-15 Since late 2013, Thailand s democratization was once again the subject of intense debates and chaotic feelings. The Pheu Thai Party (PTP) was elected in 2011 under the leadership of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, sister of previous Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra now in exile. A failed attempt to pass an Amnesty Bill by the PTP and controversy around a constitu-tional amendment in November 2013 resulted in street protests, and led the PTP to dissolve the House of Representatives in December 2013 in preparation for elections in February 2014. Fol-lowing the dissolution, then-prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra formed a caretaker govern-ment. On the streets, meanwhile, demonstrations, street blockades and violent disruption were led by the People s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) under the leadership of ex-democrat MP Suthep Thaugsuban against Yingluck Shinawatra s caretaker government, includ-ing with the intention to disrupt the general election. Counter movements were also seen from members of the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) and its allies. At least 28 people were killed and 827 injured during the period of these street actions (Freedom House, 2015). Meanwhile, the Thai economy also stagnated as the political situation that gridlocked the center of Bangkok had repercussions on economic activities, further intensifying the political situation. As the political crisis escalated, the civilian caretaker government imposed a state of emergency from January to March 2014, but without success in solving the problems. After a series of small bombings and as street protests continued unabated, the military stepped in. On 20th May 2014, the army declared martial law and on 22nd May announced a coup d etat under the command of the NCPO, led by General Prayuth Chan-ocha. The NCPO then suspended the 2007 constitution (with the exception of Chapter 2 which addresses the Monarchy), forcibly dis-persed all political rallies, and imposed severe restrictions on freedoms of speech, association, and the media. Following the enactment of an interim constitution on 22nd July 2014, in August 2014 General Prayut took the position of Prime Minister to head a 200 seat appointed unicameral Na-tional Legislative Assembly (NLA). The hand-picked appointees included 105 military officers and 10 policemen, alongside academics, technocrats and business people. Politicians or activists involved with political parties in the three years previous to 2014 were not permitted to be invit-ed to the NLA. Thailand now faces an open-ended roadmap to democracy that the government ex-plains focuses on national reconciliation, reforms, and eventual elections with no clear deadline. A junta-appointed National Reform Council (NRC) formed of 250 people has been created to work on comprehensive reform agendas, including on governance and political process. 36 peo-ple were also selected to be members of a Constitutional Drafting Committee 126 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 127

(CDC); however, the draft constitution that they wrote and that was proposed to the National Reform Council on 6th September 2015 was rejected (Guardian, 2015, 6th September), now requiring the formation of a new CDC and delaying the prospects for elections. Concerns about the status of the monarchy remained entangled with Thailand s democracy and its political crisis. The issue of succession cannot be publically discussed due to harsh punishments under Thailand s lese-majeste law. Aggressive enforcement of the lese-majeste laws has created widespread anxiety and stifled freedom of expression online, in print and the broad-cast media, and at public events. Since the 2014 coup, new lese-majeste cases have been brought before military courts with no right to formal appeal. Due to the secrecy surrounding most lese-majeste cases, it is unclear how many went to trial in 2014-15, though the figure is believed to be in the hundreds, which has also made several people decide to leave the country to avoid trial. The period 2014-15 reveals that Thailand has continued to repeat its cycle of coup, constitution and election; since Thailand first transformed into a constitutional monarchy in 1932, the country has experience approximately 20 either successful or failed military coups. This re-petitive scenario of coup, constitution and election is also tied to a relationship between business and politics that impacts on the quality of democracy. The latest coup on 22nd May 2014 is less than 8 years apart from the last coup. It is affirms that the military and the bureaucracy continue to play a major role in the country s political affairs, including electoral politics, and reveals where real power resides behind the electoral theatre. Ironically, both military and political par-ties use development and economic growth as a justification to retain power. on the situation in Thai politics after the coup in May 2014. A total of twenty-seven expert interviews were conducted. Each expert was categorized according to two criteria, namely their role or position and their political ideology: By specific role/ position, namely: politician, state officer or member of political organization appointed by the NCPO; leader or practitioner from civil society organization; and academic or university staff. By political ideology, namely the right; the left; and the moderate, classified according to their positioning within Thailand s ongoing ideological and political contestation. Ac-cording to this typology, the right are people who hold conservative ideas such as: the uniqueness of being Thai (i.e. Thainess); strong support for royal or elitist privileges; and who have no confidence in electoral democracy. The left are people whose political posi-tion: supports the idea of viewing Thailand and being Thai as part of global cosmopoli-tanism; supports the concept of electoral democratic; and promotes civil and political rights, especially freedom of expression as well as seeing elections as a mean to express their political will. Moderates are people who stand themselves between the positions of the left and right, or who cannot fully described themselves as strictly being within either wing. Purposive sampling was undertaken to try to ensure a balanced sample between those who hold left, moderate, and right political ideology, and the different roles/ positions (politi-cian, civil society, and academician). The relative political positioning of the 27 experts were af-firmed from answers to questions in the questionnaire. 3. Research Method and Assessment 3.1 Survey Data Collection This paper s data was collected utilizing structured interviews following the Asian De-mocracy Index (ADI) questionnaire format (Cho 2012). The research process involved both quantitative questionnaires according to a preference score and qualitative semi-structured inter-views with the experts to gather their perceptions, comments, and reflections on the current sit-uation in Thai politics. The survey data was administered between July and September 2015. Thus, the findings of the survey reflect the attitudes and opinion of experts Overall, twenty-seven experts, divided as politician, academic and civil society people were interviewed. Representatives of each sector were also distinguished of being of left, right, or moderate political ideology. In other words, three representatives of each sector holding each political position were interviewed. Table 1 below presented the political ideology and mean of overall response to political, economic and society questions of interviewed experts. 128 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 129

Table 1: Political ideology and mean of overall response to political, economic and society questions of interviewed experts Some respondents also critiqued the questions themselves, stating that some questions embodied complexity that could not be reflected in selecting a number. For example, the question regarding freedom of expression in Thailand was flagged as being negative. In this case, the respondent was required to consider which topics the media are covering including the lese-majeste law and the military courts; whilst reporting on the real issues related to the monarchy might require the selection of a value closer to one or two, other issues reported in the media may result in a higher number thus complicating how to make a decision on this score. In the case of some questions regarding the autonomy of civil society, some interviewed experts were confused because the numerical score of some questions did not seem compatible with the numerical score of other questions (i.e. those questions that required a high number to indicate a democratic aspect and a low number to reflect an illiberal one); The problem was that those questions took a high number as a monopoly and a low number as equality. 3.2 Survey Limitations Partly due to the particular political situation in Thailand at the moment, the research team experienced several difficulties in conducting the interviews as summarized below. Around half of the interviewees indicated difficulty in placing their answers as quantita-tive values. Some experts said that each degree from one to ten had different meanings. Others said that this tool reflected only the individual's attitude to choose a number, which itself may differ between experts. In other words, there could be inconsistency among expert s scoring if we try to combine or put their preference score in comparison with each other. Most key informants stated that the "Asian Democracy Index" cannot itself prove the presence or stage of Thai democracy since it cannot be taken to imply the actual conditions of the existing political system, especially under a military regime. Some factors have a low meas-urement or no answer from the expert. For example some experts argued that the low scores of the ADI are not necessarily meant as the end result of Thai democracy that the country is or is not a democratic country, but it reflects a low degree of democratization process in Thailand from expert s point of view. Finally, some participants stated that it was hard to understand questions on certain is-sues. For example, questions about elections in Thailand were challenging because Thailand is currently under an interim Constitution where no elections are scheduled at the local and nation-al level, and it is uncertain when the next elections will take place or under what conditions. Re-latedly, some interviewees said that governments in Thailand did not really help people according to the entitlements owed to them as a Right. Rather support to people is provided at the mer-cy of elite and aristocrats. In other words, some interviewed experts considered that as a conse-quence of political patronage several social policies and forms of welfare are more accurately de-scribed as gifts after the election rather than an actual intervention by the government. Reflecting on the difficulties, the research team addressed them by clarifying several questions into a simple scale that the participants were comfortable to respond to. Furthermore, interviewees could clarify their numerical answer through their comments and opinions which were also documented and taken account of in the analysis that follows. 4. Results In this section, the survey results are presented and analyzed for the political, economic and civil society fields in Thailand, as conceptualized by Cho (2012), in sections 4.1, 4.2 and 4.3 130 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 131

respectively. 4.1 Thailand Political Field In recent years, Thailand s political situation has been challenged by conflicts between the elected powers and the non-elected elites. Since the coup in May 2014 that ousted the Yingluck government, Thailand s level of democratization has significantly declined. The military and non-elected elites have tried to eliminate Thaksin Shinawatra and his network that has dominated Thai politics for the past 15 years. General Prayuth Chan-ocha, the coup leader and theprime minister, has created an authoritarian state that at one level can be understood by the clas-sic concept of paternalistic power (Pye, 1985: 321). The military government is represented by nationalist leaders who have tried to establish a new political legitimacy built upon their control over their bureaucratic subordinates and the mechanisms of state. The government does not only have an authoritarian culture of authority, but also gains support from non-elected mechanisms, including the bureaucracy, military, and royal elites (Pye, 1985: 321-325). This can be clearly seen by the government s program to bring happiness back to Thailand and the unfinished process of the draft constitutional framework (Economist, 2015, September 12th). These programs employ both cultural and state power in seeking to control Thai society and that has monopolized political powers into the NCPO. After over one year with the military government in power, table 2 reveals a considerable increase in the monopolization of political powers in every aspect (autonomy, competition, pluralization and solidarity). The military government and the National Legislative Assembly (NLA) have enacted a significant number of oppressive regulations and decrees. On coming to power, the new military government declared martial law nationwide in an attempt to control political movements and deployed several economic and political policies that facilitated the centraliza-tion of power. For example, academics, protesters, journalists and the former prime minister were detained by the military for a week after the coup happened. According to Colonel Weera-chon Sukondhapatipak, deputy army spokesman, he said This is in a bid for everybody who is involved in the conflict to calm down and have time to think. We don't intend to limit their freedom but it is to relieve the pressure (Telegraph, 2014, May 24th). This situation has transformed Thai politics from a hybrid regime or electoral authoritarianism to a full authoritarian regime. This regime, however, is an unstable authoritarianism because it has been challenged by domestic groups such as academics and student movements, and is also subject to external pressure for example from the European Union (EU) and the NGO Human Rights Watch (Levitsky and Way, 2010: Chapter 2). Table 2: Thai Politics Index In the Thai politics index, the 2015 scores were significantly lower in all four sub princi-ples than the 2014 scores. In 2014, the average score was relatively steady across the table be-tween 4 and 6. The highest score of the Thai politics index 2014 was in autonomy at 5.85 and the lowest was in pluralization at 4.25. Competition and solidarity were second and third at 4.48 and 4.25 respectively. In 2015, there is significant contrast in all four sub-principles. The auton-omy score came from highest to the third rank in 2015 at 3.16. The highest score shifts to com-petition instead at 4.35. Yet, the lowest is still the same as before in pluralization at 2.91. The sol-idarity score rose to the second rank in all four sections. In the case of autonomy, the score de-creased from 5.85 to 3.16 because citizens freedom and freedom of assembly have been cur-tailed, and political activities have been essentially prohibited. Any movement and gathering of five or more people for political objectives have been banned, including peaceful protest, politi-cal debate, and academic activities related to Thai politics. For example, the military government arrested 14 student activists who peacefully expressed opposition to military rule in June 2015 and who could face seven years in prison according to article 116 of the penal code, and an addi-tional six-month prison term and a fine of up to 10,000 baht (US$312) for breaching the NCPO s public assembly ban (Human Rights Watch, 2015). Regarding competition, this aspect is the highest score of the 2015 survey. Yet the score is still slightly lower than the 2014 survey. Although Thai politics at present does not have election either at the national or local level, it has interest groups and non-elected groups where some political power resides and that have thus shown some aspects of competition. For in-stance, 200 members of the NLA, who were appointed by General Prayuth, includes 105 mem-bers that hold military ranks, 11 from the police, and 84 civilian members that include 132 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 133

right-wing academics, business executives, technocrats and former senators (International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 2014). However, the core political power has been centralized into the mili-tary government. For pluralization, this is the lowest score of the 2015 survey. This is because Thai politi-cal organizations and pressure groups cannot share power with the central political institutions that belong to the military government and bureaucrats. Accountability to and accepting criticism from the public over controversial issues and national agendas have been neglected. Furthermore, Thai politics at present does not have the checks and balances among the state s appa-ratuses due to the monopolization of power by the military government. Decisionmaking can-not readily be overseen because journalists are expected to report only in support of the gov-ernment. Any journalist who criticizes the government will be summoned for attitude adjust-ment. Exemplifying this is the recent case of Pravit Rojanaphruk, a former Chevening scholar at Oxford University and a senior columnist of the Nation newspaper, who was detained by the military government for interrogation because of criticizing them and commenting related to is-sue of the lese majeste law (Guardian, 2015); on his release he was subsequently required to re-sign from the newspaper where he had worked for decades. Finally, the score for solidarity is 3.87 points, which measures lower than the previous year because nowadays in Thailand despite the military government there is still limited political unity. Although the military government has tried to centralize power by appointing former mili-tary generals to more than one-third of the positions in the cabinet, the military government and non-elected elites still have conflicts over controversial issues such as the draft of the new consti-tution. The lack of unity is demonstrated by responses to the survey questions: for example, how much do you think the public trusts the government? and the parliament/legislature? scored only 4.25 and 3.74 respectively. Even where some respondents believe that the strong and aggressive characteristics of General Prayuth s government can solve problems faster and more effectively than the previous elected government, the ongoing economic recession, political con-flict, and social cleavage continue to seriously challenge the current military government despite having now been in power for almost one and a half years (Bloomberg, 2015). It would appear that the strong regulations and decisions suggest an insecure form of military government that encourage them to use hardrather than soft-power. In his book The End of the Transition Paradigm Thomas Carothers (2002) argues that most transitional countries are neither dictatorial nor clearly headed toward democracy but instead are staying in a political grey zone. Yet, Thai politics since the 2014 coup have countered Carothers argument because Thailand, a transitional country, can now be characterized as an authoritarian regime in the black zone. With no clear deadline for a return to democracy, and controversy over proposed plans for a crisis committee in the new constitution that would allow the military to take over a civilian government during periods of political crisis, it appears that there is limited reason for optimism for a rapid end to military rule. Even after martial law was repealed in April 2015, Article 44 of the junta's interim constitution approved by the NCPO provides a form of absolute power to the prime minister. Wisanu Krue-ngam, Thai Deputy Prime Minister, said that the law was modelled after a 1958 French law which was used during the Algerian War. It will allow the cur-rent government to resolve more quickly security-related issues as well as many other administrative problems that are not security related (Channel News Asia, 2015). However, this law also was employed during the period of Thai authoritarian regime in 1950s that gave absolute power to the military gov-ernment of the time to control society and to oppress people in opposition. In terms of building and embedding democratic institutions, this represents a serious problem for Thai politics. Contrasting the 2013-14 and 2014-15 surveys, it is found that Thai democracy has been signifi-cantly weakened since the coup. At present, Thai people are having to fight even for an election to be held, let alone deeper principles of participation or deliberation. The military government has changed laws, rules, and regulations that has resulted in the monopolization and centralization of power and that has placed the military, bureaucracy and royal institution at the core of politics. According to framework of ADI, focusing on liberalization and equalization (4.09 and 3.58 re-spectively in the 2015 survey), the survey demonstrates Thailand's current democratic failure. Consequently, Thai politics will continue to focus on a struggle for democracy and faces a long haul in resolving political conflicts between elected powers and the non-elected one, especially in the context of the challenge of the royal succession and the relationship between processes of democracy and core institutions in Thailand. 4.2 Thailandy Economic Field Since the military coup on 22 May 2014, the military government and its associates have strengthened their political control. Yet, in terms of economy, according to EIU (2015) they have failed to bring about a strong economic recovery as they had hoped to do. Even though the Thai economy has recovery from a slump in early 2014 when political unrest seriously 134 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 135

disrupted the economy, Thailand s economy is still uncertain. According to ADB (2015), the country s GDP grew by 2.9% in the first half of 2015 while the forecast for the country s average pace of economic expansion between 2015 and 2019 remains at 3.8% at most. Table 3: Thai Economy Index According to the ADB (2015), government spending during 2014 and the first half of 2015 was unable to rebound the country s economy because private consumption and invest-ment remained low due to low farm incomes, slow wage growth, and high household debt. At-tempting to stimulate the economy, the government has taken steps to assist rural areas hit by drought and low prices for farm products, and has also produced a stimulus package for small- and medium-sized businesses. Such fiscal measures, together with planned large infrastructure projects and expectations that there are improved prospects for exports to major industrial economies next year, are hoped by the government to lift GDP growth in 2016 by just over 1 percentage point above that of 2015. On the other hand, over one year after the coup, not only has the rate of exports declined but consumer confidence has also continued to decline through-out the year. This most recent economic decline is juxtaposed against Thailand s significant - if somewhat turbulent - progress in social and economic issues over the last four decades, which has seen the country move from low-income to upper-income country status in less than a gen-eration. Thailand has in the past been widely cited as a development success stories, at least in terms of its economic transformation, with sustained economic growth and poverty reduction, particularly in the 1980s. Hence, there is concern that the current economic situation is a signifi-cant and negative turn compared to past these trends, and could complicate or compound cur-rent and future social and political crisis. For the economy index as calculated with the ADI method, the scores of the 2015 survey have declined significantly in all sub-principles from the previous year. In 2014, the highest score was in competition at 4.69, followed by solidarity, autonomy and pluralization at 4.65, 4.49, and 3.45 respectively. In 2015, in comparison, solidarity ranks the lowest score among all sub-principles at 3.23, while competition remains the highest score at 3.95. The second rank has be-come autonomy at 3.89, and pluralization is ranked third at 3.34. Economic autonomy includes economic freedom from state interference, the protection of labor rights, and the autonomy of economic policies from external forces. According to the survey result, the score for economic autonomy significantly reduced from 4.49 in 2014 to 3.89 in 2015, indicating problems within Thailand s oligarchic political structure that has shifted from politician-businessmen networks towards military networks and business networks related to them. Over the past several decades, many businessmen gradually entered into politics to secure their own power and privilege (Pasuk and Baker, 2004). The 2014 military coup has almost com-pletely returned the situation back to a previous political economy characterized by a bureaucrat-ic polity and associated economic patronage. Since the coup, the military has played a greater role in economic policies. By using the article 44 of the interim constitution, the military has provided a business-friendly environment to allow its allies to invest and gain profit as long as big busi-ness provides support for the power transition. Examples of article 44 used by NCPO include: the cancellation of local government periodical elections; the demarcation and protection of for-est reserve areas and natural resource management; the appointment of a military person to be Chairman of the Lottery board; the new regulation of fishing gears; and the creation of a special team on infrastructure projects and special economic zones. On the other hand, the coup has not led to better support for the rights of labor; even before the coup, legal protections for un-ion members were weak and poorly enforced, but after the coup industrial strikes and other demonstrations in support of labor and trade union rights have been banned under general re-strictions on public gatherings. Economic competition includes consideration of economic transparency, fairness in the economy, government responsibility, and corporate responsibility. The ADI survey score for economic cooperation reduced from 4.69 in 2014 to 3.95 in 2015, which are the highest scores in comparison with the other sub-principles. Among economic sectors, economic monopolization is still most readily seen in telecommunication and energy sectors. In terms of economic trans-parency and government/corporate responsibility, moreover, there are some 136 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 137

monopolized busi-ness groups that have a close connection with the military government and that link major power networks together as an oligarchy. This includes business networks that can influence the direc-tion of Thailand have a close connection with the military government and that linkts that link with other neighboring countries and six special economic zones along the border districts with Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia and Malaysia (e.g. see Thabchumpon, et al, 2014). Assessment of economic pluralization regards the fair distribution of economic re-sources, and includes measures of economic monopoly, regional disparity, income equality, asset disparity and employment equality. According to the survey score, the results were slightly re-duced from 3.45 in 2014 to 3.34 in 2015 respectively. This is because decision-making power is more centralized and monopolized by elites both in the political institutions and economic or-ganizations. The returning power of the Ministry of Interior to control the provincial administra-tions, the creation of a state owned enterprise super board to pursue the governmental eco-nomic schemes through its selected partners, and the recent attempt to control the digital econ-omy can be seen as processes of de-pluralization in Thailand s economy. According to Pasuk Pongpaichit and Pornthep Benjaapikul (2013), over the past two decades inequality in Thailand as measured by the Gini coefficient of household consumption expenditure has improved very little, while the Gini coefficient of household income has in-creased steeply and is getting worse. World Bank (2015) note however, drawing on the most re-cent data, that most recently whilst income inequality, as measured by the Gini coefficient, stays consistently high above 0.45 it has fallen slightly in recent years. Overall, although extreme pov-erty in Thailand has declined substantially from 67% in 1986 to 11% in 2014, income inequality and lack of equal opportunities have remained persistent. In terms of regions, according to World Bank (2015) poverty in urban areas now constituted one third of the poor, while some region such as the Deep South and Northeast are still behind others. In other words, the benefits of Thailand s national economic success have not been shared equally amongst all. Finally, the assessment of economic solidarity includes social security systems, labor un-ions activities, corporate surveillance and awareness of inequality alleviation. According to survey result, the score is sharply reduce from 4.65 in 2014 to 3.23 in 2005, which is the lowest score among the ADI sub-principles. This result indicates that the government s policies to support the poor for social welfare and social security have declined. This is despite the fact that accord-ing to the World Bank (2015) the government s policy on national health coverage, initiated by past the past Thaksin Shinawatra government, has largely achieved its goal of providing access to affordable health care for all. As a result, Thailand s poorest families have benefited from a de-clining trend in the incidence of catastrophic health expenditures or out-of-pocket payments exceeding 10 percent of total household consumption expenditures. In sum, Thailand was able to upgrade from a low income country in the beginning to its present status of an upper-middle income economy in 2011, yet it has also been argued that a small number of privileged groups enjoy a disproportionate access to power and are the principle beneficiaries of the country s economic development. There is also a growing agreement that the country can no longer rely on this model of economic development and an emerging debate on what should replace it. Although there is no consensus on any solution, most people agree that the new model should incorporate social concerns, fair distribution (income, wages, education, social provisions) and more participation in the economic sphere. Political and economic exclu-sion in Thailand have contributed to the current political crisis, ultimately cumulating in the 2014 coup and the subsequent political, economic and social monopolization of power where the military and its allies now play a major role in every aspect of the country s development. Hence, the state is not just a 4 coup and the subse allocating national resources on government selected priorities, but could be considered a neoauthoritarian developmental developmental state as it puts de-mocracy aside in Thailand s contemporary context. Those in power are now making significant economic commitments working through a strong bureaucracy and with the support of its trusted business allies, although whether it can recover the countries flagging economy remains to be seen. 4.3 Thailandgh Civil Society Field The Thai Civil Society index indicates the opinion on democratization over civil society in 2014 ~ 2015. The score, again, declines over the time (table 4). Pluralization scores the highest in 2014 at 5.06 while it has dropped to 4.56 in the following year. Instead, in 2015, the highest score has changed to Competition at 4.64. This is followed by Autonomy at 4.59, Pluralization at 4.56 and Solidarity ranked the lowest at 3.6. 138 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 139

Table 4: Thai Civil Society Index The political climate in Thailand lately has been one of the most influential factors in shaping the limited role and fragmented condition of civil society in the process of democratiza-tion. The overall 2015 score in the civil society field reflects the weakening of civil society in all aspects. If we look into the details, in term of the freeness of citizen s social activities from gov-ernment intervention our key informants ranked this at 3.92. This is a particular low score but it reflects the recent movement of the government through many means in intervening in social and political gatherings ranging from academic seminars in universities and students gathering in public spaces to express their thoughts on the current political system, to the forced dispersion of any mobilization of farmers and villagers who wish to register their dissatisfaction with the impacts of ineffective government policies on tackling challenges in agriculture. Article 44, mentioned earlier on in this paper, has been one of the political tools in allow-ing the government staff, mainly military and police, to claim their legitimacy in checking, intruding upon and detaining any people who they consider taking part in activities deemed as threat-ening to the security of the nation, or in fact of the government itself. Key informants are aware of the use of Article 44 by government staff on many occasions, and seemed to agree that it ob-structs the improvement of autonomy of society from state intervention. In 2015, the uses of Article 44 have been more obvious and that might impact the scores ranked by our experts this year. While the government seems to dominate the roles and extent to which the civil society can express their concerns in the public arena, the private sector is also considered important in providing funds and at the same time influences some civil society organization based on their own corporate agendas. When being asked about the influence that private companies have on civil society, the overall score from experts ranked it 5.57, which is consider relatively high if compared with scores in other fields. Despite this high score, most of the expert have no clear idea of which private companies influence civil society, and how. We might however be able to discern some of the impacts of the initiatives of private companies over the past few years in terms of their charity activities, corporate social responsi-bility projects and consumer campaigns through television broadcasting as well as social media such as Facebook that start to form different and new kinds of networks in Thai society. These new groups of people have gradually built up activities based on their interests in improving social understanding, tolerance, and access to basic needs. These people initiatives have gained wide popularity and influences over the year especially in the big cities like Bangkok and Chiang Mai. While some non-government organizations are struggling to find funding for the continuity of their activities and campaigns, these independent, loosely structured peoples initiatives have received greater support from private companies during recent years. In term of competition within the civil society field, NGOs have been considered as hav-ing relatively weak influence in Thai society, being ranked 4.84 by our experts. Some experts commented that there is a wide range of NGO these days and each has their own distinctive strategies and issues. However, there are many NGOs that have been known for making criticism towards public agendas without proposing concrete mechanism to resolve the problems. Some interviewed experts said that sometimes too much commentary has risked losing credibil-ity and legitimacy. Some went further to claim that there are several organizations that are influ-enced by the elitists and technocrats which often time having limited mind-sets about how the society usually is. For some, the exclusiveness of the NGOs also raised the question of how well the NGOs represent the wider public interest of the country. For this particular point, our ex-perts ranked 4.74 for the effectiveness and inclusiveness of NGOs representation of civil society as a whole. Worse, the way some NGOs are operated are perceived as being relatively undemo-cratic. Some NGOs have been highlighted as having no democratic ideology and are politically unethical as they took sides with the military government as long as the regime can push forward their long-fought issue-based agendas. The score for this point ranked only 4.18. Considering the pluralization process in the civil society field, the media can be a good example depicting the divide in Thai society. The media has been perceived as having taken sides with political parties, political movements or private companies. In other words, neutral or ob-jective media is considered rare in daily broadcasting and print. The fairness and neutrality of reports of the political situation in Thailand have been ranked very low at 3.62 making the plural-ization of civil society an unjust process with inequality of public access to reliable information and exchange of opinion. While more and more people have better access 140 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 141

to information through different and cheaper media channels, there persist information gaps due to the biased media and the attachment of the people to their own media sphere. If we look deeper into this problem, the issue of media inequality and information access also led to the inequality of power among members in the society. The well-funded groups of media often produced reports to support their funders while government-owned media also deliver propaganda programs with no shame. The recent initiative of the government to transform internet access in Thailand into the so-called single gateway is also a crucial step towards centralizing media - including social me-dia - regulation, control and surveillance under government authority. The issue of equality of power distribution among people in the country has been ranked the lowest among questions related to civil society with the score of 3.07. Lastly, in term of solidarity, the overall ranking is also quite low especially in term of the activeness of citizens in participating in NGO activities which provide us the score of 3.22. This might be related to the problem of exclusiveness of NGOs mentioned above as well as the other available options for citizens to express their interests and concerns in a variety of non-formal ways. With such limitation of active participation of citizen in NGO activities as well as the exclusiveness and ineffectiveness of some NGOs, it is not a surprise to see the score for NGO s influence on government policy-making process as relatively low at 4. 5. Discussion As per the ADI method (Cho, 2012), measures of autonomy and competition are understood as aspects of liberalization, and measures of pluralization and solidarity as aspects of equalization. The values for 2014 and 2015 as disaggregated and averaged data are presented in tables 5 and 6 respectively. Table 5: Four Thai Index of Democracy Variables 2014 and 2015 Table 6: Liberalization and Equalization in Thai Index 2014-2015 Table 6 shows that the principle of Liberalization takes the top rank with the score of 4.09, similar to the survey result in 2014, but the value has declined from 2014. Of the three val-ues comprising Liberalization, Civil Society competition received the highest score of 4.61, whilst political autonomy ranks the lowest with a score of 3.16. On the other hand, the score for civil society s autonomy shows only a slight decline from the 2014 result, from 4.79 to 4.59. In the principle of Equalization, Civil Society again has the highest score of 4.08, com-pared to other fields. In this section, the overall score dramatically declines, compared with the score of 2014. Political equality has a score of 3.39, which only a little higher than economic equality. In the subtopics of Equalization, political pluralization has the lowest score of 2.91. Meanwhile, the marks of civil society pluralization are 4.56. Economic solidarity has the lowest score of 3.23 and the highest average belongs to political solidarity, which is 3.87. Compared with the 2014 score, the overall average has distinctly declined. Among the four subtopics, liberal competition acquires the top-ranked position with the highest average of 4.31, followed by liberal autonomy, equal pluralization, and equal solidarity respectively. The re-sult is different from the 2014 survey, in which liberal autonomy was placed in the top position with the score of 5.04 and was followed by liberal competition, equal solidarity, and equal plural-ization respectively. Table 7: Summary of overall mean of political, economic and society components by Political Ideology 142 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 143

Figure 1: Mean scores for answers by political ideology of interviewees to political, economic and society questions. questions. Civil society shows their opinion on political section score significantly lower compared to the other two roles. On the other hand, civil society s score rose dramatically in the economic section and society question at a score of 3.97 and 4.50 respectively. The academicians score in political question is in the middle between other two roles, but for the other two ques-tions, economic and society, the scores are the lowest of all three roles. Figure 1 shows the average score of each political ideology divided by the 3 groups of questions: politics; economy; and society. The score shows a significant difference between the left ideology and right ideology regarding political questions. The average of left ideology scores lower at 3.00 than the right ideology at 4.48, whilst the moderates score closely to the right ide-ology. In the economic questions, the right and left ideology show less difference and it is the moderates that score higher than the other two. Regarding society questions, there is a sharp in-crease in the right ideology with a score that reaches 4.8m whilst the moderates score reaches a peak at 5.22and the left ideology are lower at 3.57. Overall, the graph shows that there is a fluctuation in the answers of the Right ideology, whilst the Left and moderate ideology show only slight changes. Table 8: Summary of overall mean of political, economic and society components by Political Ideolo-gy Figure 2: Mean scores for answers by role of interviewees to political, economic and society questions. 6. Conclusion From the Bangkok shutdown in early 2014 to the democracy shutdown throughout the year of 2015, Thai people are now experiencing the process of the creation of a neoauthoritarian state. The politics are highly controlled by the security sectors and the economy is run in a neo-authoritarianism manner that holds certain views of an appropriate developmental paradigm for the country. As a result, Thailand s political autonomy/ competition and democracy are now compromised while economic monopolization is consolidated and civil society under political patronage are more prominent. Under these circumstances, the state is not just playing the role of a normal developmental state that allocates national resources on chosen issues, but it can be considered as a developmental authoritarian state as it puts democracy aside whilst the composition of those in power who are taking the lead in developing the country s economy come from strong bureaucracy and their trusted business allies, while civil society are being coopted as civic state. As the Thai state continues to lead towards neo-liberal economic development plans, the bureaucracy still sup-ports the free market with limited interventions, and political leaders seek to gain consent through economic performance, the state should be seen as a neo-authoritarian development state. In conclusion, this paper has examined Thailand s democratic situation through the lens of the Asian Democracy Index (ADI) (Cho, 2012). It portrays a shifting direction of the Thai state towards monopolization. Throughout this process, political and economic exclusion in the Thai context have led to political, economic and social monopoly where the state plays a major role in every aspect of the development and democratization process. In the end, we suggest that the process of Thailand s democratization can only be secured through the de-monopolization of the political, economic and civil society spheres where people can constructively engage to shape the way to a fairer society together. Figure 2 shows the average score of each role (politicians, academics and civil society) to the political, economic and society questions. The politicians score highest in all three types of 144 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 145

Reference Asian Development Bank: ADB, (2015) Thailand: Economic, in http://www.adb.org/countries/thailand/economy, accessed on 6 October 2015. Bangkok Post, (22 May 2014), Army chief declares coup in http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/411221/army-coup-d-etatin-thailand, accessed on 9 October 2015. Bangkok Post, (23 January 2014), Unpaid rice farmers block highway in protest in http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/ politics/390957/unpaid-farmers-blockade-highway, access on 8 October 2015. Bloomberg (2015, July 30) Post-Coup Thailand Sees Economic Slump Putting Pressure on Jun-ta http://www.bloomberg.com/ news/articles/2015-07-29/post-coup-thailand-sees-economic-slump-putting-pressure-on-junta, Accessed on 7 October 2015. Carothers, Thomas (2002) The End of the Transition Paradigm Journal of Democracy, 13 (1), pp. 5-21. Channel News Asia (2015, August 22) Article 44 a fast cure for serious problems: Thai Deputy Prime Minister http://www. channelnewsasia.com/news/asiapacific/article-44-a-fast-cure/1770224.html, Accessed on 7 October 2015. Economist (2015) td on October 7, 2015. Curiouser and curiouser: Thailand spins in circles as the generals friends vote down their draft constitution http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21664234-thailand-spins-circles-generals-friends-vote-down-their-draftconstitution-curiouser-and, Accessed on 5 October 2015. Economic Intelligence Unit: EIU (2015) http://country.eiu.com/thailand, accessed on 5 October 2015) Freedom House (2015), Discarding Democracy: A Return to the Iron Fist, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-2015/ discarding-democracy-return-iron-fist and Thailand s Swift Coup Belies a Difficult Transition Ahead https://freedomhouse.org/ country/thailand, accessed on 8 October 2015. Guardian (2015, September 6) Thailand elections delayed as draft constitution is rejected Availa-ble: http://www.theguardian.com/ world/2015/sep/06/thailand-elections-delayed-as-draft-constitution-is-rejected, Accessed on 11 October 2015. Guardian (2015, September 15) Thai junta 'invites' then detains journalist http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/14/thai-juntadetains-journalist-pravit-rojanaphruk, Accessed on 7 October 2015. Human Rights Watch (2015) Thailand: Junta Arrests 14 Student Activists: Sedition Charge Could Mean 7 Years in Prison for Peaceful Rally https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/06/27/thailand-junta-arrests-14-student-activists, Accessed on 7 October 2015. International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) (2014) - Election Guide: Democracy Assistance and Elections News, Available: http://www.electionguide.org/digest/post/17199/, Accessed on October 7, 2015. Levitsky, Steven and Lucan A. Way (2010) Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pasuk and Baker, 2004 Thaksin: The Business of Politics in Thailand. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Pye, Lucian W. (1985) Asian Power and Politics: The Cultural Dimensions of Authority, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Telegraph (2014, May 24) Thai junta 'invites' then detains journalist. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/thailand/10853582/ Thailand-military-coup-Academics-protesters-and-former-prime-minister-detained.html, Ac-cessed on 5 October 2015. Thabchumphon, Naruemon, Middleton, Carl, Zaw Aung, Chundasutathanakul, Surada and Tarmedi, Fransiskus Adrian (2014) Military Brotherhood between Thailand and Myanmar: From Ruling to Governing the Borderlands presented at the 4th Confer-ence of the Asian Borderlands Research Network conference Activated Borders: Re-openings, Ruptures and Relationships, 8-10 December 2014 Southeast Asia Re-search Centre, City University of Hong Kong World Bank (2015) Thailand Overview by World Bank in file:///c:/users/toshiba/desktop/naruemon/adi/thailand%20overview%20by%20world%20bank.html and http://data.worldbank.org/ country/thailand, accessed 10 October 2015. Speaker 6 Democracy in India ADI Perspective Democracy in India Banajit Hussain_ Independent Researcher, India Introduction We started the research on understanding the Indian democracy as part of the project of Asian Democracy Index in 2013. Like most of the other researchers in the project we got involved with sharing the intellectual initiative and necessity to think differently about the challenges and predicaments of democracy in Asia. We were guided by two very broad issues when we entered in the research. One, we were skeptical about the existing framework of understanding and assessing the democracy in Asia, much of which was intellectually conceptualised around the framework of liberal democracy as the norm and best form of system for all the modern state and societies. Our skepticism and disagreements are contextualised in the realities and experience of the results that were produced in a situation of co-existence and rather easy relations between liberal democracy and the neo-liberalism. From experiences around the world as well as our own, we could clearly see the fall out of an uncritical celebration of reducing democracy to a political system based on just representative electoral system. On the other hand naming it non-democracy does not help much either. In other words, as far as democracy and democratic consolidation is concerned, what we witness in India is a peculiar phenomenon. We live in a democracy that co-exists with all forms of non-democratic social, political forms and practices along with an economy in which 70% of the people live below one dollar a day. Secondly, there is a much differentiated experience of 146 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 147

Indian democracy for different sections of the society. Democracy for people in the North-east of India, Kashmir and tribals of central Indian regions are very different from others in terms of everyday encounters with state violence and repression. Further, we now have a neofascist, right wing party being elected to power with a massive mandate posing real threats of subverting democracy itself. Though we realize the fact that the theoretical framework of democracy as de-monopolisation puts certain limitation in our context due to the specificities of India, yet for the above mentioned reasons we find the theoretical framework and method of CADI much needed and one that can transcend the meaning of democracy and have possibility to think of horizons of democracy which can go beyond the formal-institution framework. CADI framework and method of assessing the democracy in Asia for us was a good departure from the hegemonic liberal consensus. Approach to Indian democracy Democracy as a term, concept, political system, ideology and history can mean many things in different times and spaces, a singular idea of it can only become self-defeating. It is truism to state that world over democracy has unfolded and continues to unfold itself in different ways in different times and spaces in the history of modern nation states. Historical specificities are as important as the universalising tendencies in a social phenomenon like democracy. If we look at modern and existing democracies world over today, we will witness that each context offers us different realities to study. Treating the variegated trajectories of democracy in historical specificities can help explain why democracy appears differently in most of the world today. By turning it around, one can also look at the specific roots of authoritarian regimes. Also it makes us cautious towards the fact that different behavior of democratic countries towards its own constituting demos need not be understood in the frame of a normative hegemonic idea. Approaches to evaluate and study democracies, which have largely been created in a western context, have more than often disregarded the question of compatibility between neoliberal policies and capitalism. In the western approaches the central loci of democracy surveys and studies have been the institutional configuration of the state and the political processes, primarily the electoral aspects; in short, the dominant theorization of democracy has normalized and naturalized liberal democracy. The important question arises as to how do we understand the fact that the vibrant liberal democracies have produced a global system of capital that is responsible for the subversion of democracy itself, through their direct or indirect involvement in the political processes of other sovereign nations as well as by pushing vast majority of populations into dehumanizing conditions and violence? An attempt to evolve a substantial framework to understand democracy in India, especially in the way it evolved in the last two decades, fundamentally raises the above concerns in postcolonial India, historically as well as by looking at the consequences of major economic and political transformations. Indian democracy, argues Kaviraj, is peculiar in the sense in which every democracy is peculiar 1) It is peculiar and different not against a more prevalent model, but in that it emerges as an ideological impulse against colonialism represented by a social force that was internally divided on many axes, including caste and religion. It is peculiar in the sense that it inherited the political structures from its colonisers, whereas various aspects of the Constitution were influenced by the various democratic forms known and existing during the time of its drafting. Of course all of these aspects were adopted to provide a better Constitution and were argued to be best suited for the Indian condition and to help create a desirable democratic form of state and political system. 2) If one is to evolve a holistic understanding of Indian democracy, it is imperative that we take into consideration the social fabric of the society, primarily the fact that social organization of quotidian life in India is based on a very meticulous social engineering around the caste system. The birth of India as a democratic modern nation state was embedded in the reality of upper caste domination and leadership in the anti-colonial movement, which historically explains why a section of radical dalit (formerly untouchables) leaders sided with and applauded the British rule, the latter seen as the only ruling class agent which created laws against social oppression as well as brought in modern ideas in Indian society. The Indian society largely accepts democracy as the desirable form of rule which in turn, through its many apparatuses and laws, has been successful in the reduction of social inequalities, which however does not necessarily entail overall equality. In fact, discourses on 1). Kaviraj, Sudipta, 2011.The Enchantment of Democracy and India. Delhi. Permanent Black. 2). While the form of parliamentary system was taken from British government, the institution of independent judiciary and fundamental rights were taken from Unities States, federal structure with a strong center from Canada, directive principal for state policy from Irish constitution, emergency provision and suspension of fundamental rights from Weimar constitution of Germany, amendment with 2/3 majority in parliament from South Africa and idea of fundamental duties from USSR etc. 148 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 149

economic equality have been rendered silent and is replaced now with the parlance of growth, especially since the early 1990s. The state is seen as increasingly withdrawing from its erstwhile welfarist and responsible role of ruling and giving way into massive privatisation of even the basic amenities. It can safely be argued, on the bases of existing data, that in the last more than two decades, the number of millionaires has increased and so has that of the impoverished population. In this case there is an outstanding contradiction between the fact that the formal institutional logic of Indian state has been able to challenge existing oppressive social structures on the one hand, and on the other hand democracy did not serve to oppose and resist the massive inequalities brought about by rampant neo-liberal capitalist development. If we attempt a liberal study of electoral processes in India, it appears that the mass participation has increased which includes the under privileged sections of the society becoming a political force through electoral democracy. This phenomenon is visible in the way political parties have evolved in India, with the monopoly of the Congress party which lasted since Independence until 1980s, giving way to the empowerment of other parties, regional and national, which however doesn t stand as a standard for the whole of India; the regional variations surmount a singular history of electoral politics. What is of concern vis-a-vis the future of democracy in India is the emergence of the powerful Hindu nationalist forces and party, which has made a historic win in the latest general elections in 2014 and marking the historically most pathetic defeat of the Congress party since India s Independence from British colonialism in 1947. This Hindu nationalist party, namely the BharatiyaJanata party (BJP) is seen as fascistic if not fascist in the classical sense. The decline of left parties, electoral and non-electoral, also plays a major part in the way democracy has evolved in Indian soil. The emergence of lower and backward caste based parties have not always yielded only positive potentialities in terms of representation; there are many instances when the BJP and its parent right wing organisation RSS (RashtriyaSwyamsevakSangh) which is primarily an upper caste brahminical movement, have carved alliances and allegiances with the lower caste groups and parties which are fundamentally anti-brahmin, for furthering its own ideological supremacy sometimes through violent actions like communal riots against the religious minorities. Electoral politics have provided both mass participation as well as internal and inter-caste conflicts, with caste lines becoming sharper for purposes of availing rights ensured by the state policies like affirmative action, and also to operate as a considerable political force. Some views understand India in terms of democratic authoritarianism, holding that changes in electoral politics and institutions do not entail real democratic changes. Indian example therefore can be seen as a combination of formal democracy and covert authoritarianism 3). In a society of unequals, the poor will inevitably be manipulated by the political elite. For the poor, the minorities, and other under privileged sections of the society, the access to actual social and economic equality remains limited within the bounds of formal and institutionalized electoral arenas, and ultimately reduces them to easy manipulations by the political elites 4). The hegemony of the socially and economically powerful, in a Gramscian sense, allows them to control the cultural means of a society. The presence of lower castes in higher echelon of print and electronic media as well as higher education in India is visibly minimal. 5) Further you will also notice the minimal presence of religious minority (Muslims) in police, army and higher bureaucracy. In fact, historically, in many sectors of institutional services, certain groups like Kashmiri Muslims, northeasterners and women are highly absent. But such categorical phenomena are difficult to become the variables in thinking about democracy. In India, unlike many other democracies in the world, the incidence of voting is higher among the poor than among the rich, among the less educated than among the university graduates, in the village than in the cities. From this it can be then concluded that the deprived seems to have greater faith in India s elections than the advantaged. Unless we assume short-sightedness, the subalterns seem to think that the electoral mechanism of democracy can be used to fight socioeconomic disadvantages. 6) A democratic rule of government can well go in the opposite direction than what people think about it. However, it is also true that it is forced to bring certain laws or rights so that the people do not turn in to what Chatterjee calls dangerous classes. 7) The idea that democracy and capitalist economies work on parallel principals of choice in economic and political life can be seriously misleading. 8) While liberal approaches hail such democracy ideologically as the best political form, conventional Marxists are highly critical of it and hold it as deceptive institutional 3). Jalal, Ayesha, 1995. Democracy and Authoritarinism in South Asia.Cambridge University Press. 4). ibid 5). The survey was designed and executed by Anil Chamaria, freelance journalist, Jitendra Kumar from the Media Study Group and YogendraYadav, senior fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS). The survey mentions that there were no Dalits and Adivasis among top 300 journalists. http://www.hindu.com/2006/06/05/stories/2006060504981400.htm 6). See. Varshey, Ashutosh. Is India Becoming more Democratic? The journal of Asian Studies 59, no 1 (February 2000):3-25 7). Chatterjee, Partha. Democracy and Economic Transformation in India. EPW, Vol. 43. No. 16 (Apr. 19-25, 2008), PP 53-62 8). Kaviraj, Sudipta, 2011.The Enchantment of Democracy and India. Delhi. Permanent Black. 150 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 151

arrangement, a sham. 9) Another major trajectory which needs to be considered in understanding democracy in India is the Indian society s relationship with modernity. Unlike the western democracies wherein roots of creation of modernity had already happened and stabilized before democracy as an ideal was exerted upon, in India the process has been simultaneous and very often in conflict with each other. Democracy is, in fact, part of the political enchantment of modernity, in Indian context 10). The preconditions like industrialization, modern state apparatuses, and capitalist production that existed for western democracies have not been true for India. So the question of how democracy thrives in this context is a serious one. The response may be partially found in how ParthaChatterjee looks at how the subalterns remain in democracy in India. For him, the subalterns do not directly negotiate with the state and democracy through formal institutional structures as in the case with civil society. He locates the negotiation at the site of political field wherein exchanges of the political society takes place with the hegemonic bourgeoisie of the civil society. 11) The state carves out certain measures of sustainability for the poor and the marginalized in order to curb the transformation of these groups into dangerous classes. So the language of growth needs necessarily be accompanied by measures for ensuring basic subsistence and rights for the marginalized and dispossessed sections of the society. Hence, in India, there is, primitive accumulation as well as a parallel process of the reversal of the effects of primitive accumulation. 12) ADI India Survey 2013-2014: Some General Observations Few methodological points This study of Indian democracy, based on the methodology devised by the Asian Democracy Index (ADI), was an attempt to initiate a closer understanding of Indian democracy while considering the complexity and multiplicity of Indian context. The histories and realities of Asian societies necessitate such an effort, while at the same time being aware of the internal variations within the continent. In our attempt to work with the ADI framework we were guided by two broad issues. We shared the intellectual initiative and necessity to look into multiple spheres and interconnection between Economy, Politics and Society, within which democracy and democratic system function. However, we had apprehension about the representativeness of the survey and how to achieve it and Secondly, how do we distil and make sense of the average result when we are confronted with a state which had a very differential attitude towards its citizens on various axis such as region, caste, religion etc. Though we realise the fact that certain categories and concepts might put limitation due to the specifies yet on the whole we find the framework and index method of CADI helpful and it contains possibilities to theorise democracy beyond formal-institutional framework. The first survey was conducted between January and May, 2013. The second survey was conducted between April to 15 th June 2014. The medium of survey was predominantly in-person and rest was through emails. In 2013, 24 and 3 surveys were conducted in person and through emails respectively. In 2014, for reasons primarily to cover the different geographic parts of the country and to make the survey representative, we did 14 and 13 survey conducted in person and through emails respectively. Whereas in 2013 we followed the broad categories laid out in the ADI framework and did not bother much about the geographical or other representative concerns. Does the geographical location of expert makes a difference to the way h/she respond will be an interesting exercise to understand the category of expert itself but we haven t done that yet. When we did the first survey in 2013, India was witnessing a big anti-corruption movement that eventually led to the fall of the government in general election of 2014. The first survey was also done in a backdrop of massive anti-rape movement in the capital of India and in other parts of the country. Similarly in 2014 when we did the survey the campaigning for general election was at its peak and the scale of campaign and involvement of corporate media houses was very visible. 9). ibid 10). ibid 11). Chatterjee, Partha. Democracy and Economic Transformation in India. EPW, Vol. 43. No. 16 (Apr. 19-25, 2008), PP 53-62 12). Chatterjee, Partha. Democracy and Economic Transformation in India. EPW, Vol. 43. No. 16 (Apr. 19-25, 2008), P 53-62 To what extent these backdrops of active political times make a difference in bringing objectivity to the result has to be thought seriously. How to neutralise, if necessary, this background effect is something we are concerned but we haven t taken any initiative about it. This study as part of the ADI pilot test uses both qualitative and quantitative analyses, based on an expert survey of 27 samples across fields and ideological moorings. The 152 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 153

respondents were selected primarily on the basis of identifying them as experts on the issue, which may highlight, if not represent, the whole of society with its complexities. The 27 experts were selected from various fields - social activists, political activists, academics, corporate officers, financial experts and journalists. They were identified with the surveyors prior knowledge about the respondents ideological positions and expertise on a particular area and were slotted under the political categories of LEFT, LIBERAL/CENTER and RIGHT wing, who were then subsequently equally distributed to respond on the three areas outlined by ADI, namely, economic, politics and civil society. To what extent the ideological leaning of experts corresponds to their positions on each question is also something interesting to think about but we haven t done that either. In each category of respondent we selected the experts and ensured that at least one from each category is from a political party, one who is expert on respective field but not necessarily a party member and one who largely claims legitimacy in to the non-party arena. negative in the experts opinion even as the country has seen the massive exercise of general elections in 2014, from 7 th April to 12 th May, conducted in nine phases. The overall turn-out of voters was 66.40% out of a total voting population of over 800 million eligible voters. In terms of Core Principles, the 2014 index of Liberalization is 4.98 as compared to 4.82 in 2013, showing a marginal increase of 0.16 points. The index of Equalization has more or less remained the same compared to 2013: in 2013 it was 4.25 and in 2014 it is 4.24. In terms of the three areas of ADI framework, the index for Politics in 2014 has shown a substantial rise of 1.58 points from 4.99 to 6.57, compared to 2013, but it is neutralised by the fall in the index for Society where the index has gone down from 4.85 to 3.73 in 2014, a fall of 1.12 points. The index for Economy has remained almost the same, showing a minor difference of 0.27 points. Politics In these two surveys of 2013 and 2014, we did not repeat any respondent though we had to, in a couple of cases, find a different respondent since the score gave us the impression that either the respondent did not understood the question or for some reasons h/she did not reply as per the minimum expectation one had based on the ideological leanings of the respondent. Comparative survey results The table (Fig.1) below shows the comparative result of the ADI India survey of 2013 and 2014. It shows the average of the Core Principles of ADI framework spread across the three fields of politics, economy and society. Fig. 1: Comparative Index for India (2013-14) Politics Economy Society Total Year 2013 2014 2013 2014 2013 2014 2013 2014 Looking at the area of politics, we can see a considerable increase in both liberalization and equalization index. The index for liberalization has gone up by 1.61 points, from 5.16 in 2013 to 6.77 in 2014. The same for equalization has shown a jump of 1.55 points, going up from 4.81 in 2013 to 6.36 in 2014. However, the actual gap between the principles of liberalization and equalization has remained similar in the two years. On the face of it, the increase in the indices may indicate a deepening of democracy in the sphere of Indian politics. But it would only be presumptuous to conclude so, as we will see in the following paragraphs. As the gap between liberalization and equalization remained the same in the two years, with liberalization persistently being ahead of equalization, the rise in the indices could be attributed to procedural and formal aspects of Indian politics, as exemplified by the general elections in 2014, and not any substantial changes. Fig. 2: Autonomy, Competition, Pluralization and Solidarity in Politics Autonomy Competition Pluralization Solidarity Liberalization Equalization 5.16 6.77 4.65 4.36 4.65 3.82 4.82 4.98 4.81 6.36 2.89 2.77 5.06 3.64 4.25 4.24 2013 2014 2013 2014 2013 2014 2013 2014 5.01 6.97 5.31 6.57 4.55 6.22 5.06 6.48 Index 4.99 6.57 3.77 3.57 4.85 3.73 4.54 4.61 In general terms, the index for India in 2014 was 4.61, a marginal improvement from previous year s index of 4.54. Like in 2013, the index is below the median value of 5, remaining As it can be observed in the table above (Fig.2), the indices of all the sub-principles of autonomy, competition, pluralisation and solidarity in Politics show a unilateral and sharp increase. The index of autonomy has increased from 5.01 in 2013 to 6.97 in 2014. In terms of competition, the level has gone up from 5.31 points in 2013 to 6.57 points in 2014. Pluralisation 154 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 155

and solidarity have both increased from 4.55 in 2013 to 6.22 in 2014 and 5.06 in 2013 to 6.48 in 2014 respectively. A general explanation for the sharp increase in the indices of all the sub-principles could be discerned from the different contexts of the two surveys. The previous survey, in 2013, was conducted in the 9 th year of the same ruling alliance (United Progressive Alliance, led by Congress party) and it had been four years since the last general elections. It was also a time when many scams involving ministers had come to light and had even given the impetus for a massive popular movement against corruption (which lasted for about a year and a half starting from 2011). To put it briefly, there was a general sense of pessimism towards the regime apart from the fact of anti-incumbency. The last survey has been conducted in the immediate aftermath of the 2014 general elections which were enormous and significant in many ways. There was a high participation of voters in this election with a 66.40% voter turn-out. There were 1.5 million eligible first-time voters. The elections were, in spite of their scale, fairly well conducted by the bureaucratic machinery of the State. This being the context of the 2014 survey, which is in sharp contrast to the mood of 2013, broadly explains the rise in the indices. Many of the sub-indicators of all the four sub-principles which are directly or indirectly related to elections, suffrage, parliament and bureaucracy have got substantially higher scores in 2014 than the 2014 survey. These higher scores for the questions under these sub-indicators have come from respondents from all three political leanings (Left, Centre and Right). For example, expansion of the universal suffrage, electoral fairness, dispersion of power in parliament, political representation in parliament, citizen s participation, credibility of democratic institutions have all received substantially higher ratings from respondents from all three political leanings as compared to the 2013 survey. Another aspect of this increase is the fact that in the 2014 election, a right-wing government led by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has come to power with an absolute mandate. 279 out of the total 543 elected Members of Parliament belong to the BJP. Such an absolute mandate in favour of a single party has not happened since the general elections of 1984. This has contributed to a tendency of over-statement by the right-leaning respondents in the survey. A sharp increase can be observed in the score of the sub-indicator related to the question of state violence: the score increased from 3.5 in 2013 to 6.11 in 2014. This would suggest that state violence has dramatically gone down in the last one year. In our view, this is not the case. This anomaly arose from two reasons. Firstly, as mentioned in the above paragraph, over-statement by right-leaning respondents has inflated this score. Secondly, the Centreto-left and Left-leaning respondents have also rated this sub-indicator higher than last year but with qualification. These respondents have remarked that the Indian state does not use generalised violence against people. State violence is concentrated and targeted towards people living in conflict areas like Kashmir and the North-East or the marginalised sections of the population like the Muslim minority, adivasis, Dalits. Certain sections of the population (Urban or Rural propertied, middle-classes) may never encounter state violence. The sub-indicators of freedom to organize and space for political opposition show an interesting increase in the score: the former rose from 6.56 in 2013 to 7.56 in 2014, and the latter 4.78 in 2013 to 7.22 in 2014. This most likely reflects the phenomenon that is the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which literally means Common Man s Party. The party emerged from the anti-corruption movement of 2011 and made an unexpected victory in the 2013 Delhi State Assembly elections, going on to form the state government. The trajectory of the AAP rekindled in popular imagination the possibility of a movement entering the corridors of political power. The furore of activity around the general elections in 2014 brought back into public imagination the centrality of regional and (lower and backward) caste-based parties in Indian polity. That support of these diverse parties is necessary for forming a central government was not a point missed by any casual observer in the light of the elections, even though postelection the BJP made a clean sweep and did not need the support of these parties. These parties themselves showed mixed results, some performing well while others quite poorly. This could perhaps explain the rise in the score of sub-indicators of dispersion of power in parliament, political representation in parliament from 4.43 in 2013 to 6.67 in 2014 and from 4.78 in 2013 to 6.00 in 2014 respectively. Economy In the area of the economy, the indicators of both liberalization and equalization have remained pretty much the same with indices of liberalization continuing to be almost double of the indices of equalization. The index for liberalization has gone down by 0.19 points, from 4.65 in 2013 to 4.36 in 2014. The same for equalization has shown a decline of 0.12 points, 156 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 157

coming down from 2.89 in 2013 to 2.77 in 2014. Fig. 3: Autonomy, Competition, Pluralization and Solidarity in Economy Autonomy Competition Pluralization Solidarity 2013 2014 2013 2014 2013 2014 2013 2014 4.55 4.65 4.74 4.11 1.97 2.15 3.80 3.38 As it can be observed in the table above (Fig.3), the indices of all the sub-principles have shown a slight slump or a marginal increase. The index of autonomy has marginally increased from 4.55 in 2013 to 4.65 in 2014. While in terms of competition, the level has gone down from 4.74 points in 2013 to 4.11 points in 2014. Pluralisation indices have gone up from 1.97 in 2013 to 2.15 in 2014, and solidarity has gone down from 3.8 in 2013 to 3.38 in 2014. The scores of most of the sub-indicators have shown only a marginal increase or decrease, as have the sub-principles, with the exception of the sub-indicator regarding public awareness about inequality, increasing from 3.88 points in 2013 to 5.11 in 2014. The reason for the indices remaining almost the same is perhaps the fact that economic situation has remained almost the same in these two years and the new government has just taken over, possibly heading towards greater emphasis on market driven growth. But it is still too early to notice significant changes. Though the index for liberalization has remained more or less the same as 2013, there is a marginal increase in the index of the sub-principle of autonomy. This can be attributed to the rise in the score of the sub-indicator of freedom of economic activities without political intervention and the question related to child labour. In 2014 survey, as in the previous survey, responses to the question on how much influence political power have on operations of private companies have been erratic. Some respondents have pointed out that a more pertinent question for the Indian context is about corporate control over politics and not the opposite as has been asked in the question. As for the question on child labour, the increase in the score is in contrast with the trend in other areas of labour rights. While the latter have been consistently diluted by the state, the efforts to curb child labour have been carried out by successive governments and this year s increase is a result of cumulative efforts. This score might increase still more next year. The score along all indicators of labour rights were already poor in the 2013 survey and have become worse in 2014, excluding the question of child labour. In spite of progressive labour laws in the statutes, the state has been increasingly complicit in the violation of the same and has been siding more and more with private capital, especially since the shift towards economic liberalization and privatization policies in early 1990s. The fall in the scores in 2014 is related to the new political regime and has most recently manifested in the decision by the state government of Rajasthan to amend its labour laws and make them more capital friendly. There are discussions to implement these changes at national level. It must be pointed out that the government in state of Rajasthan and at the national level are both of the BJP. Like in 2013, the indices of Core Principle of equalization in 2014 are very low, almost half of those of liberalization, reflecting the persisting emphasis on market-oriented growth at the cost of inclusiveness. In almost all questions relating to economic disparity of income, asset, etc. the indices are abysmal as they were in the 2013 survey along with a small increase in the figures of economic monopoly. The liberalization of the economy since last twenty years has followed the growing trend of the gap between the rich and the poor widening and the exclusion of marginalised groups like Dalits and Muslim minorities remaining a reality. Within the two sub-principles of the Core Principle of Equalization, pluralization has remained low in terms of index score (1.97 in 2013, 2.15 in 2014) compared to the sub-principle of solidarity (3.8 in 2013, 3.38 in 2014) even as the score of solidarity has gone down. The index score of solidarity would have perhaps stayed low as well if not for the peculiar condition of trade union movement in India. Almost all the respondents, in the questions pertaining to trade unions put the caveat that they were referring only to the formal sector. The informal sector accounts for more than 80% of the workforce even as there are hardly any conditions for unions to emerge in that sector and labour legislations are most grossly violated. Another related aspect is that while the index of sub-indicators relating to trade union activity have gone down, there is a significant increase of score in the question of how enthusiastic general public is about improving economic inequality. Again, trade unions are able to work only in the formal sector and have increasingly been disempowered whereas popular people s movements have been on the rise, even within the period between these two surveys, and have perhaps been able to address issues of inequality in a holistic manner. It can perhaps be said that contrary to purely theoretical assumptions, we can see that an alliance of centrist parties in the form of the previous UPA government and the current rightwing BJP government, both stand on the same plane when it comes to economic policies. Both have laid emphasis on market-oriented growth while increasingly cutting down on social security measures that can strengthen pluralisation and inclusiveness of the economy. The BJP 158 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 159

government s policies are yet to completely, but it is most likely to further pursue the neoliberal, pro-market goals more aggressively as it does not even have to keep the pro-people rhetoric of the previous UPA governments. Society In the area of civil society, the indicators of both liberalization and equalization have both decreased substantially, with the Core Principle of equalization showing a bigger fall. The index for liberalization has gone down by 0.83 points, from 4.65 in 2013 to 3.82 in 2014. The index for equalization has declined by 1.42 points, coming down from 5.06 in 2013 to 3.64 in 2014. Fig. 4: Autonomy, Competition, Pluralization and Solidarity in Society Autonomy Competition Pluralization Solidarity 2013 2014 2013 2014 2013 2014 2013 2014 4.34 3.49 4.95 4.15 5 3.65 5.11 3.62 As it can be observed in the table (Fig.4) above, the indices of all the sub-principles have shown a slump. The index of autonomy has decreased from 4.34 in 2013 to 3.49 in 2014. While in terms of competition, the level has gone down from 4.95 points in 2013 to 4.15 points in 2014. The score of pluralization index has come down from 5.00 in 2013 to 3.65 in 2014, and solidarity has gone down from 5.11 in 2013 to 3.62 in 2014. The autonomy of civil society from state interference and independent exercise of citizen s rights is one of the indicators of the robustness of a democracy. This sub-principle, falling within the Core Principle of Liberalization, has shown a decline reflecting continuing controls by state and market on the lives and liberties of people but also the same from hegemonic sections of society. As respondents remarked in the surveys, censorship and even threats of or actual violence inflicted upon women, Dalits, people from religious minorities, sexual minorities, adivasis and other groups by reactionary forces is endemic. State although constitutionally bound to protect its citizens against such social forces, is at times unable but often also unwilling to carry out its duties. Another key feature to be noted for its decline is the question of tolerance where the index has fallen from 6.44 in 2013 to 4.22 in 2014. This is indicative of the atmosphere created by numerous incidents of communal flare-ups and riots targeting religious minorities that have happened between 2013 and 2014. Riots in Muzaffarnagar, an agrarian district in North India, in September 2013 were the biggest in scale even as several other smaller incidents of communal violence have also taken place. The Muzaffarnagar riots were particularly charged as they were carried out in the run-up to the general elections, as were the riots in Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District in Assam. In fact it is almost becoming a pattern in India where elections are becoming more charged and polarised with incidents of communal flare-ups. Within the Core Principle of Equalization, the sub-principle of pluralization has shown a decline. In 2014, questions relating to media, information and access to cultural activities have all shown a downward trend from an already low score in 2013. The complicity of media houses in favouring one party was revealed in a research conducted on the coverage of the general elections of 2014. The research conducted between March and May 2014 revealed how prime time coverage as well as overall coverage was tilted towards the then Prime Ministerial candidate of the BJP, Narendra Modi. As remarked by some respondents in the both the surveys, the print as well as electronic media is dominated by a few big corporate families. While discussing sub-principles of liberalization and equalization in the area of society, the matter of Civil Society Organizations is important. In terms of overall comparative index for society, which already stood at a dismal 4.85 points in 2013, there has been a further decline to 3.73 points in the 2014 survey. Events, at that time, pertaining to CSOs perhaps offer a clue to this decline. In early June 2014, soon after the takeover by the new government, a leaked Intelligence Bureau report accused CSOs and people s movement of impeding economic growth of the nation and questioned the transparency of their funding sources. The idea of growth being raised here is same as that we have described above in relation to the aggressive market-oriented policies of the present government. An accurate description of what this idea of growth really is can be understood from what was touted as the Gujarat model by the BJP in their election campaign for 2014 general elections. Gujarat is a state in western India of which the current Prime Minister Narendra Modi had been the Chief Minister for nearly twelve years. The economic policy of the state, and hence the Gujarat model essentially means more market oriented reforms, more investment of foreign capital, disinvestment and dismantling of public sector economy, less investment in human development and silencing of dissenting opinions. It is this model of growth which is getting impeded by CSOs and people s movement. In all the fields of democracy as per the ADI framework, the impetus on growth and market orientation seems to be significant and a key factor for the marginal decline in already belowmedian indices. The overall index of the liberalization sub-principle has shown a small rise of 0.16 points, going up from 4.82 points in 2013 to 4.98 points in 2014, while the overall index of equalization has remained almost the same, falling from 4.25 in 2013 to 4.24 in 2014. The overall index has risen marginally from 4.54 to 4.61, which also seems to be result of the increase in the liberalization index. Here again it needs to be re-iterated that the focus on liberalization, in general, seems to overtake that on equalization. 160 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 161

Speaker 7 Democracy in Taiwan: The Application of ADI Survey Wen-Jong Juang, Associate Professor and Chair Chilik Yu, Professor Ho-Chin Yang, Ph. D Candidate Hsin-Chung Liao, Assistant Professor Department of Public Policy and Management Shih Hsin University Taiwan Abstract In May 2000, when the KMT peacefully handed over the presidency to the DPP after controlling the central government for 50 years, Taiwan s progress in democracy was considered to be a political miracle, as well as one of the best cases among the third-wave democratization. In 2008, Taiwan experienced a second party changeover in the central government, moving from a democratic transformation period to a democratic consolidation stage. With all the important conditions of democracy seemingly in place, including power rotation in successive elections, an independent judicial system, a free mass media, and the presence of a strong civil society, the quality of democracy in Taiwan is often criticized by many observers. Does Taiwan s democratic transformation really deserve to be described as one of the best cases among the third-wave democratization? How could we conduct a more systematic evaluation of the quality of democracy in Taiwan? In this study, the authors use the Asian Democracy Index (ADI) to answer the above research questions. The ADI survey is implemented in accordance with the framework explained in the Asian Democracy Index Guidebook. Twenty-seven experts composed of scholars and activists in 3 different specialist knowledge fields--politics, economy, civil society--are surveyed. For each of these three fields, nine experts are divided into three conservatives, three moderates, and three progressives. The survey was conducted in July of 2014 via e-mail. Overall, this survey finds that the Democracy Index score is 5.52, above the median on a 10-point scale. Specific data in three fields by experts from different ideological groups are presented and discussed in the paper. This is the first time in Taiwan where researchers conduct the expert survey with the framework of ADI. As a pilot survey, it is expected to be a mainly exploratory study, and hopefully to help us further understand the various characteristics of democracy in Taiwan. Introduction Since its retreat from mainland China to Taiwan in 1949, the Kuomintang (KMT) controlled almost every aspect of the country, and Taiwan became a single-party authoritarian regime. The fights against this authoritarian regime never ceased, but it was not until 1986 that the oppositions were strong enough to form an opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), to mobilize a nationwide challenge to the KMT. In 1987, one year after the birth of DPP, President Chiang Ching-kuo lifted the martial law, and the process of democratic transformation was started officially in Taiwan. During the democratic transformation period, corruption issues were more visible and salient in election propaganda than any other political issues (Fell, 2002). In fact, the DPP s anticorruption campaigns of the 1990s were a critical factor in terminating the single-party authoritarian regime controlled by the KMT for over fifty years. In May 2000, when the KMT peacefully turned over the presidency to the DPP, Taiwan was considered as one of the best cases among the third-wave democratization (Yu et al, 2008). As Rigger (2004: 285) argues: Taiwan s transformation from single-party authoritarianism to multiparty democracy came about with very little violence or bloodshed. Nor did it require wrenching economic or social upheavals. In fact, one might describe Taiwan s experience as a best-case democratization. Does Taiwan s democratic transformation really deserve to be described as one of the best cases among the third-wave democratization? How could we conduct a more systematic evaluation of the quality of democracy in Taiwan? In this study, we use the Asian Democracy Index (ADI) to answer the above research questions. According to The Guidebook for the Asian Democracy Index (2011), the ADI, which consists of 57 evaluation indicators, is designed to understand the quality of Asian democracy of today, and thereby identify Asian democratic characteristics. Under this aim, it is founded on democratic perspectives with liberalization and equalization as its core principles that serve as barometers to evaluate three analysis fields: politics, economy and civil society. When the two principles and three fields cross each other, six different units are generated. Each unit has unique characteristics while showing limitations and potentials of other units. 162 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 163

This is the first time in Taiwan where researchers conduct the expert survey with the framework of ADI. As a pilot survey, it is expected to be mainly exploratory in nature and to help us to understanding the various characteristics of democracy in Taiwan. Before reporting and discussing the survey findings, an introduction to the democratic transformation in Taiwan is briefly presented in the next section (Yu and Kuo, 2015, pp. 2-9). Democratic Transformation in Taiwan The transition from an authoritarian to a democratic regime is clearly the most significant political event of the past 30 years in Taiwan. In the central government, the first peaceful transfer of power in 2000, the second peaceful transfer of power in 2008, and the trial and conviction of a former president are no doubt the most salient events in the democratic transformation process in Taiwan. At the same time, the rise of an independent media, the growth of civil society organizations, and the rise of voice from general public in policy process have all, independently or collectively, made the task of running a government much harder. Experienced the chaotic politics after the democratization in Taiwan, some people even miss the good old days under the Martial Law. Martial Law In the period after World War II, Martial Law was declared in Taiwan on three separate occasions; during the 228 Incident in 1947, on December 10, 1947 and on May 19, 1949. The third Martial Law was declared by Chen Cheng in his dual role as Governor of Taiwan Provincial Government and Commander-in-Chief of Taiwan Garrison Command Headquarters, and executed in the form of Chieh Tzu No. 1 issued by the Taiwan Garrison Command Headquarters. On May 27, executive orders related to the Martial Law were promulgated, implementing a system of military control across Taiwan. When Martial Law declared in disturbed areas, all administrative and judicial authority was assumed by the military, with the highest ranking military officer in the area placed in charge. In this situation, even though defendants in many criminal cases (especially major cases involving sedition, espionage or gang robbery) tended to be civilians, they were still tried in accordance with the Armed Forces Military Justice Law (later renamed the Military Trial Law) and subject to military justice. The Taiwan Garrison Command Headquarters, Ministry of National Defense and other executive organs issued numerous executive orders during the Martial Law Period that adversely influenced people s rights and obligations. Examples include the Measures for the Implementation of Regulations Preventing Illegal Assembly, Associations, Demonstrations, Petitions, Student Strikes, Worker Strikes and Shopkeeper Strikes During the Martial Law Period (1949), Measures for the Control of Newspapers, Magazines and Books During the Martial Law Period in Taiwan Province (1949), Measures for the Inspection of Post and Telecommunications During the Martial Law Period in Taiwan Province (1952), Measures for the Punishment of Gangsters During the Martial Law Period in Taiwan Province (1955) and Measures for the Submission of Applications for Access to Coastal Areas and Important Military Facilities by Organs and Individuals in Taiwan. In combination, these laws served to greatly undermine various constitutional mandated freedoms and rights, including personal rights, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of secret communication as well as freedom of assembly, association, and movement. This had a hugely detrimental impact on personal freedom because trials in military courts were conducted in accordance with rules that do not apply to civilian courts. These trails were usually held in private and concluded in a single trial with no right of appeal. At most, only redressing through reexamination is possible. In addition, Martial Law regulations indicated that civilians subject to military trial would be able to apply for a second trial when Martial Law was lifted. However, when Martial Law was repealed, the regulations of the National Security Act were used to deny interested parties the right to seek legal redress, opting instead to pay restitution or compensation. Martial Law remained in place for 38 years, until it was lifted on July 15, 1987. Before the lifting of martial law, a new National Security Law was passed, which while less harsh than the old martial law still contains a significant number of restrictions on freedom of assembly and association, and on political rights. Other existing laws effectively limit freedom of speech and of the press. The most important restrictions of the new National Security Law are contained in three principles laid down in Article 2, which reads: Public assembly and association must not violate the Constitution, advocate Communism or the division of the national territory (International Committee for Human Rights in Taiwan, 1987). The Democratic Progressive Party, founded in 1986, is a progressive and liberal political party in Taiwan. DPP is the first meaningful opposition party in Taiwan. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights and a distinct Taiwanese identity, including promotion of de jure Taiwan independence. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as liberal because of their strong human rights stance and endorsement of pluralistic democracy while their Kuomintang opposition, historically take a defensive posture on such issues. Ever since the National Government relocated to Taiwan in 1949, the KMT remained in power throughout the Martial Law period and the unelected Non-reelection 164 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 165

Congress. In 1987, after the lifting of Martial Law and especially with the holding of elections for central government representatives in 1991 and 1992, the KMT managed to stay in power by winning more votes in popular elections. Direct Presidential Election in 1996 In 1996, the ROC President was directly elected for the first time. During the rule of Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo, this was one of the political reforms most often called for by opposition political figures and liberal academics in Taiwan, with a majority favoring a Cabinet system of government. In 1988, after Lee Teng-hui became President, the demand for political reform gradually changed in nature as not only DPP elected officials but also some in KMT began to call for direct presidential elections. In 1990, the activities of the non-mainstream faction of the KMT and an attempt by National Assembly representatives to expand their own power attracted fierce criticism from the DPP. On March 18, more than 20,000 protestors gathered at Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall to demand the dissolution of the National Assembly and direct Presidential elections. At a National Affairs Conference that convened from June 28 to July 3, the ruling and opposition parties came to a consensus on the need for the president to be elected by all citizens of Taiwan. At that time, the KMT party center favored a direct appointment system, but there was already a broad consensus on the need to change the way of the presidential election, and the idea of a direct election continued to grow in popularity. While the DPP continued to insist on a direct presidential election, in March 1992, the Legislative Yuan s Secondary group Jisihui as well as lawmakers and National Assembly representatives belonging to the New KMT Alliance, also came out in support of a direct election and presidential system of government. In February 1994, a provisional plenary meeting of the KMT Central Committee passed a resolution supporting the direct election of the President. In July, a provisional meeting of the National Assembly passed the third reading of a constitutional amendment, confirming the ROC president would henceforth be subject to direct election. In March 1996, KMT presidential and vice presidential candidates Lee Teng-hui and Lien Chan were duly elected, the first time the Taiwanese public had voted for a head of state. Alternation of Political Parties in Power An alternation of political parties in power refers to the process by which political power is transferred from one party to another through elections, as happens in all democratic countries. Following the revision of the ROC Constitution in 1997, the constitutional system of government in Taiwan has tended towards a dual executive presidential system and as such the Presidential election makes it possible for power to pass from one political party to another. In 2000, when President Lee Teng-hui completed the maximum two terms in office, the KMT chose Lien Chan as its candidate for president. This led to a serious division in the ranks and one of the most powerful and influential men in the KMT, James Soong C.Y., left the party to run independently. As a result of this divided vote on March 18, 2000, Lien Chan secured 23.1% of the vote, James Soong 36.84% and the DPP s Chen Shui-bian 39.3%. Chen Shuibian was officially declared ROC President, in the first ever transfer of political power from one party to another in Taiwan. Despite winning the presidential election Chen was a minority President faced with a Legislative Yuan controlled by the pan-blue camp, making it difficult to pass important laws, budgets, and other policies. Add to that the lack of clarity in the division of power as laid out in the Constitution and there was a great deal of confusion, a phenomenon one political academic called the premature alternation of power. Despite this situation and even though Lien Chan and James Soong united to contest the presidential election in 2004, Chen Shuibian still won the popular vote with 50.11% to the KMT s 49.89%, securing a second term as ROC President. A Constitutional amendment in 2005 cut the number of legislative seats in half and selected a single-district two vote system which worked against the DPP by making it difficult for the pan-green camp (DPP and Taiwan Solidarity Union) to concentrate its support. In Elections for the Legislative Yuan in January 2008, the KMT also won an overwhelming victory, securing 72% of the seats, which had a knock-on effect on the presidential election a few months later. To make things even worse for the DPP, during President Chen Shui-bian s last years in power, there was a steady stream of reports on high level corruption and kickbacks involving the Presidential Office and inappropriate relationships between politicians and businessmen. Against this backdrop when the election for president was held on March 22, the KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou secured victory with 58% of the popular vote, marking the second democratic transfer of political power in the history of the ROC. In 2012, President Ma Yingjeou got reelected with 51.6% vote, much less than his 2008 election support rate. In the first two years of President Ma s second term, his approval and satisfaction rates were fairly low, and it seems another alternation of political parties in power might happen in 2016 presidential election in Taiwan. In sum, Taiwan has experienced the transformation from the Martial Law period, to the direct presidential election, to the first and second ruling party rotation during the past 60 years. The government now is open to the people, and the people can participate in various political activities and policy-making processes by different ways. For the general public, the 166 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 167

most important question should not be who runs the government, but how the government is run. In other words, the quality of democracy should not be assessed only by power alternation. In the next section, we will assess the quality of democracy in Taiwan in many other dimensions by using the ADI survey. Table 1: The Level of Taiwan s Democracy Categorized by Political Tendency Aspect/Area Ideology Means Politics Economy Civil Society Conservative/ pro-government 7.51 6.07 5.89 6.49 Central/ neutral 6.47 4.57 4.87 5.30 ADI Survey Survey Method The survey was implemented in accordance with the framework explained in the Asian Democracy Index Guidebook. According to the guidebook, groups of experts are categorized into conservative/pro-government, central/neutral, and progressive/ anti-government groups. And experts from the different groups are further divided to assess three different areas where they have specialist knowledge, namely: politics, economy, and civil society. It is an easy task to invite those experts who belong to different specialist knowledge fields, but it is not easy to make sure their ideological positions. Some experts can be judged through their backgrounds or coverage on mass media and others just can be judged by our social networks. Finally, a total of twenty-seven experts composed of scholars and activists were surveyed. Nine experts are assigned to each area. Each of these groups of nine is comprised of three conservatives, three moderates, and three progressives. The survey was conducted in July of 2014. The survey method was via e-mail and the responses were coded after replied. The Overall Results of the Survey Overall, this survey shows a Democracy Index score of 5.52 for Taiwan, above the median score of a 10-point scale. Further comprising the democracy indices by area, we can see that that political democracy in Taiwan is relatively well developed with 6.56 points while economic and civil society democracy were relatively underdeveloped, having been evaluated with 5.12 and 4.89 points, respectively. From the perspective of political tendency, the experts with conservative/ pro-government situation give a relatively better evaluation with 6.49 points, the experts with central/ neutral situation give 5.30 points, and the experts with progressive/ anti-government situation give the lowest evaluation at 4.78 point. The deviation between both sides is 1.71 points. This shows that the conservative respondents evaluate Taiwan s democracy more highly. (See table 1) Progressive/ anti-government 5.70 4.72 3.91 4.78 Means 6.56 5.12 4.89 5.52 Conservative progressive deviation 1.81 1.35 1.98 1.71 The ADI was comprised of two core principles: liberalization and equalization. Therefore, we can further itemized comparison of democracy indices via an examination of the liberalization indices and the equalization indices by area. It is found that in all the three areas, the liberalization index garnered higher scores (6.17 points average) than the equalization index (4.86 points average). This means that the realization of socioeconomic and political equalization in Taiwan is underdeveloped. The government needs to adopt some actions to improve those situations. Specifically, in the area of politics, the liberalization index earned a better evaluation than equalization: the average score of liberalization was 7.33 points and the average of equalization was 5.70 points. In the area of economy, the liberalization index also received a better evaluation than equalization: the average score of liberalization was 5.93 points and the average of equalization was 4.57 points. The same outcome can be found in the area of civil society: the liberalization index recorded higher score (5.26 points) than equalization index (4.30 points). (See table 2) Ideology Table 2: The Mean Values of core principles by Area Aspect/Area Politics Economy Civil Society Equalization Equalization Liberalization Liberalization Liberalization Conservative/ pro-government 8.40 6.52 6.96 5.47 6.33 5.19 Equalization Central/neutral 7.20 5.67 5.50 3.94 5.52 3.86 Progressive/ anti-government 6.40 4.93 5.33 4.31 3.94 3.86 Means 7.33 5.70 5.93 4.57 5.26 4.30 Conservative progressive deviation 2.00 1.59 1.63 1.16 2.39 1.33 168 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 169

The Assessment of Politics According to the survey results, the area of politics earned the highest score. A comparison of autonomy, competition, pluralization, and solidarity measures in politics is shown in table 3. First, among the four sub-principles, autonomy, a constituent the principle of liberalization, earned the highest score (8.14 points), the average score of competition which is another constituent of liberalization was 6.80 points. On the other side, pluralization and solidarity which both are constituents of equalization earned lower scores (5.78 points and 5.64 points). It is obvious that the ratings for autonomy and competition are higher than the ratings for the other two sub-principles: pluralization and solidarity. Second, autonomy has a greatest deviation (2.92 points) between the assessments of the conservative and the progressive respondents. The reason is that compared with the items constituting autonomy, there is a big discrepancy between the progressives and the conservatives opinions about the level of the performance of state violence, the protection of civil rights, the freedom to organize and act in political groups, and the permission for political opposition. Solidarity has the most homogenous evaluations (deviation is 1.00 points), respectively. The reason is that compared with the items constituting solidarity, the progressives and the conservatives have similar opinions about the participation system and degree of participation, the establishment and implementation of affirmative action, the public credibility of the current democratic institution, and he public credibility of a democratic institution and the public attitude of democratic participation. (See figure 1) Finally, among the 18 items in politics, the expansion of the universal suffrage (8.78 points), the permission for political opposition (8.56 points) and the protection of civil rights (8.44points) earned high scores. However, trust in the Congress (3.22 points) and trust in the present government (4.22 points) evaluation earned low evaluations. According to the expert opinion the reason is government policy lack sustainability and efficiency under populist democracy. And the law maker will and ability to seek for personal or finical groups interests, not for public interests. Table 3. Comparison of the Constituents in the Area of Politics Categorized by the Political Tendencies Liberalization Equalization Ideology Autonomy Competition Pluralization Solidarity Conservative/ pro-government 9.75 7.50 7.17 6.00 Central/neutral 7.83 6.78 5.33 5.93 Progressive/ anti-government 6.83 6.11 4.83 5.00 Means 8.14 6.80 5.78 5.64 Conservative progressive deviation 2.92 1.39 2.34 1.00 Figure 1: The distribution map of responses by political tendency in the area of politics If we compare Korean and Taiwan in politics area in 2014, we can see something the same and diffident. First, Korean and Taiwan in public trust in government and Congress both are earned low evaluations. (see Table 4) Second, Korean and Taiwan in non-elected groups account for the political power and affirmative action, have big inconsistent evaluations. In non-elected groups account for the political has a deviation (3.11 points), in Affirmative action this question, has a deviation (3.00 points) between Korean and Taiwan. 170 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 171

Table 4: Indicators of Democracy in Korean and Taiwan in Politics, 2014 According to the survey results, the area of economy earned 5.12 points. Table 5 summarizes Attribute Indicator/ Question Korean Taiwan the comparison between autonomy, competition, plurality, and solidarity in the area of Liberalization Equalization Solidarity Pluralization Competition Autonomy The level of the Performance of State Violence Civic Rights Freedom to organize and act in political groups Permission for political opposition The Expansion of the Universal suffrage Efficiency of the state The presence of the non-elected hereditary power The rule under the laws Electoral Fairness Transparency Independence and checks and balances between state power apparatuses Dispersion of political power in the parliament Political representation Democratization of state institutions Participation system and degree of participation Affirmative action The public credibility of the current 1. How well do you think citizens are violence wielded by government agencies in your country? 2. How well do you think the citizens freedom is protected in your country? 3. How much do you think the freedom of assembly and activities of political groups (parties and quasi-political organizations) are protected in your country? 4. How much do you think the opposition movements to the government or governing groups and the governing ideology are allowed in your country? 5. How well do you think suffrage of the citizens is protected in your country? 6. How well do you think all government agencies implement government policies in your country? 7. How much do you think non-elected groups account for the political power in your country? 8. How well do you think the rule of law is established in your country? 9. How fairly do you think elections are conducted in your country? 10. How transparent do you think the operations of government agencies are in your country? 11. How well do you think government agencies maintain checks and balance? 12. How well do you think the power within the legislature is distributed in your country? 13. How well do you think the Parliament or the legislature represent various social groups in your country? 14. How fairly and rationally do you think government agencies are being implemented in your country? 15. How actively do you think citizens are participating in elections and other political decision making processes in your country? 16. How well do you think affirmative actions are established and implemented in your country? 17. How much do you think the public trust the government? 6.13 7.33 6.38 8.44 5.88 8.22 5.75 8.56 6.38 8.78 4.25 5.22 3.00 6.11 5.75 6.44 6.50 8.22 4.38 6.00 4.75 5.44 6.25 6.22 4.63 5.89 4.13 5.56 4.50 6.78 4.00 7.00 4.00 4.22 economy according to political tendencies. First, both two constituents of liberalization got higher scores: the average score of autonomy was 5.94 points and the average score of competition was 5.92 points. However, both two constituents of equalization earned less than 5 points: the average score of pluralization was 4.09 points and the average score of solidarity was 4.92 points. Second, competition has the biggest deviation (1.92 points) according to the political tendencies among the four constituents. The conservative respondents evaluate high competition in the area of economy (6.75 points), while the progressives consider it as being the lowest in the same area (4.83 points). It can be found from figure 2 that the biggest deviation in responses of conservatives and progressives among the items which constitute competition included: the transparency of corporation operations, the fairness of competition between companies, the government s accountability to protect and guarantee labor rights. Just like the area of politics, solidarity also has the least deviation between the values of the conservative and the progressive experts (deviation is 1.14 points). Such evaluations are due to their similar perception with the items constituting solidarity, these are including: the enforcement of social insurance programs, the public monitoring on the corporate activities and the awareness of reducing inequality. Finally, among the 20 items in the area of economy, the prohibition of forced labor and child labor (7.22 points) and the enforcement of social insurance programs (7.11 points) earned more than 7 points. However, the economic monopoly (3.89 points), the inequality of regional economic development (3.78 points), the inequality of income (3.67 points), the activities of labor unions participating in the management process (3.67 points) and the inequality of asset (2.00 points) evaluation earned lower evaluations. Special in the economic disparities/ inequality this question, most expert think the disparities/ inequality in economic have some different ways to understand, like the source inequality between south and north of Taiwan, or disparities of prices in the real estate. Democratic institution 18. How much do you think the public trust the Parliament / Legislature? 2.50 3.22 19. How much do you think the public trust Democracy? 7.00 7.00 Average 5.51 6.93 The Assessment of Economy 172 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 173

Table 5: Comparison of the Constituents in the Area of Economy Categorized by Political Tendencies Liberalization Equalization Ideology Autonomy Competition Pluralization Solidarity Conservative/ pro-government 7.17 6.75 5.13 5.71 Table 6: Indicators of Democracy in Korean and Taiwan in Economy, 2014 Attribute Indicator/ Question Korean Taiwan Freedom/ Autonomy of Economic Activities without Political intervention 1. How much influence do you think the political power / elite have on the operation of private companies in your country? 4.11 5.22 Central/neutral 4.83 6.17 3.20 4.48 Progressive/ anti-government 5.83 4.83 3.93 4.57 Means 5.94 5.92 4.09 4.92 Conservative progressive deviation 1.34 1.92 1.20 1.14 Figure 2: The distribution map of responses by political tendency in the area of economy Liberalization Autonomy Protection of basic labor rights Autonomy of the decision making in the policy of the international political economy Economic Transparency 2. How well do you think labor rights are established in your country? 3.78 6.00 3. How well do you think the prohibition of forced labor and child labor is observed in your country? 4. How independent do you think decision making processes of the central government is from foreign countries and/or foreign capital in your country? 5. How transparent do you think the corporate operations are in your country? 6.78 7.22 5.56 5.33 4.56 6.56 Competition Economic Fairness Government s Accountability 6. How fair do you think the competition between companies is in your country? 7. How much effort do you think the government is exerting to protect and guarantee labor rights in your country? 4.00 6.89 4.11 5.44 Corporate s Accountability 8. How well do you think private companies protect / guarantee labor rights in your country? 4.22 4.78 Economic Monopoly 9. How much do you think the economy is dominated by certain groups in your country? 1.89 3.89 Pluralization Regional Inequality 10. How serious do you think the economic disparities / inequality are between regions in your country? 2.67 3.78 Inequality of Income 11. How serious do you think the income disparity is in your country? 1.89 3.67 Inequality of Assets 12. How serious do you think the asset disparity is in your country? 1.33 3.00 Inequality of Employment 13. How serious do you think discrimination is in the labor market in your country? 2.78 6.11 Equalization 14. How well do you think support systems for the poor are working in your country? 15. How well do you think the social insurance programs are operated in your country? 4.22 5.78 5.11 7.11 In Economy indicators, Korean and Taiwan have consistent evaluations in many ways, like in prohibition of forced labor and child labor, making processes of the central government is from foreign countries and/or foreign capital and general public is about improving the economic inequality both earned high scores.(see Table 6) But, Korean and Taiwan have inconsistent evaluations in the labor issues. In labor rights, Korean and Taiwan has big deviation (3.78 points). In the discrimination is in the labor market, the deviation between Korean and Taiwan is 3.33 points. Solidarity The Activity of Trade Unions Corporate Watch Awareness of reducing inequality 16. How well organized do you think labor unions are in your country? 17. How much influence do you think labor unions have on the policies of the central government in your country? 18. How much do you think labor unions participate in the management process in your country? 19. How well do you think public monitoring is carried out on the corporate activities in your country? 20. How enthusiastic do you think the general public is about improving the economic inequality in your country? 3.56 4.56 3.11 4.11 1.89 3.67 5.00 4.00 5.00 5.22 Average 3.78 5.12 174 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 175

The Assessment of Civil Society According to the survey results, the area of civil society earned the lowest score. A comparison of autonomy, competition, pluralization, and solidarity measures in politics is shown in table7. First, in this area, competition of citizens earned a highest score (5.92 points), while the evaluation on solidarity was relatively lowest (4.07 points). Besides, autonomy of society earned 4.89 points and pluralization index got 4.47 points on average. However, competition also has the biggest deviation (2.91 points) according to the political tendencies among the four constituents. The reason is that the evaluations by the conservative respondents (7.08 points) were significant higher than those by the progressive respondents (4.17 points). It can be found that the biggest deviation in responses of conservatives and progressives among the items which constitute competition included: the capability of voluntary association, the public good of voluntary association, and the diversity of voluntary associations. Solidarity has the most homogenous evaluations (deviation is 1.11 points), respectively. The reason is that compared with the items constituting solidarity, the progressives and the conservatives have similar opinions about the enforcement of institutional guarantee of diversity and affirmative action, the citizen participation and support of social groups and the influence of NGOs on government's policy making processes. (figure 2) Lastly, among the 18 items in the area of civil society, the provision education opportunities (6.67 points), the diversity of voluntary associations (6.56 points), the autonomy of society from state intervention (6.11 points) and public good of voluntary association (6.11 points) earned more than 6 points. However, the influence of government organizations on society (3.11 points) and the influence of private companies on society (3.11 points) evaluation earned lower evaluations. According to the Expert opinion, the reason of government organization and private companies on society have low points, because of government have great influence to government organization and private companies by kinds of subsidies and incentives in policy. Table 7: Comparison of the Constituents in the Area of Civil Society Categorized by Political Tendencies Liberalization Equalization Ideology Autonomy Competition Pluralization Solidarity Conservative/ pro-government 5.90 7.08 5.42 4.89 Central/neutral 4.95 6.50 4.08 3.56 Progressive/ anti-government 3.81 4.17 3.92 3.78 Means 4.89 5.92 4.47 4.07 Conservative progressive deviation 2.09 2.91 1.50 1.11 Figure 3: The distribution map of responses by political tendency in the area of civil society Korean and Taiwan in civic society indicators have almost or close scores in many questions than politics and economy indicators. (see Table 8) Only in the citizen s social activities in this question, Korean and Taiwan has 1.67 points deviation. 176 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 177

Table 8: Indicators of Democracy in Korean and Taiwan in Civil Society, 2014 Attribute Indicator/ Question Korean Taiwan Autonomy of society from state intervention 1. How free do you think citizens social activities are from the government interference in your country? 2. How much influence do you think government organizations have on society in your country? 4.44 6.11 3.11 3.11 In sum, autonomy received the highest score in the area of politics and civil society, but not in the area of economy. Competition earned the highest score in the areas of civil society, but not in the area of politics and economy. On the other hand, both plurality and solidarity, which constitute equalization, earned lower evaluations than the average. In particular, plurality in economy and solidarity in the economy recorded 4.09 and 4.07 points, respectively. Autonomy of society from the market 3. How much do you think private companies have influence on society in your country? 3.56 3.11 Liberalization Autonomy Autonomy of social member(basic needs and basic human development level) Tolerance 4. How much do you think citizens basic needs are met in your country? 5. Aside from the basic needs stated in question no. 4, how much do you think special care is provided for vulnerable people or minorities, such as children, women, people with disabilities, and immigrants in your country? 6. How much do you think citizens are provided with education opportunities in your country? 7. How much do you think citizens respect different cultures, religions, languages, races, nations and ideas in your country? 5.67 5.22 4.33 4.67 7.11 6.67 4.56 5.33 Conclusion This is the first time to use the ADI framework exploring the experts on politics, economy, and civil society in Taiwan. The results showed that a Democracy Index score is above the median score of a 10-point scale. Political democracy is relatively well developed to the economic and civil society democracy in Taiwan. Moreover, in all the three areas (politics, economic, and civil society), the liberalization index garnered higher scores than the equalization index, and seams that the realization of socioeconomic and political equalization in Taiwan is underdeveloped. Equalization Solidarity Pluralization Competition Capability of voluntary associations Public good of voluntary associations Transparency of voluntary associations Diversity of voluntary associations 8. How much influence do you think NGOs have on society in your country? 9. How well do you think NGOs represent public interest in your country? 10. Do you think NGOs are democratically operating in your country? 11. Do you think NGOs well represent different values and demands of society in your country? 5.22 5.56 5.89 6.11 5.33 5.44 5.00 6.56 Inequality of public spheres 12. Do you think the media is fair and just in your country? 2.78 3.67 Inequality of culture and information Inequality of interest relations Inequality of Power Institutional guarantee of diversity and affirmative actions Participation and support of social groups Governance of the state and of civil society 13. How wide do you think the information gap between citizens is in your country? 14. Do you think citizens have equal access to cultural facilities and activities in your country? 15. How equally do you think power is distributed among people in your country? 16. Do you think affirmative actions are well established and operated in your country? 17. How actively do you think citizens are participating in NGO activities in your country? 18. How much influence do you think NGOs have on government s policy making processes in your country? 4.11 5.22 5.44 4.78 4.44 4.22 3.44 3.89 3.67 4.33 4.56 4.00 The limitation of the expert survey in this study is the way of dividing the experts into different ideological categories. Although we have exhausted all the possible means to check their backgrounds, the categorization is still full of subjective judgment and no guarantee of 100% accuracy. In addition, the small sample size used in this study may undermine the quality of the results. In the future, this study should use a more sophisticated method to divide experts into appropriate ideological categories and expand the sample size, if the research resources are available. Actually, Taiwan has an expert survey, Taiwan Public Governance Indicator, to build the subjective assessment of the governance level. This project has established a comprehensive set of indicator system as the basis for conducting systematic investigation and monitoring the government s development on public governance. The Rule of Law ; Government Efficiency ; Responsiveness ; Transparency ; Corruption Control ; Accountability and Public Participation are included as the contents of this investigation. In the future, a comparison between the results of Taiwan s ADI survey with the results from the Taiwan Public Governance Survey could inspire new insight and further our understanding of democracy in Taiwan. Average 5.09 5.74 178 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 179

Reference Fell, D. (2002). Party platform change in Taiwan s 1990 s elections. Issues and Studies, 38(2), 31 60. Rigger, S. (2004). Taiwan s best-case democratization. Orbis, 48(2), 285 292 Yu, Chilik, Chun-Ming Chen, Wen-Jong Juang, and Lung-Teng Hu. (2008). Does Democracy Breed Integrity? Corruption in Taiwan during the Democratic Transformation Period. Crime, Law and Social Change, 49(3), 167-184. Yu, Chilik and Yu-Ying Kuo. (2015). Policy analysis in a time of turbulence. In Yu-Ying Kuo (Ed.), Policy Analysis in Taiwan. Bristol: Policy Press, pp. 1-21. 특집세션 2 기억과기념운동으로보는민주주의 Memorizing the past and Democratizing the present for the future 사회류석진 ( 서강대학교 ) 총론 김동춘 ( 역사문제연구소 / 성공회대학교 ) : 동아시아의기억의정치와민주주의 사례발표 1 토노히라요시히코 ( 강제노동희생자추도, 유골봉환위원회공동대표, 일본 ) : 동아시아공동워크숍 이라는만남 사례발표 2 정내위 ( 대만 2.28 사건기념회, 대만 ) : 타이완 228사건의명예회복과기념, 계승 사례발표 3 배덕호 ( 지구촌동포연대 ) : 역사속의세월호 - 120만재일조선인과사할린한인 180 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in AsiaCrisis or New Trajectory 181

총론 동아시아의기억의정치와민주주의 김동춘 _ 역사문제연구소 / 성공회대학교 1. 지금일본과한국은누가더극우적인가경주를하는것같다. 중국의중화민족주의의고조와더불어동북아는지금국가주의, 민족주의의전시장의양상을보인다. 그러나동아시아우경화는결국미국과중국간의패권경쟁의현상적표현이고, 그아래에는각나라가겪고있는심각한경제위기와불평등이있다. 결국경제위기와집권보수세력의불안감이우익민족주의, 국가주의를원인이다. 이러한우경화를촉진시키는역사적변수가바로동아시아에서의과거청산의결여, 즉과거기억의굴절혹은왜곡이다. 그런데무엇을기억하고무엇을잊을것인가의문제는정치사회적구성물이다. 그리고국민국가는최고의기억구성자이다. 동아시아여러나라내에서부정의와반민주, 반인권적인사태가반복, 지속되고있는것, 동아시아여러나라간에여전히긴장과적대가유지되고, 전쟁의위험이상존하는것은바로동아시아각국가와엘리트들이자신의과거를특정한방향으로구성하고있으며, 특히전쟁기억을국가나지배세력이입맛에맞게구성하기때문이다. 동아시아에서이런일이발생하는이유는식민지냉전질서하에서형성된권력관계와지배질서가여전히지속되고있으며, 국가민족간에발생했던잘못된과거를제대로정리하지못하는데서기인한다. 특히일본의침략주의와식민주의는이미 70여년전에사라졌으나, 그것은곧이어진행된냉전과미국의개입에의해피식민지였던각나라에서는식민지적법정치, 이데올로기등이재구성, 지속되었고그래서각나라의민주주의는굴절되었으며, 결과적으로그것은동아시아평화체제구축에걸림돌로작용해왔다. 19세기 20세기초동아시아에서의식민주의는세계의다른지역과달리지리적으로나문화적으로매우가까운관계에있었던일본에의해자행되었으며, 같은문명권의대체로유사한발전수준의국가중하나인일본은침략자가되고, 나머지는식민지가된역사였다는점에서그특징이있고, 그래서피식민지가된한국은아시아 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 183

나아프리카의피식민주민보다훨씬더일본에대해극도의굴욕과부정적태도를갖게되었다. 1) 일본은다른서방제국주의국가와달리식민지지배에서폭력, 동화, 경제우선정책을앞세웠다. 그러나 1945년이후의유럽과달리 1945년일제가패망한이후의미국은이지역에서사실상독점적권한을갖게되었고, 국제정치질서가냉전질서로교체되면서이지역은냉전의최전선에놓이게되었다. 이러한조건은동아시아에서미국은일본, 그리고일본과나머지아시아국가들간의관계를과잉지배하였고, 그결과동아시아에서일제의식민통치는마치없는것처럼되고말았다. 결국냉전은식민주의의청산을가로막았기때문에냉전이붕괴된 1990년대들어서동아시아의민간차원에서도이문제에대한관심이제고되었다. 2) 80년대말이후각나라에서민주화가진척되고식민화냉전으로점철된식민지근대화의역사를재점검하고평화와인권, 복지가보장되는새로운사회건설하고, 새로운동아시아질서를새롭게모색할기회가주어졌다. 그러나유럽과달리동아시아에서냉전질서는제대로해체되지않았기때문에동아시아의미래와공동체구성의길로나아가는데일본과여타국가간의과거청산과화해, 그리고국가주의적역사해석과역사교육이여전히걸림돌로남았다. 오늘동아시아에서우경화가가속화되는중요한이유도동아시아에서냉전이아직현재진행형이기때문이다. 동아시아에서과거사, 과거역사의해석, 그리고기억의문제는역사가의과제가아니라정치적사안이다. 동아시아에서는여전히국가주의가강력한힘을발휘하고있고, 그것이미국의패권주의와결합되어있다. 즉냉전의정치, 냉전의기억이탈식민화를계속제약하고있다. 3) 2. 일본의침략주의, 식민지지배, 강제동원, 학살의기억, 그리고 8.15 이후한국과아시아여러나라에서발생한학살과국가폭력의기억을지워버린결정적인계기는미국이전후처리과정에서도쿄재판을 승자의정의 의방식으로굴절시켜일본의식민지지배에면죄부를주고일본과각나라를반공국가로재탄생하는데결정적인역할을했기때문이다. 즉미국의일본전범처리, 미국의일본과한국점령정책, 그리고샌프란시스코강화회 1) A western scholar viewed the Korea's situation in regard to Japan at the age of early colonization like following. In terms of Asian culture, Korea was an advanced country... If we compare Korea with Japan in respect to the structural development of the state, Koreans was far from inferior to Japan" Alleyne Ireland, The New Korea, (New York: E.P. Dutton & Company< 1926), pp 100-130. 2) 일본에서의 1990년대가우익주도의 역사교과서 논쟁으로시작했다는것도역설적이다. 호소카와모리히로총리가수상으로는처음으로일본의전쟁에대해 참략전쟁이라는담화를사용하였으며, 이에대응하는우파들이 1996년에는 새로운역사교과서를만드는모임 이발족하고 2006년에는애국심교육을담은교육기본법개정으로까지진행되었다. 위안부문제에대한전후보상을요구하는모임도이시기에시작되었는데, 일본의국가차원의사죄와보상대신에 국민기금 의형태로피해자들애게보상을하자는것이그취지였다. ( It is paradoxical that the 1990s of Japan begun by the dispute over the 'History textbook'. Hosokawa Morihito used the discourse of 'invasion war' for the first time as a Japanese prime minister, the rightists organized a Association for New History Textbook' in response to his remark in 1996 and the legalization of Framework Act for Education which stipulated the patriotism in education. But, on the opposite, an organization that demanded compensation for the war-time Asian comport women also inaugurated at that time and it intended to compensate the victims on the 'National fund' in place of state-level apology and compensation. 3) 이점에서나카노도시오는냉전체제가무너진 1990년대에들어서가까스로전후 ( 戰後 ) 가시작되었다고보았다. 즉 1945년이후냉전기간은개발독재와신식민주의에의해식민주의를제대로청산할수없었다는이야기다. 독일프랑스에서이즈음유사한형태의국가범죄되묻기작업이시작된것도냉전의해체와연관되어있다고볼수있다는것이다. 그는식민지기주변국주민이당한폭력은전전폭력이며, 그이후 1990년까지는전후폭력이라고명명하였다. 의, 미일상호방위조약, 한미상호방위조약, 한일국교정상화등과같은일련의동아시아국가간의협약이그것을법적제도적으로지탱하였다. 이런과정을거쳐일본의전범들이국가의핵심엘리트로다시자리잡았고, 그들은성장주의의담론아래과거사문제를흠수하였다. 전후전범처리를위한연합군주도의도쿄법정에서베르나라판사는천황이법정에서지않는재판이너무불공정하여도저히전범들에게유죄를선고할수없었다. 일제의기소에서빠져나간주범이있는데양심상하수인들을처벌할수없었던것이다. 맥아더가천황을빼주기로한데서이모든재판은엉망이되었고, 전후일본의정의자체도실종되었다. 실제도쿄재판에서미국은자신의반공정책에필요한요원에대해서는거의처벌하지않았다. 일본제국주의첨병이던헌병대수뇌중기소된자는아무도없었다. 대만과조선에서강제징용, 조선여성들을성노예로만들었던책임자들은아무도기소되지않았다. 만주의 731 부대간부나연구원등잔학행위를앞장서서한사람들보두그실험결과를미국과공유하는조건으로기소에서제외되었다. 이것은승자마음대로라고외에는달리표현할길이없는엉터리기소였다. 도쿄재판에서조선인판사나검사는한사람도없었다. 조선인뿐만아니라인도인검사팔 (Radhadbinod Pal) 을제외하고는일본의침략을받아고통을받은어떤아시아국가도이재판과정에서판사나검사는물론증인으로도초대되지않았으며, 일본에의한학살과폭력의피해자의목소리는재판과정에서거론조차되지않았다. 팔은그재판은정치적음모에의한 승자의정의 를수립하는재판에불과하다고비판하였다. 그래서지금야스쿠니신사에가면일본인들이팔의흉상을세우고그를칭송하고있지만, 그것은전혀엉뚱하게일본인들이그의입장을아전인수격으로해석해서면죄부를얻는데이용하는것에불과하다. 범죄를저질렀기때문에서가아니라패자이기때문에처벌을당해야한다면, 그리고승자가자기가빼주고싶은사람을멋대로빼주고자기입맛대로처벌을한다면, 패자들누구도그결과를승복하지않을것이다. 이것은오늘날일본이자신의죄과를제대로뉘우치지않게된가장근본적인원인이다. 국제정치에서정의가실종되면국내에서의정의도자동으로실종되는가장대표적인예이다. 독일의뉘른베르크재판역시나치범죄처벌이라는명분은설득력이있었지만미국과영국이전쟁에승리하기위해저지른범죄, 무차별폭격에대해서는전혀단죄나비판도없었기때문에그것은승리했기때문에정의를독점했다는비판으로부터자유롭지못했다. 이전범재판에서처형된전범들중에서자신이진정으로잘못했다고생각하는사람은거의없었다. 그들은모두 국가를위한고귀한희생자 라고생각했으며강대국혹은미. 영에의한희생자라생각을했다. 1948년도쿄대학생이절도죄로체포되었는데, 그는 무엇이범죄이고무엇이범죄가아닌지는현대사회에서는아무도규정할수없다 고자신의행동을정당화했다고하는데이는미국에의한전범재판이희극적으로되는과정에서나타난일본사회의냉소, 도덕적혼란을잘보여주고있다. 이런과정을거쳐일본은과거인근국가에대한침략과잔혹행위, 학살의기억을지워버리고미국에게모든책임을넘겼다. 전후한국의국가는미소의냉전의산물이고, 한국의국가성격국가의공식기억역시냉전을빼고서는설명할수없다. 일본의전쟁책임을무마시켜준장본인이바로도쿄재판을허술하게마무리하고, 샌프란시스코조약에서일본에면죄부를준미국, 영국등연합국이었다. 미국은아시아에서반공주의구축을위해일본의식민지책임과전쟁책임을면제해주었다. 맥아더는어제의적이었던일본의최고권력자들을살려주었을뿐만아니라전후헌법제정을관장하면서천황제를유지시켜줌으로써그들전범들에게면죄부를주고그들의지위와기득권을유지시켜주었다. 한편미국은이냉전세계전략을추진하기위해서한반도의남단에민주주의국가보다는친미우익독재정권이필요하다고생각했다. 그래서맥아더는일본의식민지침략책임자나전쟁범죄자 184 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 185

를복귀시켰고, 남한에서친일세력에게사면권을주었다. 이승만은자신의정치적입지를위해친일관료나지주들과손을잡았다. 즉미국의도쿄재판과일본점령정책은일본으로하여금인근국가를침략한가해자가아닌피해자라고자임하게만들어주었고결국일본은자신의식민지책임을인정하지않게만들어주었다. 맥아더의제가아래전후일본은자신의전쟁과식민지침략에대해응분의책임을지지않았다. 일본은중국한국등아시아인근국가주민들과동원된군인, 군속, 민간인수천만명의희생에대해제대로책임지지않았던것은물론, 만주사변이후 300만의자국군인들의희생에대해서도제대로책임지지않았다, 식민지의유산인재일동포가일본에서지금까지겪어온차별과억압, 한국인강제동원자들과종군위안부가제대로된보상과사과를받지못하는것은물론그러한사실조차없었다는일본측의강변을들으면서지내온수십년의세월은바로일본의무책임의산표본이다. 일본에게기억의문제는식민지기억, 전쟁기억의문제인데, 4) 전자는인근국가를불법으로점령한사실에대한인정, 그리고식민지지배를하는과정에서고통을받았던피식민지주민들에대한철저한사과와피해자들에대한보상의문제, 올바른자기역사기록의문제라면후자는침략혹은전쟁과정에서일본군이저지른각종의잔혹행위에대한사과와반성, 그리고올바른역사기록문제일것이다. 피식민지국가였던한국의입장에서과거청산은식민지하친일부역세력과의단절, 일제에의한한국인피해사실규명문제를포함하여대만과마찬가지로식민지이후냉전체제수립과정과이후이루어진전쟁과국가폭력희생자의명예회복과진상규명문제이다, 중국은일본과의관계에서남경대학살등주로전쟁관련피해를입었지만, 문화대혁명기폭력에대한진상규명등자체의문제도안고있다. 5) 즉중국, 대만, 한국은일본에게철저한반성을요구하는만큼국민내부의과거청산문제도안고있다. 어쩌면 2차대전이전일본에의해저질러진피해보다, 해방이곧미국의점령으로이어지는과정에서발생했던폭력과상처그리고일본제국주의에협력했던세력에의해만들어진지배구조와제도가가져온부정적유산이그것못지않게클지도모른다. 6) 한국전쟁중미군에의한폭격, 이승만정권에의한남한민간인학살, 북한지역에서인민군에의한학살등한반도에서의남북한상호간에의한비극은일제시기일본에의해의한피해를압도한다. 그래서이러한전후폭력의기억은일제하폭력을덮어버리는효과가있었다. 4) Recently Japanese scholarss propose the concept of 'Colonial Responsibilities' from their previous position of asking '"war responsibilities'. See, Nagahara Yoko( 永原陽子 ), Colonial Responsibilities : A Comparative History of Decolonization, Tokyo: AOKI SHOTEN Publishing Co., Ltd,, 2009) 5) Some Chinese anti-system activists argued that Mao killed more chinese than Japanese did. International Herald Tribune, June 8, 2005. Tu Wei-ming also studied the atrocities during the Cultural Revolution, Tu Wei-ming, "Destructive Will and Ideological Holocaust : Maoism as a Source of Social Suffering in China", Daedalus, Winter 1996 : 149-181 6) Okinawa may be typical place where sufferings before or during the Japanese imperialism connected to the post-war tragedies. The three-month battle for Okinawa took more than 200,000 lives - 12,520 Americans, 94,136 Japanese soldiers, and 94,000 Okinawan civilians, Okinawa's anguish over the widespread civilian suicides has been sharpened by the deep belief here that soldiers from Japan's main islands encouraged Okinawan civilians to choose suicide. "Okinawa Suicides and Japan's Army: Burying the Truth?",New York Times, June 20, 2005. 3. 동아시아에서발생한전쟁과학살에대한말살기억상실증, 혹은다른기억에대한국가의배타적이독점적인해석에서벗어나각국가의구성원들특히피해자들의기억을복원시켜야한다. 더나아가서로간에긴밀히얽혀있는식민지와전쟁의기억을재구성하여장차동아시아공동체를형성하기위한공통의기억으로재구성하기위해서는우선피해자들이자신들의경험을자유롭게이야기할기회가마련되어있어야한다. 그리고각국가차원에서진실규명작업이진행되어한다. 이점에서한국은억압말살된기억의재구성에관한한동아시아에서가장앞서있다. 충분하지는않았지만한국에서는조선인강제동원에대한진실규명, 친일재산에대한환수작업, 그리고과거친일부역자에대한진상규명작업, 한국전쟁전후민간인학살사건에대한진상규명작업을거의완료했다. 한국에서의식민지 분단시기잘못된역사에대한국가차원의청산과진실규명작업은그성과가보다국제화된다면일본정부에대한보이지않는압력으로작용할수있을것이다. 한국에서의대일과거사청산작업의경우일본의시민사회와연대하여일본에대한책임추궁작업을수십년동안진행해왔고, 1990년대이후에는한국내부에서의진상규명과피해자보상조치를동시에수행하면서당사자인일본이나인근국가와시민사회에도영향을미칠수있게되었다. 한국정부차원에서활동이거의종료된일제하강제동원의규모와그과정이객관화되면일본은국제사회에서더이상이문제에대해부인으로일관하기어려울것이며, 차후관동대지진당시, 만주에서의조선인대학살과난징대학살, 731부대의생체실험등의역사적사실이정리될경우동경재판에서다루어지지않았던일본의전쟁범죄, 식민주의의폭력성이더분명하게부각될수있을것이다. 물론이명박정부이후한국의보수집권세력은이러한성과자체를제대로계승하지못하고는있다. 그러나한국에서의기억재구성작업이과거사에대한집단망각상태에이는일본시민사회나우익집단의인식을변화시키고, 특히왜곡된역사교과서확산에제동을걸수있는힘으로작용할수있을것이다. 특히냉전체제, 한국전쟁직후미일안보동맹, 박정권의한일국교정상화과정에서대일과거사정리가좌절된사실이부각되면될수록미국이어떻게동아시아에서일본의전쟁책임과식민지책임에면죄부를주게되었는지도알려질것이다. 한편한국에서의한국전쟁전후의민간인학살사건은일본인들에게는 강건너불 처럼보이지만, 실제로한국전쟁이일제식민지지재의한유산이며, 남북한코리안들의희생을통해일본의경제성장과우경화가어떻게촉진되었는지보여줄수있는자료다. 특히한국전쟁전후의민간인학살사건은냉전적시각으로만포장되어온기존의미국주도의한국전쟁에대한시각을교정해서동아시아에서한국전쟁이과연무엇이었는지를밝히는데기여할수있을것이다. 북한의침략직후발생한남한에서의대량학살과백색테러는이후대만에서의백색테러와동시에진행되었으며, 중국사회주의권력의급격한좌경화와이후문화대혁명의폭력을가져온배경이되기도했기때문에한국전쟁은동아시아에서일본의식민지지배와미국의동북아지역에서의국가주의, 우익독재의수립과맞물려있다. 한국전쟁기미군의폭격과국군에의한민간인학살은 1965년이후베트남전쟁에서의미군의무차별적인폭격과미군 한국군에의한민간인살상의전사를이루고있어서별개의이두사건이어떻게하나의연결고리속에있는지, 그리고오키나와가미국이이두전쟁을수행하는데서없어서는안될기지역할을해왔는지를밝힐 186 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 187

수있을것이다. 7) 특히한국전쟁기미군의무차별적인공중폭격에의한민간인살상의기억이전면적으로부각되면현재아프칸과이라크에서벌어지고있는미군과나토군에의한민간인피해문제와연동되어미국의아시아개입의어두운측면을부각시키고, 전아시아지역에서평화질서를구축해야할당위성과필요성을제고시킬수있을것이다. 아직베트남의국가나시민사회가베트남전당시베트남민간인들의전쟁피해의기억을국제사회에전면적으로던지고있지는않지만, 장차베트남전쟁피해가부각될경우, 파편화된국가역사로존재하는동아시아각지역각시기의전쟁기억은전체동아시아전체의전쟁기억으로일반화공유될수있을것이다. 국가차원의진상규명과피해자명예회복작업과더불어민간차원에서의공통의기억을재구성하기위한작업도진행되어왔다. 한국과일본의학계 시민사회차원에서진행되는한중일공동교과서편찬사업조선인성노예와강제동원관련소송, 오키나와와한국의미군기지문제해결을위한연대, 야스쿠니신사반대운동등도더활기를띨것이다. 한국인들은일본우익들의교과서왜곡을비판하지만사실한국의역사교과서도일본의교과서이상으로국가중심적이며냉전적시각을갖고있다. 8) 그래서우선은지금까지활동한각과거사관련위원회의진실규명의성과를반영하여한국의역사교과서서술작업부터시작되어야한다. 한편일본인들의피해만을부각시키는평화기념관들, 6 25 전쟁 을기념하는한국의전쟁기념관, 국가중심의개념에기초한아시아각나라의기념관변화를위한운동도필요할것이다. 한국에서한국전쟁피해자기념관그리고군사독재하의각종반인권사건기념관등을만든다면이것이현재오키나와대만 인도네시아등유사사건을경험했고, 한국의사건과사실상동일한맥락속에있는나라들의기념관건립을촉발하거나기존의기념관과교류하면서동아시아평화 인권질서를모색하는산역사교육의장이될수있을것이다. 4. 동아시아식민주의와전쟁의실제역사에대한 공통의기억 이전제되지않는다면동아시아지역통합, 각나라민주주의의심화발전은기대할수없을것이다. 즉동아시아공동체는일차적으로는각국경제적인동기와필요에의해추동되겠지만, 그것의진전속도와심화가능성은오직기억의공유, 정체성의확립여하에달려있을것이고, 기억과정체성은바로과거청산작업없이는불가능하다. 그리고기억의공유를위해서는우선각나라의국가의기억독점에대한해체비판재구성작업이반드시전제되어야한다. 기억의국가독점을해체하는것이바로피해자의자력화, 그리고사회적약자의발언권강화를의미한다. 즉국가의기억을문제삼지않고시민사회의힘만으로그것을추동하기는어렵다. 일본에서의오키나와문제가그렇듯이타이완과중국의통일문제, 남북한통일문제등은이들지역에서철저한과거청산을통한 정상국가 의수립문제, 새로운헌법질서수립문제와직결되어있다. 정상국가 의수립은단순히군사적주권을회복하는차원에머무는것이아니라 20세기동아시아를비극으로몰아넣었던제국주의, 국가주의, 서구주의, 반 공주의의미망에서벗어나동아시아여러나라가자신의전통의힘을재발견하고, 그것을통해인류문명에어떻게기여할것인가의전망을갖고서새로운공동체를모색하는일이다. 일본패망 70년을맞는올해이제동아시아에서 냉전 이라는용어도재개념화되어야한다. 동아시아에서는냉전기간동안사실상두번의열전, 사실상의전면전이발생하였다. 한국전쟁과베트남전쟁이그것이다. 미. 소의관점에서는이것이상대방을시험해보기위한전쟁이었을지모르나, 당사자들에게는엄청난피해를가져온전면전이었으며, 미국의초토화작전이구사된전쟁이었기때문에, 유럽의맥락에서의냉전은동아시아에서는달리적용되어야한다. 유럽과달리동아시아에서는식민주의가 1945년이후에도청산되지않았다. 오키나와는 1945년부터일본에施政權이반환되는 1972년까지미군의점령하에있었기때문에미국의식민지였다고볼수있다. 한국역시독자적인작권권을행사할수없었기때문에온전한의미의주권국가였다고보기어렵다. 셋째, 한반도는아직휴전상태에있기때문에사실상전쟁이종료되지않았다고봐야한다. 북한의핵무장, 중국과대만의군사적인대립, 일본자위대의주변사태의개입가능성확대로인해이지역에는군사충돌위험이상존해있다. 동아시아에서아직정치적탈냉전이이루어지지않고있지만, 기억의탈냉전작업은우선민간차원에서시도할필요가있다. 동아시아에서과거일본의전쟁정책으로인한피해, 식민지지배로인한피해를다시끄집어내고, 냉전기간동안발생했던각종국가폭력과인권침해사실들을거론하는것은개별국가차원의강력정치 (hard politics) 를견제하는데는아직미약한호소력밖에갖지못할지모른다. 그러나각국가내의법과정책의변화, 그리고동아시아사회의밑으로부터의압력의조직화를통해서이지역정치의칼자루를쥐고있는각국가및미국의정책변화를유도하는작업은계속되어야할것이다. 각나라의민주주의의진전과동아시아차원에서의항구적평화는억압된기억의부활작업, 그리고국가단위로파편화된기억의재구성을통해가능할것이다. 그것은공통의교과서, 미디어, 다큐멘터리나학술연구등을통해공유되고일반화되어야할것이다. 7) 이점에서 Suh Sung 교수등이주도한 East Asia Cold War and State Violence International Conference는동아시아연대를이끌어내는데큰역할을했다. 8) Kim Deuk Joong의연구에의하면한국의교과서도제주 4.3 사건이나여순사건의민간인희생을 the focus on these two incidents isn't on the immense state violence carried out against civilians but on the hypothesis that civilian causalties ensued from extreme left-right conflict, p236 188 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 189

사례발표 1 동아시아공동워크숍 이라는만남 바디랭귀지로대화를나눴다. 남학생도있고여학생도있었기때문에서로에대한관심은더욱높아졌다. 한국학생들도처음의비장한각오는완전히잊은듯쾌활한모습으로바뀌었다. 서로를즐겁게이어주는역할을한건역시술이었다. 그들은돌연잔을기울이며새벽까지마시며떠들었다. 발굴현장도흡사축제현장처럼들떴다. 현장에음악이있었으면좋겠다등의요구가있었다. 목욕하고싶어요, 치약이없어요등등사무국은참가자들의요구에응하느라바빠서, 워크숍전체가어떻게되어가고있는지를판단할수가없었다. 셋째날, 비가와서학습회를열게되었다. 참가자들은진지하게공부했지만, 역시나밤이오기를기다리는것같았다. 술이떨어지면사무국에서는다음날을위해술병을숨겼지만참가자들은그것을재빨리찾아내서술잔치를벌였다. 토노히라요시히코 _( 강제노동희생자추도, 유골봉환위원회공동대표, 일본 ) 변화의때가왔다 1997년8월, 일본의홋카이도의산속, 슈마리나이 ( 朱鞠内 ) 에일본인, 한국인, 재일한국인으로구성된약 100 명의젊은이들이 9일간합숙하며, 전시하에희생이된조선인강제노동희생자들과일본인타코베야노동자 ( 강제노동에동원된일본인수감자 ) 의유골을발굴하는 한일공동워크숍 ( 나중에동아시아공동워크숍으로개칭 ) 에참가했다. 한일문화교류는김대중대통령시절에개방정책이실현되어크게진전되었지만, 그해는그직전의해였다. 대부분의참가자가서로의존재를머리속으로만상상을하고만나는것은처음이었다. 한국학생들은할아버지의유골을발굴하겠다는강한의욕을가지고일본에왔다. 많은한국참가자들은일본인은역사에관심이없고, 현재만을즐기는사람들이라고생각하는듯했다. 사전학습시에는그정도의예비지식밖에학습하지못했기때문이다. 또, 재일한국인의존재에대해서는그존재조차도알지못했다. 그래서처음에는이상한한국어를사용하는사람이있는데, 대체누굴까? 하는의문으로부터만남이시작되었다. 일본학생들은한국학생들과문화교류를할수있다고생각해참가한학생들이많은듯했다. 동아시아의근대역사를제대로배우지못한젊은이들은전시하의희생자들의유골을발굴한다는의미를충분히생각하지못했던것같다. 재일한국인참가자들은다양했다. 활동을경험한젊은이도있었지만, 억지로끌려온젊은이도있었다. 그들중에는일본어와한국어를구사할수있는바이링구얼이있었다. 그들에게는바로양국청년들의대화를통역하는역할이맡겨졌다. 이들젊은이들이어느날홋카이도산속에서만났다. 열흘간어디가지도못하고, 어떤오락시설도없이유골을발굴하는공동작업과밤의교류만이있었다. 그들은그환경에서는서로에게관심을갖고친해지는것이외의다른선택은할수없었던것이다. 사실슈마리나이의고우켄지 ( 光顕寺 ) 에서만난그들은금새친해졌다. 서로이름을소개하고, 짧은영어와 그변화는갑자기찾아왔다. 유골이발견된것이다. 나왔어 하는목소리가들려왔다. 발굴현장에는단번에긴장감이돌고, 한국에서온참가자들은갑자기자기들이온목적이생각이난듯했다. 발굴현장의공용어는한국어였다. 발굴지도를한것도한국쪽대학교수였고, 반장도발굴경험이있는한국인대학원생이었기때문에일본인학생들은지시대로흙을파거나운반하거나할수밖에없었다. 게다가발굴의의미를반드시이해했다고는할수없는일본인학생들은발견된유골앞에서침묵할수밖에없었다. 이때, 완전히친해졌다고생각되었던참가자들에게의식의차이가자각되기시작된것이었다. 그날밤, 설문조사사건 이일어났다. 한국학생들은일본학생들에게설문조사를하려고했다. 사무국에서는그것을번역해서일본인참가자들에게나누어주었다. 거기에는한국에서출판된 일본은없다 일본은있다 등과같은고정관념화된서적의독서지식으로부터도출된항목들이열거되어있었다. 일본인은강자에게는약하고, 약자에게는강하다고생각합니까? 한국인은일본의침략사실에대해서격노하면서도진보된일본문화를부러워하며따라가려고한다고생각합니까? 한국은일본에비해서문화적으로선진국이라고생각합니까? 등의질문이었다. 이를받아든일본인학생들이화를냈다. 미리정해놓은답을얻기위해서한국학생들이준비해온설문조사가아니냐? 하는의문을표했다. 그렇지않아도눌리는듯한토론이이어져왔고, 발굴시에도지시에따르기만했는데, 여기서자신들의존재자체가부정될수도있는설문조사에맞닥뜨린것이다. 일본학생들의반격이시작되었다. 이런설문조사에는응할수없다. 우리를꼼짝못하게하려고한국에서미리준비해온문서가아니냐? 라고주장했다. 이제까지의우정이단번에사라져버릴것같았다. 위기를감지한학생자치위원회는밤에전체집회를열어이야기를나눌시간을마련했다. 처음으로술없이진행되는대화의시간이시작되었다. 이자리에서이제까지의우호적인분위기에찬물을끼얹는것이아닐까하고참으며표현하지못했던질문이나의견이일본학생들쪽에서속출했다. 이설문조사는여기있는참가자가아닌다른목적을가진한국인이시킨설문조사가아닌가? 나에게한국인친구가있는데, 그친구에게히데, 너는좋아하지만일본인은싫다는말을들었다.. 왜그러냐? 미국의원자폭탄투하에대해서일본인은원한을품고있지않는데, 한국인은왜일본인에게원한을품는가? 190 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 191

이러한것들은그때까지생각은했지만차마말하지못했던일본인참가자들의속마음이었다. 한국인참가자들은오히려모임을중재하는듯한발언이주류를이루었다. 일본인은역사에대한공부가부족한것이아니냐? 라는의견도나왔지만, 우리는일본정부에대해서분노를표현해야하며여기있는일본인참가자들은같이생각해봐야할상대가아니냐? 우리는여기에공부를하러온것이다. 배운것을한국에돌아가일상에서활용해야한다 등의발언을했다. 긴토론끝에결론은나지않았지만, 진지하게이야기를나눴다는실감은있었다. 이때, 서로에대해즐겁게만나는대상일뿐아니라진지하게이야기를나누는상대라고자각을할수있었던것이다. 事例発表 1 東アジア共同ワークショップ という出会い 갈등을거쳐새로운우정을쌓다 이갈등은앞으로의만남을위해서는어떻게든헤쳐나갈필요가있는갈등이었다. 이는참가자들의관계를참가자들스스로다시생각하게하고, 그동안서로의관계가얕았음을반성케했다. 진지하게이야기를나눈시간은서로의관계에대해자각하고심화시키기위한중요한경험이되었다. 워크숍의열흘이지난마지막날은슈마리나이로부터우리절본당으로장소를옮겼는데, 그때에는워크숍이끝났다는해방감과동시에헤어짐을아쉬워할정도로참가자들사이에우정이싹텄다. 국경을넘어개인과개인의만남이확대되어갔다. 워크숍이끝나고일주일후에는일본인참가자들이서울에있는한국참가자들집에묶었다. 워크숍은단순히한일젊은이의만남의장이아니었다. 그것은식민지지배와전쟁의희생자인조선인과일본인타코베야강제노동희생자의유골을함께발굴하는활동이며, 그활동을경험함으로써공통의역사인식을키워나가는장이되어있었다. 거기서자라나는우정은마치사자 ( 死者 ) 에게이끌려가는듯한만남이되어, 참가자들이동아시아의역사화해의과제를계속찾도록했다고할수있을것이다. 그위에싹튼우정은새로운동아시아관계를구축해가고자하는마음을이어가고, 새로운유골발굴워크숍을준비하도록했다. 만난사람들은헤어짐을아쉬워하며다음만남을기대했다. 그리고더깊이서로를연결시키고, 새로운참가자를찾고, 그후 18년간의워크숍을지속시키도록운명지웠다. 殿平善彦 _( 강제노동희생자추도, 유골봉환위원회공동대표, 일본 ) 1997 年 8 月 日本の北海道の山中 朱鞠内に日本 韓国 在日韓国朝鮮人の若者たち約 100 人が9 日間の合宿を行い 戦時下に犠牲になった朝鮮人強制労働犠牲者と日本人タコ部屋労働者の遺骨を発掘する 日韓共同ワークショップ ( 後に東アジア共同ワークショップと改称 ) に参加した 韓国と日本の文化交流は 金大中大統領時代に開放政策が実現し 大きく前進するが この年はその直前の年だった ほとんどの参加者がお互いの存在を頭の中だけで想像し 出会うのは初めての経験だった 韓国の青年は ハラボジの遺骨を発掘するのだという 強い意気込みで日本に来た 多くの韓国参加者は 日本人は歴史に関心がなく 今の瞬間だけを楽しむ人々だと思っているようだった 事前の学習ではその程度の予備知識しか学習できなかったからだ さらに 在日の存在に対しては その存在すらわかっていなかった だから 最初は 変な韓国語を使うのがいる 一体誰だろう という疑問から出会いが始まったのだった 日本の学生は 韓国の学生と文化交流ができると思って参加していた者が多いようだった 東アジア近代の歴史をちゃんとは学んでいない若者には 戦時下の犠牲者の遺骨を掘ることの意味を十分には考えることはできていないようだった 在日の参加者は 多様な人々だった 活動を経験している若者もいたが 引っ張られてついてきた若者もいた 彼らには日本語と韓国語を使えるバイリンガルがいる 彼らはたちまち日本人と韓国人の対話の通訳の役割が回ってきた これらの若者たちが いきなり北海道の山の中で出会った 10 日間 どこに行くこともできず どんな娯楽施設もなく 遺骨発掘の共同作業と夜の交流だけがあった 彼らは その環境では 相手に関心を持ち 仲良くなろうとする以外に選択肢はなかったのだ 192 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 193

事実 朱鞠内の光顕寺で出会った彼らは たちまち仲良くなった 名前を紹介し合い 片言の英語とボデイラングウェッジで語り合った 男性と女性が参加していたから お互いへの関心は一層高いものになった 韓国の学生も 最初の意気込みをすっかり忘れたように陽気になっていた お互いを楽しく結びつけるのに役立ったのは やはりアルコールだった 彼らはいきなり盃を交わし 明け方まで飲んで騒いだ 発掘現場もまるでお祭り騒ぎのようになっていた 現場に音楽がほしい などと注文が出た 風呂に行きたい 歯磨き粉がないなど 事務局は参加者の希望を叶えるのに必死で ワークショップ全体がどうなっているかを判断することなどできなかった 3 日目に雨になり 学習会になった 参加者は真面目に学んだが やはり彼らは 夜が来るのが待どうしいようだった アルコールは底をつき 事務局は明日のために酒瓶を隠したが 参加者はそれを目ざとく探し当てて 酒盛りをした 変化の時が来た その変化は突然やってきた 遺骨が発見されたのだ ナワッソ と声が飛んだ 発掘現場には一気に緊張が走り 韓国から来た参加者は いきなり自分たちの目的を思い出したようだった 発掘現場の公用語は韓国語だった 発掘指導が韓国の大学教授であり 班長は発掘の経験がある韓国の大学院生だったから 日本人学生は言われるままに土を掘ったり運んだりするしかなかった おまけに 発掘の意味を必ずしも理解できていなかった日本人学生は 発見された遺骨の前で沈黙するしかなかった この時 すっかり仲良くなったつもりの参加者に 意識の溝が自覚され始めたのだった その夜に アンケート事件 が起こった 韓国の学生は日本人にアンケートを取ろうと準備してきていた 事務局はそれを翻訳して日本人参加者に配った その内容は 韓国で読まれている 日本はない 日本はある などと言った ステレオタイプ化した出版物の読書の知識から導き出された項目が並んでいた 日本人は強者に弱く 弱者に強いと思いますか 韓国人は日本の侵略事実について激怒しながらも 進歩した日本の文化がうらやましく ついていこうとしていると思いますか 韓国は日本に比べて文化的に先進国だと思いますか などが質問項目だった これを受け取った日本の学生が怒りだした あらかじめ 決まった答えを求めて 韓国が用意してきたアンケートではないのかと疑問を発した ただでさえ 押され気味のディスカッションが続いてきたし 発掘も言われるままなのに ここで自分たちの存在そのものが否定されかねないアンケートに出会ったのだ 日本人の反撃が始まった こんなアンケートは承知できない 韓国からあらかじめ用意されてきた 私たちをやり込める目的の文書ではないのか と主張した 今までの友情が一気に消し飛んでしまいそうだった 危機を感じた学生自治委員会は夜の全体集会を用意して 話し合いの時間を作った 初めてアルコールのない対話の時間が始まった この場で それまでの友好ムードに水を差すのではないかと思って控えてきた 表現できなかった質問や意見が日本人から続出した こんなアンケートはここにいる参加者ではなく 目的を持った韓国人が持たせたアンケートではないのか 私は韓国人の友人がいるが ヒデというあなたは好きだが 日本人は嫌いだと言われた どうしてそうなるのですか アメリカの原爆に対して日本人は恨みを持っていないのに 韓国人はなぜ日本人を恨むのですか これらは 今まで思っても口にできなかった日本人参加者の本音だった 韓国人参加者はむしろ 集まりをとりなすような発言が主流を占めた 日本人は歴史に対する学習が足らないのではないか という意見も出たが 私たちは日本政府に怒りを表現すべきであり ここにいる参加者はともに考え合う相手ではないか 私たちはここに学習しに来たのだ それを持って帰って 日常に生かすべきだ などと発言した 長い討論の末 結論は出なかったが 真剣に語り合ったという実感は残ったのだった その時 お互いは 楽しく出会うだけでなく 真剣に語り合う者同士でもあるのだと自覚できたのだった 葛藤を経て新たな友情を築く この葛藤は 今後の出会いのためにはどうしてもくぐり抜ける必要のある葛藤であった それは参加者の関係を参加者自身に再考させ 出会ってからの関係の浅さを省みさせた 真剣に語り合った時間は お互いの関係を自覚的に深化させるために重要な経験になった ワークショップの10 日間が終わった最終日は 朱鞠内から 私の寺の本堂に場所を移していたが そこには ワークショップが終わった解放感とともに 離れがたい参加者同士の友情が生まれていた 国境を越えて 個人と個人の出会いが育っていた ワークショップが終わって1 週間後には 日本人参加者はソウルの参加者の家に泊まり込んでいた ワークショップは単なる日韓の若者の出会いの場ではなくなっていた それは植民地支配と戦争の犠牲者である 朝鮮人と日本人タコ部屋の強制労働犠牲者の遺骨をともに発掘する取り組みなのであり その取り組みを経験することで 共通の歴史認識を育ててゆく場となっていた そこに育まれる友情はまるで死者に導かれるような出会いとなり 参加者に東アジアの歴史和解の課題を求めさせ続けたといえよう その上に成り立つ友情は 新たな東アジアの関係を築いていきたいという思いを継続させ 新たな遺骨発掘のワークショップを準備していった 出会ったものは 離れがたく 次の出会いをもとめさせた そして さらに深くお互いを結びつけ 新たな参加者を求めさせ その後の18 年間のワークショップの継続を運命づけたのだった 194 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 195

Case 1 A meeting called the East Asia Joint Workshop Yoshihiko TONOHIRA_President of East-Asian Citizen s Network In August of 1997, I participated the Korea and Japan Joint Workshop (the name was renamed the East Asia Joint Workshop later), where about 100 young Japanese, Koreans, and Koreans living in Japan stayed and exhumed the remains of Korean force labor victims and Japanese takobeya labors (Japanese prisoners who were forced to work) in the mountain of Shumarinai in Hokkaido, Japan for 9 days. An open-door policy was realized during a presidential term of President Kim Dae-jung and cultural exchange between Korea and Japan had improved significantly. However, the year of 1997 was the year before the open-door policy was realized. Most participants only imagined each other and met for the first time. Korean students came to Japan, and they were highly motivated to exhume the remains of grandfathers. Many Korean participants seemed to think Japanese were not interested in history and just lived for the moment. They only learned such a preliminary knowledge during prior learning. They didn t even know about Koreans living in Japan existed. Therefore, a meeting began from a question asking, who were these people who spoke strange Korea. It seemed many Japanese students participated thinking they could carry out cultural exchange with Korean students, and these students who didn t learn about modern history of East Asia didn t think through the meaning of excavating the remains of the victims during World War II. There were diverse Koreans living in Japan. There were young people who experienced this kind of activity, but some of them were brought to the workshop. There were bilingual students who spoke Japanese and Korean among participants. They interpreted a conversation of young people from the two countries. One day, these young people met in the mountain of Hokkaido. They just excavated the remains jointly and carried out cultural exchange at night without amusement facilities while being stuck in the mountain of Hokkaido for 10 days. They had no choice except to take an interest in each other and get to know each other. Young students from the two countries met in Koenji, Shumarinai became good friends quite quickly. They introduced their names, and had a conversation with poor English and body language. Their interest for each other grew stronger since there were boys and girls. Korean students seemed to forget resolute determination and became cheerful. Drinks are a linkage of the students. They had some drinks and talked overnight. Students were excited at the excavation site as if they attended the festival. There were requests for music, bathing facilities, toothpaste, etc. The executive office was busy to comply with their request, and it was too busy to judge the situation of the workshop On the third day, a studying meeting was held because it rained. Participants studied seriously, but they seemed to wait for night to come. When they ran out of drinks, the executive office hid drinks. However participants found them quickly and had a drinking party. It was a time of transition The change came suddenly. The remains were discovered. A voice came, saying we found it. There were tensions in the excavation site, and Korean students seemed to remember why they came here. An official language was Korean in the excavation site. A supervisor was a Korean professor, and a head of the excavation site was also a Korean graduate student with excavation experience. Therefore, Japanese students just had to dig up the ground or carry it according to the directions of a supervisor or a head Besides, Japanese students who couldn t understand the meaning of excavation of the remains could hardly speak in front of the exhumed remains. At this moment, participants who thought that they became completely close each other began to realize the difference of the perceptions. The Survey incident happened that night. Korean students planned to conduct a survey with Japanese students. The executive office translated the survey and handed out a questionnaire. Items derived from knowledge of stereotypical books such as There is No Japan and There is Japan, which were published in Korea, were listed on the survey. Questions listed on the survey were as follows: 196 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 197

Do you think the Japanese people are strong against the weak and weak against the strong?, Do you think Koreans envy and try to follow advanced Japanese culture even though they are outraged by the invasion of Japanese?, Do you think Korea is a culturally advanced country compared to Japan?, etc. When Japanese students received the questionnaire, they became angry. They questioned whether Korean students prepared this questionnaire to get the fixed answers. As a matter of fact, an overwhelmed debate was conducted, Japanese students just followed instructions during the exhumation, and they finally faced the survey, which could threaten their existence. Japanese students began to fight back. They contended that they couldn t respond to this survey, which was already prepared in Korea to overwhelm them. It seemed a friendship built until yesterday could disappear. The student council sensed crisis and held a meeting to talk at night. A forum without drinks was held for the first time. Japanese students who suppressed their feelings and hesitated asking questions or expressing opinions concerning that they might cast a chill over a friendly atmosphere began to express their views one after another. Isn t this survey prepared by other Koreans who had a different purpose?, I have a Korean friend, and I was told that the friend liked me but didn t like Japanese. Why is that? The United States dropped the atomic bombs on Japan, but Japanese did not bear a grudge against the United States. Why Koreans bear a grudge against Japanese? These questions were Japanese participants innermost thoughts that were kept inside of their minds. The majority of the Korean participants made mediating comments. Many different opinions were brought up such as Japanese were ignorant of Japanese history., We should express our anger at the Japanese government and should share our thoughts with these participants., We came here to study. We should make the best use of what we have learned in a daily life when we go back to Korea, etc. The long debate ended without coming to a conclusion, but they realized they had a serious talk. At that moment, they could also realize that they could have fun, and also have a serious conversation. between individuals beyond the border had been expanded. A week after the end of the workshop, Japanese participants stayed at places of Korean participants. The workshop wasn t just a meeting place for young people from Korea and Japan. It was the excavation activity to exhume the remains of the Korean victims of colonial rule and war and Japanese victims of takobeya forced labor. The workshop also became a chapter to grow historical awareness by experiencing the excavation activity. A growing friendship became a meeting that was led by the deceased, and make participants keep searching for the tasks of historical reconciliation of East Asia. A friendship grew between the young people of the two countries made them have the minds to continue building a new East Asia relationship and prepare the new workshop to exhume the remains. People who met in the workshop missed each other after the end of the workshop and looked forward to meeting them again. The connection between these people from the two countries deepened and they searched for new participants for the workshop. Their friendship and efforts to promote peace and historical reconciliation in East Asia caused the workshop to last for 18 years. Build a new friendship through conflicts This conflict was needed to be overcome for the upcoming meetings. This conflict made participants think about their relationship again, and reflect on their shallow relationships. Students from two countries learned a valuable experience to realize and intensify their relationships from this serious conversation. On the last day of the workshop, we moved to our main temple from Shumarinai. A friendship emerged among participants with a sense of release after the workshop, and it was hard for them to say goodbye to each other. Meetings 198 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 199

228 사건의복권운동과 228 기금회의역할 사례발표 2 타이완 228 사건의명예회복과기념, 계승 정내위 _ 대만 2.28 사건기념회, 대만 228 사건 1945 년 2 차세계대전종료후, 타이완은일본의식민통치에서벗어났습니다. 당시중국의국민당정부는관 리를파견하여타이완을접수했습니다. 그러나엄격한통치와부정부패로인해물가는급등했고, 실업문제는심각해지면서타이완민중의불만은끓어올랐습니다. 1947년 2월 27일전매국 ( 專賣局 ) 의공무원이타이베이에서민간제조담배를단속하면서담배상인노파를폭행하고행인을오인하여살해하는사건이발생했습니다. 민중의분노는폭발했습니다. 2월 28일시민집회에서관련자의엄벌을요구하는시위가벌어졌습니다, 뜻밖에도당국의총격을받고사망자가발생했습니다. 이로인해타이완전역에서분노의불길이일어났습니다. 분쟁과갈등을해결하기위해각지역의유지들은 228사건처리위원회 를조직하여중재에나섰고, 정부에개혁을요구했습니다. 행정장관천이 ( 陳儀 ) 는이들을간첩폭도로간주했고, 몰래국민당정부에진압병력파병을요청했습니다. 불과몇달만에 1만 ~2만여명이사망했습니다. 사법재판을거치지않고총살당한사람중에는법관, 변호사, 의사, 의회의원, 교사, 언론사임원, 정치인등사회엘리트층도적지않았습니다. 시민들의물질적피해또한상당했습니다. 이것이바로 228사건입니다. 1949년 5월 19일, 타이완에계엄령이내려졌습니다. 국민당정부는 1987년 7월 15일까지장장 38년동안권력과통치를위해백색테러정책 ( 백색테러 : 국가통치자가국가안보를이유로현체제에반대하는혁신세력을진압하는행위 ) 을실시했습니다. 이는타이완사회의발전에깊은영향을미쳤으며, 타이완의자유와민주를향한발걸음을억압했습니다. 1987년 2월, 타이완사회각계에서 228민중의거평화운동 이펼쳐졌습니다. 정부에게 228사건피해자와가족에대해사과및배상하고, 진상규명과역사자료공개등의조치를취하도록요구했습니다. 1992년중앙정부는 <228사건연구보고서 > 를공개했습니다. 1995년에는타이베이신공원에 228 기념비를건립하고, 같은해에 228사건처리및보상조례 를발표했습니다. 12월에는행정원이 재단법인 228사건기념기금회 ( 이하 228기금회 ) 를세웠습니다. 물질적보상과정신적위로라는원칙을세우고, 228사건의보상신청을접수하여심사하고보상금을지급했습니다. 228사건처리및보상조례 는이후 4차례개정되어보상금신청기간을연장했습니다. 2004년 10월 6일까지 9년동안총 2,266건의보상금신청이접수되었고, 약 71억신타이완달러가지급되었습니다. 그러나그중사망과실종사건은 860건에불과하여전문가의연구결과와큰차이를보였습니다. 이같은편차가발생한원인은다음과같습니다. 정부는거의 50년이지나서야 228 사건관련보상작업에착수했습니다. 보상여부는충분한증거가있어야하는데, 이미많은생존자가사망했기때문에편차가커졌습니다. 게다가계엄령발효 38년동안많은중요한증거자료가백색테러에의해유실되었습니다. 결국많은피해자가족은피해사실을입증할증거를제시하기가어려워졌습니다. 2007년입법원 ( 국회 ) 은 228사건처리및보상조례 의명칭을 228사건처리및배상조례 로변경하여 228 사건을사과하려는정부의의지를보여주었습니다. 법률에서보상과배상은다른의미입니다. 보상은정부의잘못은없다는뜻입니다. 예를들어, 정부가공공건설을시행하며토지를징수하는경우에는토지를징수당한사람에게보상할수있습니다. 그러나배상은정부가과거의잘못을인정하고, 피해자와그가족에게정식으로사과한다는의미를갖습니다. 이후입법원은 2013년재차법을개정하여기금회가다시 228사건배상금신청을받도록했습니다. 기한은 2013년 5월 24일부터 2017년 5월 23일까지입니다. 지금까지새로통과된배상금신청안이심사에통과하여, 2,840만신타이완달러가지급되었습니다. 228사건의명예회복은 2003년에시작되었습니다. 피해자본인혹은가족이신청하고, 국가원수가직접인증하는데, 지금까지 999장의복권증명서가발급되었습니다. 228기금회는매년공식적인 228사건기념행사를개최합니다. 최근 10년동안집권정당에관계없이총통이직접매년기념행사에참석했습니다. 이는 228사건을중시하는정부의입장과앞으로절대로유사한사건의재발을용납하지않겠다는의지를볼수있습니다. 타이완사회의평화와인권, 역사에대한관심이높아지면서, 정부는 2007년 228기금회를상설기구로확정했습니다. 그의미를계승하고피해자가족을위로하는역할을부여했습니다. 피해자와그가족에게중양절경로금과 3대명절 ( 춘절, 단오절, 중추절 ) 위로금을지급하고, 위문행사를개최했습니다. 또한대외홍보와국제교류사업도시작했습니다. 2009년에 228 기념관의법제화를통해, 2011년에는정식으로개관했습니다. 기념관은기념과교육이라는양대방향으로운영되며 228 기념관을통해더많은젊은세대가 228 사건의진실을이해하고, 깊은역사적교훈을새길수있도록할것입니다. 200 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 201

228 국가기념관 228 국가기념관은타이완최초의정부단위인권기념관으로, 228 사건의희생자와가족을위로하는중요한장소입니다. 또한역사유산을보존하고, 교육계승하는곳입니다. 이곳에서 228사건을소개하여시민들에게역사인식과교훈습득의기회를제공합니다. 또한 제주 4.3사건, 광주민주화운동 등외국의사례를통해시민들이평화를지키려는마음은세계보편적인것이라는사실을잘이해했으면좋겠습니다. 228 국가기념관은개관이래 5년동안의경험을함께나누고자합니다. 1. 공무원의인권관념강화 : 공무원의인권의식을제고를위해 2011년내정부 (Ministry of Interior) 는대대적인계도활동을펼쳤습니다. 경찰, 경찰대학, 경찰학과가개설된학교, 이민부처등은모두 228 국가기념관을방문하여참관하도록했습니다. 올해에는내정부와협조하여 228 국가기념관에서인권교육과정을개설하여타이완공무원이철저한인권의식을갖도록지도할것입니다. 만약국가공권력을집행하는공무원이인권존중의관념을실천한다면그나라의인권은한층더보장될것이라고믿습니다. 2. 청년층에대한역사인권교육 : 본기념관은 2012년타이베이시립대학역사지리학과와협력하여 228사건과인권교육 강좌를개설했습니다. 전문연구자를초빙하여 228사건연구와기타인권을주제로강의했습니다. 강의실강의와관련영상관람, 실습등으로구성된강의를통해학생들이인권에대해토론하고, 228사건을정확히알도록지도했습니다. 신세대청년들이건전한인권의식을갖추도록했습니다. 3. 외국의사례습득과교류협력강화 : 타산지석 ( 他山之石, 可以攻錯 ) 이라는말처럼기념관은자체의노력외에도외국의인권단체, 기념관과의교류를통해서로의역사를공유하고자합니다. 더나은교육방식을널리확산해야합니다. 역사교육이사람들의마음에자연스럽게스며들어민주법치의개념을기를수있도록해야합니다. 228기금회는오늘활동의주최측인민주화운동기념사업회와 2013년 < 제주 4.3사건 65주년기념회 > 에서함께 제주 4.3 의중국어책자를함께발간했습니다. 많은중국인들이제주 4.3사건에대한역사를더잘이해하게되었습니다. 올해 10월 24일, 228기금회는 228 국가기념관에서 < 민주주의를그늘에서빛으로-타이완과한국의민주주의인권사진전 > 을개최합니다. 타이완과한국양국민중이민주주의를쟁취하는영상물을공개할것입니다. 타이완민중들이자신의역사외에한국의민주화운동역사를이해하는기회가될것입니다. 타이완과한국은역사적으로민주화발전과정에서유사한점이많습니다. 일본의식민지배를받았고, 미국의원조를받았으며, 장기간독재통치를겪었습니다. 또한 20세기말에신흥민주국가가되어권위주의에서민주사회로전환되는과정에서해결해야하는문제도많습니다. 또한타이완과한국은민주주의발전과정에서권위주의정부의폭압을겪었으나강한정신력으로민중을지탱하고, 자기의지를다졌으며, 이상을향한전진을지속했습니다. 양국이민주주의로나아가도록이끈힘은 228사건과광주항쟁의명예를회복시킨목소리였습니다. 양국사이에는서로배울점이매우많습니다. 이는 228 국가기념관에서 < 민주주의를그늘에서빛으로-타이완과한국의민주주의인권사진전 > 을개최하는이유이기도합니다. 타이완에서열리는 < 민주주의를그늘에서빛으로-타이완과한국의민주주의인권사진전 > 은많은한국의민주화운동기념사업회의협조를받았습니다. 이또한교류협력의중요성을보여줍니다. 228 국가기념관은타이완최초의국가급인권기념관으로서앞으로타이완에인권과역사교육을확산할 것입니다. 뿐만아니라이번포럼을통해국내외관련단체와만나교류하기를희망합니다. 이는국내사업의내실을다지고외연을넓히면서향후다른단체와상호협력을이끄는건실한기반이되리라생각합니다. 감사합니다. 202 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 203

二二八事件處理及補償條例 期間經 4 次修法延長補償金申請期限, 至 2004 年 10 月 6 日為止, 前後歷時 9 Case 2 臺灣二二八事件的平反 紀念與傳承二二八事件紀念基金會鄭乃瑋 鄭乃瑋 _ 二二八事件記念基金會行政室主任 二二八事件 1945 年二次大戰結束後, 臺灣脫離日本殖民統治, 當時中國國民政府派遣官員接收管理臺灣, 卻因施政偏 頗, 官紀敗壞, 造成物價飛漲, 失業問題嚴重, 讓臺灣民眾的不滿情緒瀕臨沸點 1947 年 2 月 27 日, 專賣局人員在臺北查緝私菸, 卻打傷女販, 誤殺路人, 激起民憤 2 月 28 日, 群眾聚集遊 行示威要求嚴懲兇手, 不料竟遭官方槍擊, 死傷數人, 也點燃了全臺灣抗爭怒火 為了解決紛擾爭端, 各地仕紳組成 二二八事件處理委員會, 居中協調, 並向政府提出改革要求 行政長 官陳儀卻將仕紳當作奸匪暴徒, 暗中向國民政府請兵來臺鎮壓 短短數月之間, 即造成 1 萬至 2 萬人左右死亡, 未經司法審判即遭到槍殺的人中, 不乏社會的菁英份子, 包含法官 律師 醫師 民意代表 教師 報社負責人 與政治人物等, 眾多民眾的財產亦受到重大損害, 此即 二二八事件 1949 年 5 月 19 日臺灣頒佈戒嚴令, 至 1987 年 7 月 15 日止, 長達 38 年的時間, 國民政府為鞏固自身威權統治而 實施的白色恐怖政策 ( 白色恐怖 : 國家統治者以國家安全為理由, 對反抗現有體制的革新勢力進行壓制 ), 深深 地影響了臺灣社會的和諧, 更阻礙了臺灣朝向自由 民主邁進的步伐 二二八事件平反運動與二二八基金會的任務 1987 年 2 月, 臺灣社會各界發起 二二八公義和平運動, 積極要求政府正式向二二八受難者及家屬道歉 賠償, 追求真相 公開史料 隨後 1992 年中央政府 二二八事件研究報告 公諸於世,1995 年臺北市新公園內 二二八紀念碑 落成, 同年公布 二二八事件處理及補償條例, 並於 12 月由行政院成立 財團法人二二八 事件紀念基金會 ( 以下簡稱二二八基金會 ), 秉持物質賠償與精神撫慰並濟之原則, 受理二二八事件補償申 請, 核發補償金 年, 總共審核通過 2,266 件補償申請案, 共發放約新臺幣 71 億元 然而, 其中死亡與失蹤的案件僅佔 860 件, 這與專家學者的研究結果有很大的落差 造成數據落差如此巨大的主因是, 政府在過了將近 50 年才著手處理二二八事件相關補償工作, 而補償申請通過與否需要有足夠的證據來佐證, 但當年很多倖存者早已逝去, 再者, 期間臺灣經歷了 38 年的戒嚴, 許多重要的證據資料, 皆在白色恐怖的社會氛圍下逸失, 造成後來許多受難者家屬難以提出證據佐證受難事實 2007 年立法院 ( 國會 ) 將 二二八事件處理及補償條例 名稱修正為 二二八事件處理及賠償條例, 此舉更顯現出政府對二二八事件的道歉意志 在法律上 補償 與 賠償 的定義不同 補償 代表政府沒有犯錯, 例如政府為進行公共建設, 徵收土地, 這時會 補償 受土地徵收的人民 ; 但是 賠償 即代表政府承認過去的錯誤, 正式向受難者及家屬道歉 後立法院於 2013 年再次修法, 賦予二二八基金會重新受理二二八事件賠償金申請的權限, 期限自 2013 年 5 月 24 日至 2017 年 5 月 23 日止 迄今新增核定通過賠償金申請案共 22 件, 實際新增核發金額約為新臺幣 2,840 萬元 二二八事件回復名譽則是從 2003 年開始執行, 由受難者本人或家屬提出申請, 並由國家元首親自頒發, 迄今共發出 999 張回復名譽證書 二二八基金會負責籌辦每年官方的二二八事件中樞紀念儀式, 近 10 年來, 臺灣不管是哪一個政黨執政, 總統均親自參加每年的二二八事件中樞紀念儀式, 這顯現出國家政府對二二八事件的重視, 也絕不容許類似的事件再次發生 隨著臺灣社會對於和平 人權與歷史議題的關注,2007 年政府核定二二八基金會為常設機構, 賦予教育傳承的任務, 並持續辦理受難者家屬的撫慰工作, 諸如發放重陽敬老金與三節 ( 春節 端午節與中秋節 ) 撫慰金予受難者及其家屬, 辦理撫慰聯誼活動等, 也開始進行歷史推廣與國際交流業務 2009 年更完成二二八國家紀念館法制化, 並於 2011 年正式開館營運, 朝向 紀念 教育 二大方向進行運作, 期望藉由二二八國家紀念館的平台, 讓更多年輕新世代能夠瞭解二二八事件的始末, 記取深刻的歷史教訓 二二八國家紀念館 二二八國家紀念館是臺灣第一個國家層級的人權紀念館, 也是撫慰與關懷二二八事件受難族群的重要場所, 同時這裡更是保存歷史遺產 進行教育傳承的重要場域, 藉由二二八國家紀念館這樣一個空間, 除了介紹二二八事件本身, 讓民眾深刻認識歷史, 記取教訓之外, 同時也希望透過國外的歷史事例, 例如韓國的濟州 4.3 與光州民主化運動等, 來教導民眾和平的追求是全世界共同的目標 二二八國家紀念館正式開館營運迄今快 5 年的時間, 藉由這個機會與大家分享幾點心得 : 一 強化公務員的人權觀念 : 為了督促並落實公務人員 執法人員的人權觀念,2011 年在內政部的大力宣導之下, 警政署 警察大學 警察專科學校 移民署等單位, 均派員分批來到二二八國家紀念館參觀 今年我們再與內政部等單位合作, 於二二八國家紀念館辦理人權教育課程, 讓臺灣的公務人員建立完善的人權觀念 我們相信若可以從執行國家公權力的人員開始落實尊重人權的觀念, 那麼一個國家的人權勢必更有保障 二 培養青年的歷史人權教育 : 本館自 2012 年起與 臺北市立大學歷史與地理學系 合作, 規畫 二二八事件暨人權教育 講座, 聘請學者專家以二二八事件研究及其他人權專題來授課, 教學方式包括課堂講述 影片教 204 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 205

學及導覽實作等, 讓學生對於人權課題進行探討, 正確認識二二八事件歷史, 培養新一代的青年人擁有健全的人 權意識 三 借鏡他國經驗, 促進交流合作 : 正所謂 它山之石, 可以攻錯, 紀念館的經營除了自身的努力摸索之外, 更應藉由與他國人權團體 紀念館的交流, 分享彼此的經驗, 尋求更完善的教育推廣機制, 讓歷史教育深植人心, 並培養國民民主法治的概念 二二八基金會與今天活動的主辦單位 民主化運動紀念事業會, 曾於 2013 年 濟州 4.3 65 週年之際, 合作出版 濟州 4.3 中文版, 讓華人可以更輕易瞭解韓國 濟州 4.3 的歷史 而今年 10 月 24 日, 二二八基金會將在二二八國家紀念館舉行 民主的光與影 - 臺韓前進民主之路人權影像展 ( 민주주의를그늘에서빛으로-대만과한국의민주주의인권사진전시회 ), 將臺灣與韓國兩國民眾爭取民主自由的影像呈現在大眾面前, 讓臺灣民眾除了本身的歷史之外, 也能進一步瞭解認識韓國的民主化運動史 臺灣與韓國在歷史與民主化的發展過程上有許多相近之處, 像是同樣曾遭受日本殖民 接受美國援助 經歷長期獨裁政權統治 同於 20 世紀末成為新興的民主國家與刻正面對從威權過渡到民主中所必須解決的轉型正義議題等, 而且在臺韓兩國民主發展的過程中, 儘管不斷受到威權政府的殘暴打壓, 但卻有一股精神力量不斷地支持著民眾, 堅定自我意念, 持續為理想而邁進 這股支撐兩國不斷前進民主的力量, 即是平反 二二八 與 光州抗爭 的聲浪, 因此, 臺韓兩國之間可以相互借鏡之處頗多 而這也是這次會選擇在二二八國家紀念館辦理 民主的光與影- 臺韓前進民主之路人權影像展 的原因 此次在臺灣舉辦的 民主的光與影 - 臺韓前進民主之路人權影像展, 韓國民主化運動紀念事業會協助甚多, 這也顯現出各團體之間 交流合作 重要性 二二八國家紀念館做為臺灣第一座國家級人權紀念館, 未來除了持續在臺灣國內推廣人權 歷史教育外, 更希望能透過此次的論壇與國外相關紀念館團體接觸交流, 相信這不僅可以深化國內各項業務工作的廣度, 亦可為未來與其他團體的互信合作奠下良好的基礎 謝謝大家! Case 2 Reinstitution of Reputation, Commemoration and Succession of Taiwan s 228 Incident Naiwei CHENG_Memorial Foundation of 228 228 Incident After the end of the second World War in 1945, Taiwan escaped from Japan s colonization. At the time, the Chinese Nationalist Party(KMT) of China dispatched officials to take over Taiwan. Due to the high-handed ruling and corruption, however, prices and unemployment skyrocketed the dissatisfaction of the Taiwanese people reached a boiling point. In February 27, 1947, an incident in which agents of the Monopoly Bureau beat a middleaged cigarette vendor and killed a bystander due to a misunderstanding occurred while cracking down on contraband cigarettes in Taipei. The fury of the people erupted and in a February 28 civic assembly, there were protests urging strong punishment to the agents involved. Unexpectedly, a man was killed by the gunfire by the government which led to uprisings all across Taiwan. Local leaders formed a 228 Incident Settlement Committee to resolve the conflicts and disputes and urged the government for reform. Chief executive Chen Yi regarded these leaders as bandit spies and secretly requested the dispatch of military forces to the KMT. In a span of just a few months, 10 to 20 thousand people were killed. Among those who were shot without judicial trials were elites of the society, including judges, lawyers, doctors, lawmakers, teachers, executives of the press and politicians. Material damage to the citizens were extensive as well. This is the 228 Incident. On May 19, 1949, martial law was declared in Taiwan. For the next 38 years until July 15, 206 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 207

1987, the KMT executed White Terror (suppression of political dissidents on grounds of threatening national security) policies for power and rule. This had a profound effect on the development of the Taiwanese society and suppressed Taiwan s journey for freedom and democracy. The 228 Reinstitution Movement and the Role of the 228 Incident Memorial Foundation In February 1987, the 228 Justice and Peace Movement spread across the Taiwanese society urging the government to apologize and give compensation to the victims and families of the 228 Incident as well as for measures to get the truth out and disclose historical materials. In 1992, the central government promulgated the 228 Incident Research Report. In 1995, a 228 monument was erected in Taipei New Park and on the same year, the Statute for Handling and Compensation of the 228 Incident was announced. In December Executive Yuan established the 228 Incident Memorial Foundation (hereinafter 228 Foundation ) under the principle of monetary compensation and spiritual consolation. The foundation received and evaluated compensation requests regarding the 228 Incident and provided monetary compensation. The Statute for Handling and Compensation of the 228 Incident was revised four times to extend the period to apply for compensation. Until October 6, 2004, a total of 2,266 applications were received and approximately 7.1 billion New Taiwan dollars were paid to the victims. However, among them only 860 people were decided as killed or missing which was substantially different from research results. The reason for the disparity was because the government started the compensation program almost 50 years after the 228 Incident. Definitive proof was needed for compensation, but as many of the survivors had already died the disparity became steep. Furthermore, much of the proof had been lost due to the White Terror during the 38 years under martial law. Therefore, many families of the victim found it difficult to provide proof of victimization. In 2007, the Legislative Yuan changed the Statute for Handling and Compensation of the 228 Incident to Statute for Handling and Indemnification of the 228 Incident. In the word of law, compensation and indemnification have different meanings. Compensation means that the government is not at fault. For example, if the government executes public construction and collects land, they may compensate the original land owner. Indemnification, however, means that the government acknowledges their past wrongs and is officially apologizing to the victim and their families. Afterwards in 2013, the Legislative Yuan revised the law once more so that the foundation would be able to receive application for indemnification again. The application period is from May 24, 2013 to May 23, 2017. As of today the newly passed indemnification application proposal has passed deliberation and 28.4 million New Taiwan dollars have been paid. The reinstitution of the 228 victims reputation began in 2003. The victims or their families apply, and the head of the state verifies the fact. As of today 999 Reinstitution of Reputation Certificates have been issued. The 228 Foundation holds official memorial events every year. For the past 10 years, every president has participated in the memorial event each year regardless of ruling parties. This shows that the governments takes the 228 Incident seriously and demonstrates their will to never again tolerate a similar incident. As the Taiwanese society s interest in peace, human rights and history became stronger, the government confirmed the 228 Foundation as a permanent organization in 2007, granting it the role of succeeding the meaning of the incident as well as consoling the victims families. For the victims and families, senior subsidiaries are given on the Double Ninth Festival and condolence money is given on the 3 major holidays (Chinese New Year, Danwu Festival, Midautumn Festival) and consolation events are held as well. The government also started to promote public relations and international exchange projects. After the enactment of the National 228 Memorial Museum in 2009 it opened its doors officially in 2011. The Museum is operated to commemorate and educate and is striving to teach more younger generation the truth about the 228 Incident and enable them to learn about the lessons of history in depth. The National 228 Memorial Museum The National 228 Memorial Museum is the first government established human rights museum in Taiwan and an important venue to console the victims and families of the 228 Incident. It is also a place to preserve the legacy and teach the succeeding generations. Also, through overseas examples such as the Jeju 4.3 Massacre and the Gwangju Democratization Movement, I hope the citizens understand that the efforts to protect peace is universal. The National 228 Memorial Museum would like to share 5 years of experiences since its opening. 1. Strengthening the public servant s notion of human rights: In order to enhance the human rights awareness of public servants, the Ministry of Interior carried out an extensive guidance activities in 2011. It enabled the police, the police academy and schools with police departments as well as immigration bureaus etc. to visit the National 228 Memorial Museum. This year, we will be cooperating with the Ministry of Interior to open a human rights course in the National 208 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 209

228 Memorial Museum so that public servants of Taiwan would be armed with thorough human rights awareness. If public servants, who executes government authority, respects the notion of human rights then we believe the human rights of that country will be ensured on a higher level. 2. History and human rights education to the younger generation: Our Museum cooperated with the History and Geography Department of the University of Taipei to open a course on the 228 Incident and Human Rights Education. Research specialists were invited and they lectured under the theme of 228 Incident research and human rights. Through classroom lectures, videos and practical exercises, we enabled students to discuss about human rights and accurately understand the 228 Incident so that they would be armed with sound human rights awareness. of Human Rights The exhibition received much cooperation from the Korea Democracy Foundation, demonstrating once again the importance of exchange. As Taiwan s first national-level human rights museum, the National 228 Memorial Museum will continue to spread human rights and history education in Taiwan. Furthermore, though this event, we hope to meet and exchange with many related organizations world wide. I believe that such activities will build a strong foundation that strengthens and widens the scope of domestic projects as well as lead mutual cooperation with other organizations in the future. Thank you. 3. Learning about foreign examples and strengthening exchange and cooperation: Like the proverb rock on another mountain (learning from others) our Museum shares history with human rights organization and memorial museums abroad though exchanges. We must widely disseminate a better teaching method and allow history education to seep into the hearts of the people to strengthen the notion of democratic legalism. The 228 Foundation, along with the Korea Democracy Foundation that is the host of today s activities, had published a Chinese version of Jeju 4.3 during the Jeju 4.3 65th Memorial Ceremony in 2013. Through this, many Chinese were able to understand the history of the Jeju 4.3 Massacre better, On October 24 of this year, the 228 Foundation will be exhibiting From Darkness into Light Taiwan and Korea s Road to Democracy and A Pictorial Overview of Human Rights in the National 228 Memorial Museum. We will be showing videos of both Taiwan and Korea obtaining democracy and it will be an opportunity for the Taiwanese people to understand the history of Korea s democratic movement. Taiwan and Korea have many historical similarities regarding the development of democracy. Both countries were colonized by Japan, aided by the United States of America and suffered though prolonged dictatorship. They also have many issues to resolve that stems from the transition from authoritarianism to democratization as a newly democratic nation of the late 20th century. Taiwan and Korea suffered through an authoritarian government during the development of democracy but supported the people with strong spiritual will and selfdetermination and continued on the path for idealism. The voices that reinstated the reputation of the 228 Incident and the Gwangju Uprising were the driving force to realize democracy. Our countries have much to learn from each other. This is one reason for the From Darkness into Light Taiwan and Korea s Road to Democracy and A Pictorial Overview 210 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 211

사례발표 3 역사속의세월호 - 120 만재일조선인과사할린한인 배덕호 _KIN( 지구촌동포연대 ) 공동대표 2015.9. 무한도전 우토로재일조선인마을, 지옥섬군함도 ( 하시마 ) 방문, 역사관심고조 해방 70 년지나도록계속되는일제강점기의강제동원피해자들의피눈물은계속 2010. 8. 29. < 강제병합 100 년공동행동한일실행위원회 > 의 식민주의의청산과평화실현을위한한일시민공동선 언 참조. 20 만재일조선인 /3 만사할린한인의문제는 역사속의세월호 문제 ( 작가조정래 ) 1. 차별과배제의구조 - 1910년조선병탄조약문구들. 1. 한국황제폐하는한국전체에관한일체통치권을완전히또영구히일본황제폐하에게넘겨준다. 2. 일본국황제폐하는앞조항에기재된넘겨준다고지적한것을수락하는동시에완전히한국을일본제국에병합하는것을승낙한다. - 1945. 8.15 해방 - 1951. 9.8 서명 (1952.4.28. 발효 ) 된 일본국과의평화조약 (Treaty of Peace with Japan)( 샌프란시스코조약 ) 제2조 (a). 일본국은한반도의독립을승인하고, 제주도, 거문도및울릉도를푸함하는한반도에대한모든권리, 권원, 및청구권을포기한다. - 평화조약 체결시, 중국, 소련, 한반도남과북은국제정세의제약으로조약의조인상대국으로참가하지못했으며, 따라서 평화조약 제14조, 승전국이가지는 배상및고통 에대한배상청구권을인정받지못함 - 따라서, 배상청구권 이아닌 대일청구권 의수준이란, 영토의분리분할에서오는재정적민사적청구권문제 로만한정될수밖에없음 - 1965.6.22. 대한민국과일본국간의기본관계에관한조약 ( 한일기본조약 ) 전문, 대한민국과일본국은양 국국민관계의역사적배경과, 선린관계와주권상호존중의원칙에입각한양국관계의정상화에대한상호희망을고려하며, 양국의상호복지와공통이익을증진하고국제평화와안전을유지하는데있어서양국이국제연합헌장의원칙에합당하게긴밀히협력함이중요하다는것을인정하며, 또한 1951년 9월 8 일샌프런시스코우시에서서명된일본국과의평화조약의관계규정과 1948년 12월 12일국제연합총회에서채택된결의제195호 (Ⅲ) 를상기하며, 본기본관계에관한조약을체결하기로결정하여, 이에다음과같이양국의전권위원을임명하였다. 한일기본조약 제2조, 1910년 8월 22일및그이전에대한제국과대일본제국간에체결된모든조약및협정이이미무효임을확인한다. - 한일기본조약 에도일제식민지강점문제에대한언급이전혀없음 - 한일기본조약 의부속협정인 대한민국과일본국간의재산및청구권에관한문제의해결과경제협력에관한협정 ( 청구권협정 ) 전문, 대한민국과일본국은, 양국및양국국민의재산과양국및양국국민간의청구권에관한문제를해결할것을희망하고, 양국간의경제협력을증진할것을희망하여, 다음과같이합의하였다. 청구권협정 제2조 2 (a) 일방체약국의국민으로서 1947년 8월 15일부터본협정의서명일까지사이에타방체약국에거주한일이있는사람의재산, 권리및이익 명시 - 1971. 3,21 대일민간청구권신고에관한법률 제2조 1항 1 이법의규정에의한신고대상의범위는 1947년 8월 15일부터 1965년 6월 22일까지일본국에거주한일이있는자를제외한대한민국국민을포함한다. 명시 - 2005. 8월. 한일회담문서공개후속대책관련민관공동위원회결정문 에도관련언급없음 - 2010.3.22. 대일항쟁기강제동원피해조사및국외강제동원희생자등지원에관한특별법 제7조 ( 위로금등지급의제외 ) 다음각호의어느하나에해당하는경우에는제4조에따른위로금, 제5조에따른미수금지원금및제6조에따른의료지원금 ( 이하 위로금등 이라한다 ) 을지급하지아니한다. 제7조 3. 1947 년 8월 15일부터 1965년 6월 22일까지계속하여일본에거주한사람 4. 대한민국의국적을갖고있지아니한사람 - 2012. 5.24. 강제동원 에관한대법원판결. 강제동원 을원인으로하는손해배상청구권에대하여는청구권협정으로개인청구권이소멸하지아니하였음은물론이고, 대한민국의외교적보호권도포기되지아니하였다고봄이상당하다 - 즉재일조선인, 사할린한인은 51년 샌프란시스코조약, 65년 한일기본조약, 한일협정, 71년대일청구권법률, 2010년 강제동원피해조사및희생자등지원법률 등에서도철저히배제됨. 또한강제동원피해에대한기본적인정부차원의조사도제대로진행되지않음. 2. 재일조선인현황 120만재일조선인 <KIN 활동사례 > : 역사청산거주권보장우토로국제대책회의빼앗지말아요우리학교, 에다가와조선학교문제대책회의 ( 에다가와조선학교지원모금 ) 단바망간기념관살리기운동 212 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 213

조선적재일동포입국거부문제관련 3. 사할린한인현황 < 활동사례 > : 사할린한인역사복원캠페인을중심으로 고향가는길이인생길이었습니다 (KIN 홈피에연재된애끓는사연들 ) 사할린한인모지조사사업몇가지국내및현장구술인터뷰사할린한인달력제작및전달작업사할린한인역사기념관건립활동 ( 부산경남우리민족서로돕기운동과함께 ) < 끝 > KIN(Korean International Network) 창립준비위원 < 재외동포불법체류사면청원운동본부 > 사무국장 < 제1~8회재외동포NGO대회 > 조직위원장 < 역사청산거주권보장, 우토로국제대책회의 > 사무국장 < 사할린한인역사기념사업회 > 이사 < 한일시민시민선언실천협의회 > 운영위원장역임KIN( 지구촌동포연대 ) 공동대표 활동관련사진 Case 3 Tragedy of 1.2 Million Jainichi Koreans (Korean Compatriots in Japan) and Koreans in Sakhalin Duck-ho Bae_Chief of the Korea International Network[KIN] In September, 2015, the public awareness in Korea was raised to a higher level, as one of the most popular terrestrial TV program, The Infinite Challenge, visited Utoro Jainichi Korean Village and Hashima (a.k.a. Gunkansima, the hellish island) in Japan. The victims of forced labor during the Japanese Colonial Period have been suffering for more than seven decades since the liberation. Please refer to Joint Declaration by Citizens of Korea and Japan for Settlement of Colonialism and Materialization of Peace by Korea-Japan Committee for Execution of Joint Action in Commemoration of 100th Year since Forced Colonization, made on August 29, 2010. The issue of 1.2 million Jainich Koreans and 30,000 Koreans in Sakhalin is described to be the historical disaster as terrible as Sewol shipwreck disaster, as Jeong-rae Cho, a famous Korean writer, said. 1. System of Discrimination and Exclusion - Clauses in 1910 Chosun Annexation Treaty: 1. His Highness, the Emperor of Korea shall completely and permanently transfer the entire powers of sovereignty over Korea to His Highness, the Emperor of Japan. 2. His Highness, the Emperor of Japan accepts the aforementioned transfer and approves the annexation of Korea to Japanese Empire. - Liberation on August 15, 1945 - Clauses in Treat of Peace with Japan (a.k.a. the San Francisco Treaty) signed on September 8, 1951 (enforced on April 28, 1952): Article 2(a): Japan shall approve Korea s 214 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 215

independence and surrender all rights, titles and claims in the Korean Peninsula, as well as its islands of Jeju, Geomoon, Ulrung, etc. When the Peace Treaty was executed, China, USSR, North Korea and South Korea were not able to participate the signing of Peace Treaty as parties thereto, thus, their claims as victorious countries for compensation and pains under Article 14 of Peace Treaty were not recognized. Thus, right of claim against Japan, not right of claim for compensation and pains, was inevitably limited to the level of issues related to financial and civil right of claim occurred by separation and division of territory. - Preamble of Treaty on Basic Relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan (June 22, 1965): Japan and the Republic of Korea, Considering the historical background of relationship between their peoples and their mutual desire for good neighborliness and for the normalization of their relations on the basis of the principle of mutual respect for sovereignty; Recognizing the importance of their close cooperation in conformity with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations to the promotion of their mutual welfare and common interests and to the maintenance of international peace and security; and Recalling the relevant provisions of the Treaty of Peace with Japan signed at the city of San Francisco on September 8, 1951 and the Resolution 195 (III) adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 12, 1948; Have resolved to conclude the present Treaty on Basic Relations and have accordingly appointed as their Plenipotentiaries, - Article 2 of Treaty on Basic Relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan ( Korea- Japan Treaty ): It is confirmed that all treaties or agreements concluded between the Empire of Japan and the Empire of Korea on or before August 22, 1910 are already null and void. The Korea-Japan Treaty does not comment on Japan s forced colonization of Korea. - Preamble of Agreement Between Japan and the Republic of Korea Concerning the Settlement of Problems in Regard to Property and Claims and Economic Cooperation ( Claim Right Treaty ), a side agreement of Korea-Japan Treaty: Desiring to settle problems regarding the property of both countries and their peoples and the claims between both countries and between their peoples; and desiring to promote economic cooperation between the two countries, have agreed as follows: Article 2.2(a) of Claim Right Treaty: The property, rights, and interests of the people of either High Contracting Party who have ever resided in the territory of the other High Contracting Party in the period between August 15, 1947, and the date of the signing of the present Agreement. - Article 2.1.1 of Act on Reporting of Rights of Claim against Japan ( Claim Rights Act ): Those who are subject to reporting prescribed herein shall include any and all citizens of Republic of Korea other than those who had resided in Japan during a period commencing on August 15, 1947 and ending on June 22, 1965. (March 21, 1971) - The Decision by Private-Public Joint Committee on Follow-up Measures to the Disclosure of Korea-Japan Conference Documents (August, 2005) does not contain any relative comment. - Article 7 (Exclusion from Payment of Compensation) of Special Act on Investigation of Damages from Forced Labor and Support for Victims of Offshore Forced Labor During Anti-Japan Resistance Period ( Special Act ): The Compensation under Article 4, Compensation for Receivables under Article 5 and Medical Subsidy under Article 6 ( Compensations ) shall not be paid in any of the following cases: Articles 7.3 and 7.4 of Special Act: those who continuously resided in Japan from August 15, 1947 to June 22, 1965 and those who are not citizens of Republic of Korea. (March 22, 2010) - The Supreme Court decision on forced labor (May 24, 2012): It shall be deemed that not only a person s claim right was not extinguished by the Claim Right Treaty, but also the diplomatic protection right of Republic of Korea was not waived either, with regard to the damage compensation right caused by forced labor. - That is, the Jainich Koreans and Koreans in Sakhalin were completely excluded from the San Francisco Treaty of 1951, Korea-Japan Treaty of 1965, Claim Rights Act of 1971, and Special Act of 2010. To make the matters worse, no government-led investigation whatsoever has been conducted to identify the damages caused by the forced labor. 2. Status of Jainichi Koreans Number: 1.2 million KIN Activities Utoro International Meeting for History Cleansing and Residential Right Assurance Please don t take our school away. Meeting to Handle the Edagawa Chosun School Problem (Fundraising) Save Tanba Mangan Memorial Movement Activities related to denial of entry by Korean compatriots in Japan who sympathize North Korea 3. Status of Koreans in Sakhalin Activities: Focused on restoring the history of Koreans in Sakhalin My Life Was about Returning Home (The stories of Korean compatriots posted on KIN website) 216 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 217

A number of surveys on identifying tombs of Korean compatriots in Sakhalin Interviews with related persons in Korea and Sakhalin Production and delivery of calendar for Korean compatriots in Sakhalin Construction of Historical Museum of Koreans in Sakhalin (together with Busan- Gyeongnam Help Our Koreans Movement Headquarters) <End> Member of Korean International Network ( KIN ) Organizing Committee Secretariat General of Amnesty Petition Center for Illegally Staying Overseas Koreans Chairman of Organizing Committees for the 1st through 8th Overseas Korean NGO Congresses Secretariat General of Utoro International Meeting for History Cleansing and Residential Right Assurance Director of History of Koreans in Sakhalin Celebration Foundation Chairman of Steering Committee, Korea-Japan Citizens Declaration Execution Council Joint Representative of KIN Picture of Activities 218 2015 _ _,

현장세션 1 생활과민주주의 Ⅰ - 민주주의와마을 Everyday Life and Democracy I Democracy and Community 사회이승원 ( 민주화운동기념사업회 ) 발표 1. 오김현주 ( 마포민중의집대표 ) 공동체경제, 마을그리고민주주의발표 2. 강상구 ( 구로민중의집대표 ) 노동, 마을그리고민주주의발표 3. 정원각 ( 아이쿱협동조합지원센터 ) 협동조합, 마을그리고민주주의토론서영표 ( 제주대학교 ) 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The The Reflection on on Democracy in in Asia_ AsiaCrisis or New Trajectory 219

발표 2 노동, 마을그리고민주주의 강상구 _ 구로민중의집대표 1. 마을공동체사업평가 - 서울시를중심으로 1) 마을을걸어서 10~15 분거리의물리적구획으로설정한전략자체의한계 - 이는현실에서 10-15분거리의생활단위안에서만들어지고, 움직이는사회적관계에집중하겠다는것. 그런데생활의필요는결코마을에서만해소되지는않음. 마을안에호혜적관계망이더할나위없이잘짜인다고하더라도애초에또다른연결망이생활에끼치는문제의해결책에는접근불가능. - 예를들어, 집과직장간의거리 는노동시장이어느범위에서형성되느냐에따라결정됨. 수도권의경우출퇴근시간 1시간은기본. 직장까지이동거리가 15분이내인경우가오히려드문실정. 생활의필요를해결하는연결망의재구성은마을공동체운동만으로는불가 - 예를들어노동의불안정화문제를해결하기위해가동되는사회적연결망은노동조합임. 노동조합은힘든직장생활을치료하는관계망으로서역할을함. 보편적복지를전국적수준에서갖추게되면그런연결망을전통적으로 복지국가 라불렀음. 유럽에서복지제도를만드는데는중앙집중화된또다른연결망인 산별노조 가큰역할을했었음. - 비정규직 실업자등불안정노동자, 적자의수렁에서헤어나지못하는자영업자, 복지로부터소외된빈 1) 강상구 (2014), < 서울시마을공동체사업평가 >, << 진보평론 60호 >> 및강상구 (2014), < 도피와대항의경계에서 : 마을만들기를통해박근혜정부에대항할수있을까?>, << 박근혜정부 1년 : 8개의또다른시선 >> 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 221

곤노인층, 마을의이런풍경을만들어낸건극심한양극화, 빈곤의확대, 각종의차별들인데어느것하나그근원이마을에있는게없고, 따라서그해결방안도마을에있는게아님. 마을공동체사업은원래부터지역공간을자신의 마을 로인식하고살아가는사람들만을위한것. - 마을공동체사업은지역에오랫동안살고있는사람들, 그러니까 정주 가가능한사람들에게특화된전략. - 자기집이없는사람이국민의절반이고, 서울같은대도시는 1년에전체인구의 15% 쯤이늘이사를가야함. - 마을의무주택자가완전히다른무주택자로바뀌는데산술적으로는 4년이면충분하다는말. 그런데이 60% 야말로마을의문화지형안에들어와있지못한사람들이고, 그동안지역에서참여와자치의영역에끼어들지못한사람들 - 결국마을공동체사업은의도와는무관하게집있는사람들의민주주의로국한될소지가있음. 공급의저수지로활용하면서지역을수탈하거나 ( 제조업 ), 한데모여있음으로인해서발생하는영리상의이점을동시에추구하며 ( 제조업밀집지역 ). 중앙혹은지방정부와결탁하고지역의지리적특징을활용하기도함 ( 건설업 ). 소비과정을장악해서지역의자원을빼가는대신지역발전에는기여하지않는방식으로지역을배제하거나 ( 유통 ), 세계자본주의체제하의다른지역과의연결의용이성때문에위치해있을뿐해당지역과는별관계없는 ( 금융 ) 경우도있음. 이들자본과직간접적으로연결되어있는중앙정치세력 ( 지역구국회의원, 광역자치단체장 ) 이지역을직접적으로통치하는가장강력한세력임 2 지역복지재단, 학교법인, 지역언론, 지역금융등이한단계낮은지역의지배세력임 3 지역의토호들, 바르게살기 새마을운동 자유총연맹등관변단체, 자율방범대 의용소방대등의기관연결주민모임등이그하위의지배구조구성집단 4 우파의지배구조구성세력이라고볼수는없지만, 학교운영위원회, 학부모회등은신자유주의경쟁논리에장악되어그실천자로서행위하는경우가많음. 기존의사회운동을순화시킬가능성 - 새로운대중운동이아니라지역의존적행위자들이주도하는공동체운동은사회운동과결합하기보다는기존의사회운동을순화시킬가능성이높음. - 사회를변화시키는주요한세력인노동운동의지역활동을촉진시키기보다는이질감을재확인할공산이큼. 제도를변화시키기위한정치활동은순수하지않다는이유로거부당할가능성이많음. - 이런의미에서마을공동체운동은 자유로운시민되기 보다도퇴행한것이며, 평등한노동자되기 와는한참떨어져있음. 2. 보수적생활생태계로서의 마을 과주변부만건드리는마을공동체운동보수적생활생태계 2) - 당연한얘기지만지역은신자유주의금융세계화가관철되는계급간갈등과투쟁의최전선임. 현재지역의지배구조는우파에의해장악되어있으며, 이들의영향력이관철되는생활생태계 ( 또는관계망 ) 안에서주민대부분이생활하고있음. - 지역의모습은대체로아래 1-4의세력들로구성되어있음. 1 국가차원의신자유주의성장연합세력 ( 새누리당혹은민주당 + 금융 제조업 건설 유통자본의본사혹은지사 ) 이지역에위치하는경우에이들이맺는지역과의관계는매우다양함. 이들은 지역 을노동력 2) 강상구 (2013), < 한국민중의집운동의현황과전망-노동운동 진보정당 협동조합의지역연결망구축을위하여 >, << 스웨덴민중의집연합회초청국제포럼, 지역사회운동의새로운모색, 민중의집 >> - 위의각번호는 이해관계 로연결되어있음. 무언가를제공하고, 받는관계가안정적으로구축되어있는것인데, 예를들어지지와후원을하는대신, 보조금을주는식임. - 또한각번호에속해있는집단들은끊임없이지역사회에무엇인가를기여함. 기업은각종사회공헌활동, 청년일자리사업에대한후원, 심지어지역시민단체에대한후원에매진하고있음. 관변단체, 지역토호등은지역내봉사활동을연중진행함. - 이속에서엄청나게긴노동시간에시달리는절대다수의노동자들이살고있음. 80% 의자영업자는늘적자상태이기때문에이들이이루어놓은거리의풍경은망하는가게와새로들어오는가게로인해매번바뀜. 대기업의밀어내기관행에고통받는대리점들그리고요양보호사, 학교비정규직, 택배노동자들처럼주민이면서동시에저임금노동자라는정체성을가진이들은거리에넘쳐남. 바로이런사람들이사는곳이마을. 절대다수를차지하는이들은그러나지역을지배하는사람들은아님. 결국마을공동체운동은 주변인 들과조응 - 물론마을공동체사업이새로운주체를전형형성하지못하고있는것은아님. 앞서통계로확인한것처럼마을공동체사업은육아 교육에관심있는 30-40대주부, 은퇴한노인층, 청년층등에서일정하게새로운참여자들을만들어내고있기는함. - 사실마을공동체사업을통해형성되는새로운주체는자기삶의핵심의제로부터일시적으로한발떨어져있는주체들이며, 보다중요한문제가생겼을경우언제든지마을공동체를떠날수밖에없는사람들. - 그들은이사가기전의사람들이거나입시에서아직은자유로운청소년들이거나, 직접생계비를조달하지않아도되는사람들. 정주자가아닌일시적거주자는전세보증금인상분을감당하지못하면함께하던관계망에서이탈할수밖에없는주변인. 작은도서관을잠깐씩이라도이용할수있는사람들은장시간노동에시달리는노동자가아니라그나마그런곳에들를시간들이있는사람들. 내내잘활동하다가갑자기모습을감추는주부는대부분 새로일을시작해서 인경우. 청소년휴까페나마을예술창작소를이용하는청소년은상대적으로입시문제를덜걱정해도되는학년이거나입시와상관 222 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 223

없이지내는학생들인경우가많지, 입시를목전에둔학생들은드묾 - 결국마을만들기는개발주의와공존하고, 마을의청소년쉼터는입시위주의교육과공존. 공존그자체는좋은말. 그러나매맞는아내와때리는남편이한집에사는것은공존이아니라갈등의은폐. 돈만밝히는사장님과죽어라일만하는노동자가한회사에있는것이 공존 이라는말로치장될수는없음 3. 어떻게해야하는가기존의저항공동체와의연계 미비, 노동조합일상활동의부재, 노동조합의대안사회에대한이념마련실패등. - 특히비정규직이큰폭으로늘어났지만기존정규직중심의노동운동이이들과함께하는데어려움을겪으면서노동조합조직율낮아짐. - 노동운동의 2가지큰과제는 산별노조건설 과 노동자정치세력화 였으나, 두과제모두성공하지못함. - 1980년대에유효했던기업별노조는산별노조건설에일정한걸림돌이되고있음. 비정규직노동자들은일정한지역안에서이회사저회사를옮겨다니면서일을하는양상을띰. 상대적으로기업별노조는더욱공장안에갇혀있음. - 노동자정치세력화는최근진보정당의분열등으로완전히실패. - 일단기존의대항공동체와의연계가필요. 노동조합, 진보정당, 급진적사회운동세력이지역에대한자기전략을분명히하고마을에개입해들어와야한다는것을뜻함. 노동조합의지역참여역시획기적으로강화되어야. 노동조합은자기이슈가있을때에만국민혹은주민들에게호소하는습관을고쳐야함. - 마을공동체운동이사회적이슈에반응할수있도록다양한계기가마련되어야함. 이를통해마을공동체운동이우리사회의심층적변화와연결될수있는가능성을확보해야. 아파트공동체운동이활성화되려면부동산시장자체에문제제기하는공동체운동이모색되어야. 청소년관련마을공동체활동은입시제도폐지의고민을담을수있도록재구성되어야. 마을예술관련공동체운동은노동시간단축과연결될수있도록방향전환. 에너지자립마을은핵발전소의단계적폐지운동그리고삼척, 영덕등의투쟁과반드시함께해야. 마을미디어사업은주류언론의권력친화적성격을타파하고, 대안미디어를육성해야한다는인식과맞닿아야함. 마을기업 상가마을공동체사업은거대자본의독점, 재벌의횡포에대한비판적의식과함께해야함. 육아공동체사업이젠더적관점에서지역사회를변화시키는노력과연결되어야함은물론임. 행정권력에대한비판, 견제, 개입 - 마을공동체사업은행정권력일반에대한비판 견제 개입이가능하도록변모해야함. 제도안에서제한적협업을하는주체가아니어아. 경전철이지나는노선에서활동하는마을공동체사업참여자들이서울시를비판할수있어야함. 마을공동체사업에적극적인자치구가공공부문비정규직노동자의정규직화움직임에는적대적이고, 방사능안전급식주민발의조례처럼대중적운동을통해형성된요구에미온적이며, 심지어세월호참사분향소설치에부정적인반응을보이는사례는얼마든지있음. 이러한관의계급성을드러내는정치적기획이끊임없이마련되어야함. 노동운동의한계를넘기위해 지역 과의만남필요. - 다양한노동자들이서로함께할수있는방안을고민하는게필요함. 정규직과비정규직, 큰공장과중소규모사업장의노동자, 서로다른회사의노동자등이함께할수있는모델이필요. - 개별회사중심의임금투쟁이나국가차원의복지요구투쟁이아닌그중간을잇는운동이필요. 특히비정규직노동자의경우회사에대한요구만으로는충분한임금이나복지를확보할가능성이거의없음. 임금이아니라사회임금, 기업복지가아니라사회복지를주장하는것이오히려더현실적임. 그러나이를국가 ( 중앙정부 ) 에대한직접적요구로한정할경우, 비정규직노동자들이주체로나서는데일정한갭이존재함. 따라서, 지역을중심으로일상생활과정치를포괄하는새로운운동이필요한것. - 또한, 자본주의사회에서일상생활은대부분 소비행위 로이루어져있음. 그런데이소비행위가이뤄지는소비영역은노동자가다른노동자를만나는과정이기도함. 이과정에서 연대 가아니라 분열 과 대립 의논리가습관화되는것은문제. 자본가들은노동자들의파업에대해소비자들의권리를내세워전체노동자를분열시킴. 노동자들은노동자가아니라소비자로서다른노동자들의파업에반대. 따라서이런일상의영역에서단결과연대의원리를만들어야함. 이를위해노동운동은지역의 소비자 들과도만나야할것. - 따라서노동자의일상생활혹은소비자로서존재하는노동자에대한노동자운동의개입이필요하며이는곧지역및사회 ( 국가, 전세계 ) 적차원으로의개입을의미함. 그러한의미에서노동자운동은지역적이고사회적이어야하며정치적이어야함. 5. 노동운동의지역화를위한고민노동운동의사회임금상승등다양한의제와결합시도 4. 노동 과마을이만나야할필요성 노동운동의한계 - 노동조합조직력의약화, 비정규직등을폭넓게포괄하지못하고있는상황, 노동조합의사회운동적성격 - 기업복지말고, 사회복지를늘리는것이곧임금을올리는길이라는것, 동시에그것이나뿐만아니라우 ` 리아이들을포함한후세대들에게도행복한삶을물려주는길이라는걸인식해야함. 이를위해서어떤노력이필요한지함께고민해야할것. - 공장밖에서단지 소비자 로살아가는것이아니라환경, 여성, 장애, 소수자등다양한의제와관련해서도급진적문제의식을갖는것이풍요로운삶을만드는길이라는것을인식할수있도록해야함. 224 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 225

- 결국노동조합조합원은노동자이면서동시에인간으로서의모든권리를갖추고, 시민사회에서함께살아가는한명의온전한시민이되어야한다는점을깨달아야할것. 3) 지역단체들과연대 - 노동조합의자원과힘을지역사회에서진보세력이주도권을행사할수있는능력을키우는방향으로사용해야할것. 4) - 예를들어, 산별적리더쉽을갖춘지역활동가를양성하는지역노동활동가교육기관설립. 산별시대지역을진보적으로재편하고지역사회에책임있는세력으로서노동운동의위상을새워나갈지역정책연구소건설. 지역시민사회와의지속적소통구조를위하여지역사회운동가들의네트워크를구축등. 지역중소영세노동자조직화에대공장노조가여러방식으로직 간접지원을하면더좋을것. - 대기업노조와지역사회의교류, 일상적연대활동, 상호지원, 의제의공유등이활성화되고, 진보적시민단체, 협동조합, 노동정당의지역위원회등과의사회적연대에더많은인적 재정적자원을투입해야함. 5) - 예를들어, 지역차원에서공공병원이부족한지역에서는지역의공공의료원설립을요구할필요가있음. 이를통해지역의비정규직노동자들이나중소영세사업장노동자및자영업자들의의료복지증진방안을모색할필요가있음. 시민사회단체들과연대하여노동조합운동이지역공공의료원설립요구를해나간다면상당한의미가있을것. 6) 그런데이는노동조합이지역행정 / 의정에개입할실력을갖추고, 또한대공장노조정도가지역에있어야지역공공병원설립이가능할것. 만약그수준까지나아가기힘들다면, 노동조합이주도하여지역주민에게열린의료생협을만드는건어떨까. - 노동자밀집지역에서지역기업및지자체에대해서사회적인책임을요구하면서부지확보및공공임대 - 지역차원에서조직적단결을이루어내고 같은지역의노동자 라는정체성을형성하기위해서는공동체의식-조직이데올로기가필수적이라고할수있음. 시혜 가아니라연대를위해서는정체성형성에대한개입이필수적임. 이러한공동체의식을형성해야하기위해서는문화사업의중요성이강조되어야함. 상시적연대 / 조합원간일상적네트워크가작동되도록거점을만들고, 운영. - 일상적인네트워크가만들어지려면, 그것을수행하는공간과조직이있어야함. 특히노동조합이나시민단체의간부급이아니라평조합원-회원그리고일반시민들간의교류가활성화되기위해서는더욱그러함. - 이를위해민중의집운동에주목할필요있음. 민중의집은기존노동조합조합원들이회사를벗어나서도계급적일수있도록하는일상프로그램을운영하면서생활의생태계자체를새롭게만드는역할을할것. - 예를들어, 노동조합및지역시민사회단체네트워크강화. 지역차원의노동조합끼리의교류확대, 노동조합및노동운동에대한지역사회인식개선및지역시민사회교류, 노동조합의지역사회참여, 노동조합조합원이지역사업에참여할계기제공등의사업이가능. 반자본주의 / 반신자유주의의문제의식유지 - 작업장노동조건의제를떠나사회공공적가치 ( 의제 ) 를중심에놓고대중성, 사회성, 대정부투쟁을이끌어가는것은항상해야할일. 동시에노동운동이국가권력혹은대자본에맞선정치적, 사회적투쟁을활동의중심에두는것도기본. 9) - 만약지역공동체의특수한이익을위한운동으로전개될경우신자유주의세계화에반대하는보편적인노동자계급주체를형성하려고하는시도와는무관하게될것. 10) 주택건설을요구하는것도좋은예. 7) 지역차원의 공동체형성 8) - 같은산별이라도노동자들의생활조건, 문화는모두천차만별임. ( 금속은좀나을수있음. 그러나예를들어공공노조의경우같은지역안에서도임금차이가수배에이르고직종도고액연봉연구자에서청소원에이르기까지다양 ) 3) 유형근, 산별노조시대노동조합의복지전략, 월간노동사회 138 호, 2008. 4) 정창윤 ( 전민주노동당울산시당위원장 ), 산별시대, 노조의지역활동방향, [ 기획토론회 ], 지역사회와노동조합. 2006.10. 22P. 5) 유형근, 산별노조시대노동조합의복지전략, 월간노동사회 138 호, 2008. 6) 전국금속노동조합노동연구원, 노동조합의의제확장정치사회적의제연구보고서, 2012 년 9 월 7) 전국금속노동조합노동연구원, 노동조합의의제확장정치사회적의제연구보고서, 2012 년 9 월 8) 박준형 전국공공서비스노조서울지역본부 ( 준 ), 공공산별노조건설의쟁점과전망, 월간사회운동 1 2 월호 9) 오건호, 공공부문노동운동워크샵발제문, 2009.7.14. 10) 박준형 전국공공서비스노조서울지역본부 ( 준 ), 공공산별노조건설의쟁점과전망, 월간사회운동 1 2 월호 226 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 227

발표 2 Labor, Neighborhoods, and Democracy Sang-gu KANG_Head of Guro People's House - For example, the social network one needs in order to solve labor issues at work is a labor union, which serves as a network of relations for treating and solving difficulties at work. A welfare state is a country in which welfare is universalized thanks to the presence of multiple such networks connected nationwide. A leading factor behind the rise of welfare states in Europe was the presence of centralized and well-networked trade unions. - Today s neighborhoods in Seoul are plagued with various issues, including contract-based workers struggling with job insecurity, the unemployed, self-employed small venders constantly running deficits, impoverished seniors denied welfare services, and the like. The main causes, such as extreme polarization, the spread of poverty and various forms of discrimination, all originate from sources outside neighborhoods. Neighborhoods are simply unequipped to solve these problems with external origins. The NCP serves people who perceive their living vicinities as their own neighborhoods. 1. Neighborhood Community Project (NCP) in Seoul 1) The NCP defines neighborhood as a physical space one can walk around in 10 to 15 minutes. - The goal of the project is to focus on the social activities that take place in the immediate vicinity of people. However, the project forgets that it is impossible to satisfy all one s daily needs and wants in that very limited space alone. Even with the best-working social relations and networks in one s neighborhood, one could not solve problems that originate from networks of social relations that lie outside that neighborhood.6036 - For example, the distance between one s home and one s work is dependent entirely on where one s main labor market is located. In the Seoul-Gyeonggi region, it is common for people to spend at least an hour on commuting to and from work every day. It is rather difficult to find people who live within a 15-minute distance from their workplaces. It is impossible to build and extend a network for the satisfaction of daily needs with the NCP alone. 1) Kang Sang-gu (2014), Assessment of Seoul s NCP, Progressive Commentaries, 60; Kang Sang-gu (2014), On the Fence between Flight and Fight: Can We Resist the Park Geun-hye Administration through Neighborhood Community Activities?, One Year of the Park Geun-hye Administration: Eight Different Perspectives. - The NCP, in other words, is a strategy that only serves people who are capable of permanent settlement in the same locations. - Yet the majority of Koreans today do not own homes. In a major metropolis like Seoul, at least 15 percent of the population is required to look for and move to different residential settings each year. - The NCP authors argue that four years suffice for non-homeowning residents of a neighborhood to be replaced completely with other non-homeowning residents. Nevertheless, the 60 percent of neighborhood residents that lack their own homes are the ones who are excluded from the cultural terrain of the established neighborhood communities and who are therefore denied participation in self-governance. - The NCP, in other words, may therefore serve only as a democracy of homeowners. Will the NCP smoothen the edges of other grassroots forms of social activism? - Neighborhood community movements, led by region- or space-dependent actors, are more likely to smoothen the edges of other social movements rather than add forces to the latter. - Neighborhoods are likely to reaffirm the alienation of labor activism rather than adding local support and synergy to it. Any political activities aiming at changing institutions or systems are more likely to be shunned than accepted. - The NCP is therefore farther along the conservative scale than even the Project for Becoming Autonomous Citizens, and could not be further from the ideal of equality for labor and workers. 228 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 229

2. Neighborhoods as Conservative Living Ecosystems and People on the Periphery Conservative living ecosystems 2) - The local today is the forefront of the class conflicts and struggles amid the expansion of neoliberal and financial globalization. The right-wing conservatives completely dominate the local governance structure in Korea, with the majority of people living in ecosystems or networks of relations upon which conservatives exert undue influences. - Local governance today features the following four types of political groupings: (1) Neoliberal-leaning, growth-centered coalitions with nationwide networks, who form diverse forms of relations with locals, mainly in areas with major party bases (for either or both the Grand National Party (governing) or the Democratic Party (opposing)), and the head offices or major subsidiaries of financial, manufacturing, construction, distribution or capital companies. These coalitions either exploit the surrounding area as a pool of labor supply (manufacturing) and/or pursue diverse benefits and profits of local amenities (areas with multiple factories). These coalitions also use the surrounding area to partner up with central or local government organizations (construction); dominate the local consumption process, ending up in alienating the area by not contributing to the area s development without depriving the area of its resources (distribution); or remain aloof on all local activities and processes, staying in the given area only because of the ease of connection it affords to other areas (finance and global capitalism). It is members of central or local government politics (National Assembly representatives or heads of local governments) who benefit from the capital provided by these coalitions and who directly govern the given area. (2) Local welfare foundations, school corporations, the local press and local finance; (3) The local property-owning gentry, semi-governmental (or pro-governmental) organizations (e.g., Righteous Living, New Village Movement, Freedom Federation, etc.), volunteer patrol guards and firefighters and other local groupings associated with these organizations; (4) Parents-teacher associations, parental associations, etc. who are influenced by the neoliberal logic of comparison and who end up serving as the interest of the conservative 2) Kang Sang-gu (2013), Present and Prospects of the Peoplehouse Movement in Korea: Toward Establishing Local Networks of Labor Activists, Progressive Parties and Cooperatives, International forum with the Swedish Folk Home Associations (New Possibilities for Local Social Activism: People s Home). governance structure. - The four levels of groups listed above are all connected to one another by common interests. There is a firm give-and-take relationship among all the levels (e.g., electoral support and sponsorship subsidies). - Groups at each level constantly strive to do something for local communities, with businesses launching various social contribution campaigns and opening up new jobs for young people and even sponsoring local activist groups. Pro-governmental organizations and property owners also engage in year-round charity and volunteer work. - In the local society defined and governed by these groups, the majority of people live everyday doing exhaustive labor. Over 80 percent of small venders in these neighborhoods constantly run deficits, and stores close and are replaced with new ones on a daily basis. The streets of such a local society are flooded with distributors oppressed by large corporations, professional caregivers, contract-based substitute teachers, courier deliverymen, and other underpaid residents. These people make up the vast majority of local residents, but never join the groups that govern the given system. Can the NCP bring people on the periphery to the center? - The NCP has not entirely failed to mobilize new political actors and subjects. As statistics show, the NCP continues to increase civic participation in homemakers in their 30s and 40s who are interested in education and children-related issues, retirees, and young people. - These newly mobilized political groupings include individuals who can afford to take a break from the core issues on their own life agendas, at least for the time being. Conversely, these individuals can also desert their communities when their own core issues become critical. - These individuals are home lessees without secure ties to the neighborhood, teenagers who are yet free from the pressure of preparing for university examinations, and others who are lucky enough not to toil daily to earn their living. However, home lessees are people on the periphery who will be forced to leave the community if they cannot afford the rising rent. People who can spare time for their small hobby groups and activities are not daily working people struggling with exhaustive labor. Homemakers who were active in their circles and suddenly disappear are those who have started part-time jobs. Youth cafes and neighborhood creativity workshops still attract younger teenagers or young adults who are relatively free from university-related stresses, but who will eventually 230 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 231

leave when schools become more important issues in their lives. - The NCP, in other words, coexists with the pursuit of development, and programs for local youth coexist with university-centered postsecondary education system. The word coexistence conceals things ugly. A battered housewife and a wife beater can coexist in the same household, but such coexistence is only a source of conflict and distress. A money-hungry employer and an exploited employee may coexist in the same company, but the mere word cannot embellish the relations of repression and exploitation that go on. self-governing districts eager for the NCP are hostile to the campaigns of contract-based workers for full-time job security, less than favorably inclined to the popular and growing demand for school food free from the dangers of radiation, and even discourage locals initiatives for setting up memorial grounds in commemoration of the victims of the Sewol ferry. Local activism should strive to reveal and challenge this authoritarianism of local administration. 4. Need for the Marriage of Labor and Neighborhoods 3. What Is to Be Done? Limits of labor activism Solidarity with other resistance communities - Cooperation and solidarity with other resistance communities is required. Labor unions, progressive parties and radical social activists need to establish clear local visions and strategies and make active headways into neighborhoods. Grassroots participation in labor unions should be encouraged. Labor activists should outgrow their practice of campaigning locally only when their own interests are at stake. - New occasions are needed to make neighborhood activism more responsive to societywide issues, keeping in mind the potential that neighborhoods have to invite fundamental changes to the Korean society. Apartment movements should raise questions with the current real estate policy and speculative practices. Local movements for youth should challenge the excessively university-orientation of high school education. Neighborhood creativity groups should strive to shorten work hours for local participants. Energy move `ments should team up with activists at Samcheok, Yeongdeok and elsewhere, demanding phase-by-phase cessation of nuclear power plants. Local media projects should resist the pro-power nature of the mainstream media and serve as channels of alternative voices. Neighborhood enterprises and venders should be critical of the monopolistic practices of large corporations. Community nursing and childcare projects should promote gender equality in local societies. Criticizing, checking and watching administrative power - The NCP should accommodate locals increasing criticism of, checks on, and watch over administrative power. Participants should not limit their activities and cooperation to the inside of the system only. NCP participants living in neighborhoods where the rapid train tracks exist should be able to criticize Seoul s rapid transit policy. In reality, however, - Labor unions are growing increasingly weak and have failed to include contract-based and part-time workers. They have failed to mark themselves as social movements, to develop everyday activities and campaigns for members, and to present labor-based ideological and social alternatives. - The number of contract-based and part-time workers has multiplied significantly over the years, but labor activism, still centered on the job security for full-time workers, has only alienated them, with the unionization rate rapidly dropping as a result. - Labor activism has also failed to achieve its two main objectives, i.e., establishment of trade unions and the establishment of labor as a mainstream political issue and grouping. - Company-by-company unions, which emerged in the 1980s, now act as obstacles to trade unions. Contract-based and part-time workers continue to live precariously here and there within given regions. Company unions are severely confined to individual factories. - Establishing labor s presence in mainstream politics has floundered badly with the dissolution of the progressive party in Korea. Teaming up with local movements is crucial to overcome the limits of labor activism. - We now need to find ways to accommodate the needs of diverse types of workers, with an effective activism model that includes full-time and part-time workers alike, workers at large corporations and small businesses alike, and workers across all companies in each given industry. - Labor activism should help to find acceptable solutions for all rather than siding with wage struggles at particular companies or demanding greater welfare for workers from the national government. Contract-based and part-time workers have almost no channel through which they can demand sufficient wages and welfare from their companies. It is 232 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 233

more realistic for labor unions to demand social wages rather than company wages, and social welfare rather than company welfare. However, confining our target to the central government only may limit the extent to which contract-based and part-time workers can participate. That is why we need a new model of grassroots activism encompassing everyday living and politics together. - Everyday living in this day and age of capitalism consists mostly of consumption and spending. Through consumption, workers meet workers of other fields and sectors. It is therefore indeed questionable why consumption should become the ground for discord and confrontation instead of solidarity. Capitalists divide workers against one another by opposing labor strikes with consumers welfare. Workers themselves oppose strikes by other workers. We need to break free from this vicious cycle of everyday living and cultivate principles of solidarity. That is why labor activism needs to embrace local consumers as well. - Labor activism should therefore include individuals not only as workers, but also as consumers. Labor activism therefore needs to intervene in local, social, national and international affairs. That is why labor activism is local, social and political, all at the same time. 5. Toward Localization of Labor Activism Raising social wage and other diverse issues on the agenda of local activism - We need to see that the only way to increase the effective wage for workers is to raise wages not at the company level, but throughout the society through greater welfare services. That is also the only way to ensure the happiness of our children and theirs. We need to work together to find solutions to this end. - Labor union members should also realize that their lives would be enriched and strength ened when they begin to take interest in issues that affect all rather than their welfare as consumers only. Examples include the environment, women, the disabled, ethnic and sexual minorities, etc. - Labor union members should remember that they are not only workers, but also human beings entitled to a much wider range of rights and bearing greater responsibilities as citi zens in a democratic society. 3) Solidarity with other local activism groups - Labor unions should apply their resources and power to enable and empower progressive local groupings. 4) - For example, labor unions can provide direct and indirect support for establishing local labor activism training centers to cultivate future trade union leaders; local policy research centers specializing in policy solutions that can establish labor activism as a major ally of progressive politics and local communities; networks of local social activists who can keep the channels of communication with local communities open; and new unions in small local factories. - Greater amounts of human and financial resources should be invested in cultivating and maintaining solidarity with locals, by increasing exchange between large-corporation unions and local communities, launching and organizing everyday campaigns, providing mutual support and goodwill, sharing issues on the policy agenda, and working with members of progressive NGOs, cooperatives and labor parties. 5) - For example, in a region that has a shortage of public hospitals and healthcare, labor unions can add their support to the demand for creating public hospitals in the region. This will also be necessary to improve the medical welfare of contract-based and parttime workers, workers at small businesses, and small venders. To this end, labor unions need to team up with other organizations of the civil society. 6) However, such activism and solidarity would be useless unless the participating labor unions had enough power to exert their influence on local policymaking and to promise enough support and clients for the hospital to be built. If unions in a given region lack such power and resources, they may still lead the local efforts for establishing a medical consumers cooperative. - In worker-populated neighborhoods, labor unions may also demand that local businesses and government organizations fulfill their social responsibility by increasing public hous- 3) Yu Hyeong-geun (2008), Welfare Strategy for Labor Unions in the Age of Trade Unions, Labor and Society Monthly, 138. 4) Jeong Chang-yun (2006), Directions for Labor Unions in Local Activism in the Age of Trade Unions, Feature Public Debate on Local Communities and Labor Unions, p. 22. 5) Yu (2008). 6) Federation of Korean Metal Workers Trade Union Labor Research Institute (2012), Report on Expanding the Political and Social Agenda of Labor Unions. 234 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 235

ing. 7) Forming local communities 8) - Even in the same trade union, union members enjoy different levels of living conditions and welfare. (Things may be a little better for the metalworkers union. In the public service union, however, even workers working in the same region are all paid differently, and occupy far-ranging positions in the given hierarchy, from high-paid researchers to janitors.) - In order for labor activism to achieve greater organizational power and establish a collec tive identity with locals, it is crucial to develop and cultivate a sense of community and an organizational ideology. Identity formation is essential to solidarity over and beyond reciprocal favor. That is why social and cultural events and campaigns are necessary. Labor activism should stand at the center of political and society-wide struggles against power and capital. 9) - If labor activism turns into campaigns serving the particular interests of particular com munities only, it will no longer be truthful to the ideal of freeing workers from neoliberal globalization. 10) Running hubs of everyday networks and solidarity among union members and neighbors - We need organization and space to create and operate an everyday network of solidarity with locals. This is particularly important to increase exchange with not only the executives of labor and other groups, but also with lay members and citizens at large. - Consider the folk home movement in Sweden. These folk homes provide everyday pro grams of learning and recreational activities in which labor union members can participate outside the confines of their companies. These programs serve to renew the everyday ecosystem itself. - These programs help to strengthen the network between labor unions and other local groups, promote exchange among labor unions in the same region, improve locals perception and understanding of local activism, and ensure labor unions participation in local affairs and projects. Maintaining the anti-capitalist and anti-neoliberal consciousness - Labor unions should always strive to maintain their popular, social and governmental campaigns by putting public and social values first before specific issues of labor politics. 7) Federation of Korean Metal Workers Trade Union Labor Research Institute (2012). 8) Park Jun-hyeong, Issues and Prospects in Developing Public Trade Unions: Focusing on the Korea Public Service Union, Social Activism Monthly. 9) Oh Geon-ho (2009), presentation at the Public Sector Labor Activism Workshop. 10) Park. 236 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 237

3) 지역의몰락을가져오는신자유주의를받아들인문민정부, 국민의정부, 참여정부 발표 3 협동조합, 마을그리고민주주의 87년민주화운동이후탄생한정권중에서노태우는명백한군사정권의연장선상에서있었지만김영삼, 김대중, 노무현정권은군사정권과는다른정권, 민주정부로볼수있다. 하지만이들정권에서도지역사회가무너지는것은여전히진행되었다. 김영삼정부는작은학교통폐합을했고김대중정부는인구과소지역의보건진료소를폐쇄했다. 노무현정부는지역균형발전을내걸었지만비수도권지역의쇠락은막지못했다. 4) 오히려독이되어시민사회단체를약화시킨시민사회단체지원정책 정원각 _ 아이쿱협동조합지원센터 1. 들어가면서 민주화, 지방자치실시그리고신자유주의의도입과사회변화 1) 부활한지방자치를돌아봄 1987년 6월민주화항쟁의요구는대통령직선제와함께지방자치제전면실시였다. 1953년이승만정권이위기돌파를위해실시한지방자치가 1961년박정희군사쿠데타로중단되었고 30년만인 1991년주민자치 ( 선출직자치의회구성 ), 1995년단체자치 ( 단체장선출 ) 를시작으로 20년이지났다. 이를지방자치의요소 ( 자치권, 주민, 재원, 고유사무, 행정구역, 주민참여 ) 가운데가장평가하기쉬운주민과재원을중심으로살펴보자. 인구는 1995년에비해 2014년수도권에더집중되었다. 1995년수도권, 비수도권의인구비중이 45:55였으나 2014년에는 50:50으로더집중되었다. 각자치단체의재원을평가할수있는재정자립도는 1995년도보다 2014년은낮아졌고그중에서도비수도권은더낮아졌다. 참여정부, 국민의정부, 문민정부시절지역언론을비롯하여많은시민사회단체들이중앙정부, 자치단체의예산지원성프로젝트에참여하였다. 이는지역언론이과거중앙지, 일간지의지부와달리지역기득권세력에게문제를제기하는성향이강했기때문이다. 그러다보니지역신문은지역주민을독자로확보하는일에소홀히하고정부, 지자체의프로젝트를중심으로진행했다. 그런데이명박정권이지역신문발전기금을줄이기시작하자 (235억축소 ) 적지않은지역신문들이경영난에빠지고파산하는경우가생겼다.(http://www. opengirok.or.kr/2061) 시민사회단체도크게다르지않다. 5) 87년민주화, 지방자치실시이후지역은? 1987년시민들은민주주의의확산과지방자치를통해군사독재정권에게빼앗겼던권한, 권력, 민권등을찾아올것으로생각했다. 그리고민주주의발전단계중에서확산또는내포적심화를통해지역, 직장그리고학교등시민이사회를이루고사는공간에서는민주주의가실현되어삶을풍요롭게할것이라고기대했다. 하지만지방자치실시 20년이지난지금 민주주의가진전됐다, 시민의의견이지역사회에반영되고있다, 비수도권에서살만하다 등긍정적으로생각하는시민은많지않다. 오히려악화되었다고생각하고각종지표 ( 인구, 평균수명, 재정자립, 도서관, 박물관, 경제집중등 ) 도그렇다. 왜이렇게된것일까? 무엇이잘못된것이고어떻게개선해야할것인가? 이글에서는이러한문제를짚어보고실천사례를중심으로대안을찾아보려고한다. 2) 무너지는지역사회 2006년민주노동당발표에의하면이마트, 롯데마트, 홈플러스와같은대형매장하나가지역에들어서면 200~300개의자영업자들이문을닫는다고한다. 이를반영하듯이유통현황을보면 1990년대중반이후 10년동안대형할인매장이그이후는 SSM이, 그리고최근에는대기업프렌차이즈편의점이성장하였다. 이와는반대로지역의자영업자들이운영하는슈퍼는축소되고감소하였다. 아울러외부투자자들이투자한대형할인매장, 백화점등에서소비자가물건을구매하면지불한돈이평균 4시간후에서울과같이투자자, 주주들이사는곳으로간다고한다. 지역사회에서생산한가치, 소비자들이지불한돈들이지역에머무르지못하고외부로유출된다. 지역이빈곤해지는가장큰이유중의하나다. 2. 87년이후지역에서어떤운동들이있었는가? 1) 정부의신자유주의정책에대해저항하지못하는시민사회 앞에서밝혔듯이김영삼, 김대중정권은대통령당선자와그핵심관계자들의성향과관계없이신자유주의의흐름중에작은정부추구라는정책들이진행되었다. 즉, 정부의역할이지나치게크고예산을낭비하고있으므로공무원수와예산을줄여서효율성을이루어야한다는정책이관철된것이다. 그대표적인예가김영삼정부때진행한작은학교통폐합이고김대중정부때시행한인구적은지역에보건진료소를폐쇄였다. 김영삼정부 238 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 239

때에진행한 인구과소지역에있는작은학교를인근학교에통폐합하는정책 에대해서는 두밀리분교살리기 와같은운동들이있었으나실패했다. 이러한노력은전국곳곳에서있었다. 한편김대중정부시절에는외환위기로인해 IMF 깡드쉬등이요구한정부의긴축재정으로인구가적은지역에보건진료소를없애는정책을폈다. 이에대해진보적인보건의료노동조합과단체외에는거의반응을하지않았다. 시민사회단체들이상대적으로민주적인정부라고본김대중정부에서진행한일에대해눈을감은것이다. 2) 자치단체장, 의회의원등의문제에대한견제와감시도약화되다. 1992년부천시에서는부천YMCA가주축이되어 의정감시단 을만든다. 의정감시단을만든것은담배자판기를철거하는조례를만들면서다. 당시에일부청소년들이양담배를피우는데그양담배구입을자판기에서자유롭게하는것을막기위해서였다. 이후에는지방의원들이이권개입을하면서개인의이익을추구하는것을예방하고막는조직으로전국의여러지역에확산되었다. 지금은어떤가? 여전히의회의의원들만아니라단체장도이권개입, 뇌물, 리베이트, 외유성해외시찰, 선거때도와준사조직챙기기등으로언론에쉬지않고오르내린다. 하지만자치단체나지방의회를모니터하고견제하는단체는거의없다. 지금도많은문제들이있지만행정과의회에참여하여모니터를하는조직은드물다. 필요성은여전하지만시민사회단체는의회나자치단체를감시할조직을운영할능력이없다. 1990년대중반까지이루어진의회감시는시민사회단체의상근실무자들이중심이되어했다. 하지만실무자중심의일은오래가지못했다. 시민들이일상생활에서자발적으로참여해야하는데그렇지못한것이다. 이에대해한겨레신문은 시민없는시민운동 이라는기획기사로문제점을지적했다. 4) 신자유주의가중앙정부만아니라지방정부에도관철 2013년초경상남도홍준표도지사가시작한진주의료원폐업은김영삼정권부터시작한신자유주의가중앙정부만아니라광역, 기초자치단체에서도진행되고있음을알리는상징적인사건이었다. 경남도가진주의료원을폐업한핵심적인이유는두가지다. 하나는적자폭이크다는것과다른하나는노동조합이강성이라는것이다. 노동조합이강성이라는것은여러팩트에서사실이아님이드러났다. 하지만큰적자폭은사실이었고이에대해의료원폐업반대를주장하는진영에서는이렇다할해결책을내놓지못했다. 결국절차의합법성만가지고다투다가마무리되고말았다. 홍준표도지사는이어서친환경무상급식에지원하는예산을중단하였다. 마찬가지로예산의문제였다. 물론보편적복지를거부하고선별적복지를하고자하는나름의논리도있다. 하지만핵심은예산의문제였다. 이에대해경남의시민사회단체들은도지사주민소환등의방법으로대응하고있다. 남원에서도의료원민영화나폐쇄가거론되고있다. 이와같이자치단체가예산부족을이유로공공성을포기하고있다. 이와같이지역사회에서다양한운동들이시도되었으나지역사회의쇠락, 민주주의의정체, 복지의후퇴, 자영업자들의몰락등을막지못하고있다. 그러면지역사회가활성화되고살아나기위해서는어떤일들이필요한가? 3. 지역사회활성화를위한조건 3) 자영업자의몰락을가져오는대형매장을막지못하는지역사회수백개의자영업자들이사라지게하는대형매장이지역사회에들어갈때에시민사회단체들은반대운동을하지만아무런소용이없다. 이유는주민들이반대하지않기때문이다. 주민들가운데에는싼가격, 좋은품질그리고직원들의친절등의이유로대형매장을환영하는사람들이훨씬더많다. 우리나라에서대형할인매장이 1990년대중반서울에서생긴이후전국에엄청난속도로커져갔다. 특히, 초기에는지역주민들이대부분환영일색이었다. 그리고대형매장의진입을반대하는지역의시민사회단체는호응을받지못했다. 왜그랬을까? 그것은그동안지역에서소위대기업메이커를판매하는옷, 가구, 가전제품매장을운영하는사람들의문제이며그런문제를깊이있게보지못하거나보더라도해결방법이없는시민사회단체들의한계였다. 대형매장이들어오기전까지대기업메이커를판매하는상인들은지역에서시민, 민중에게군림하는또하나의지배계층이었다. 라이온스클럽, 로터리클럽과같은자기들만의이권조직을만들어지배해온것이다. 그들은노동자이자소비자인지역민들에게폭리를취하고불친절했다. 그런지역유지들이경영하는상점에비해대형매장은품질은좋고가격은싸며직원들은친절했다. 이런상태에서지역에대형매장이들어오는것을반대하는사람은거의없었다. 한편지역에서생산된부가대형매장을통해수도권, 서울, 강남3구, 도쿄, 런던등으로빠져나가고지역은점점가난해진다는것을알고느끼게되었으나소비자들의소비행태를돌릴방법은거의없다. 지역사회가무너지는것은한국사회만의현상이아니다. 이는신자유주의의세계화이후세계곳곳에서벌어지고있는현상이다. 대처리즘의고향인영국에서는무너지는지역사회를재건, 회복하기위해서생긴조직중의대표적인것이바로사회적기업이다. 자본의자유화, 투자 ( 투기 ) 의자유는지역의내적발전시스템을붕괴시켰고그붕괴된자리에들어가지역의부를주주들, 본사가있는대도시, 외국으로빼가고있는것이다. 이런상황속에서 2007년월드워치에서발간한 도시의미래, 2007 지구환경보고서 에서는지역사회에대한다양한문제를특집으로다루었다. 특히, 신자유주의이후무너지는지역, 도시가재생하고회복하기위해서는다음의여섯가지의자본이재구성되어야한다고지적하고있다. 1) 자연자본의소비를최소화하기위해생태적한계를초과하지않는범위내에서자연자원을보전하며가치를높여토양, 대기, 에너지등의자원을지속가능하게사용하고청정생산방법을활용하며고형폐기물, 폐수, 대기오염등을최소화한다. 2) 물리적자본을개선해야한다. 병원, 학교등공공시설물, 물공급과하수구설비, 효율적인수송, 안전하고질높은주택, 적절한인프라, 원거리통신과같은지역사회자산에초점을맞추고공공재성격을강화해야한다, 240 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 241

3) 경제적자본을강화해야한다. 쓰레기재활용처럼기존자원의활용극대화, 지역사회내에서돈을순환, 지방에서수입을대체할신상품개발하고특히, 다른사람과공정하게거래하여지역사회금융기관발전에초점을맞춰야한다. 조합의정신에도맞지않고제도적으로도불가능하게되어있다. 4) 인적자본이증가해야한다. 생산적이고혁신적인일꾼을만들기위해훈련을늘려작업장의활력을높이고보건, 영양, 교육, 읽고쓰는능력, 가족과지역사회의유대와같은영역에초점. 평화와안전, 식량, 보금자리, 교육, 소득그리고고용과같은기본적인요인이필요하다. 5) 사회적자본 1) 이증가해야한다. 협력과파트너십뿐만아니라효과적이고대표적인지방거버넌스, 튼튼한조직역량형성, 참여적계획, 정보에대한접근관심등이다. 6) 마지막으로문화적자본이향상되어야한다. 전통과가치, 유산과신분, 예술, 다양성, 역사에대한관심을갖고보전, 유지해야한다. 이처럼지역사회에사람이살고 2세가태어나서교육받고살아간다는것은인간생활에서필요한물질과문화, 정신등이구체적으로대안을가지고만들어져야하는것이다. 이여섯가지자본의재구성을어떤조직이담당할것인가? 물론다양한형태의조직, 시민사회, 지방정부등이참여해야한다. 하지만지역사회에서공공성이있는경제적인부를형성하고축적하는데유럽에서는협동조합, 공제조합등의사회적경제조직이담당해왔다. 특히, 협동조합은사업체, 결사체두가지의성격을유지하면서경제와민주주의를실현할수있는조직이다. 2) 도시와농촌의균형을협동조합으로레이들로박사는 1980년모스크바총회에제출한보고서 ( 서기 2000년의협동조합 ) 에서빠르게진행되는도시화와농촌의몰락을지적하면서농촌과도시의균형있는발전을강조하고있다. 그리고많은문명의몰락이도시에서시작되었음을지적하면서도시의중요성을지적하였다. 그러므로많은사람들이도시에살게되므로도시내에지역사회건설을위해협동조합이건설의필요성을요구하고있다. 특히, 생협의범위와역할을벗어나삶의다양한영역을다루는종합협동조합의역할을강조하고있다. 3) 한국사회에서지역이란법률의영향력이미치는중앙 ( 법률이지배하는 ) 과달리조례가영향을미치는지역의의미보다는서울중심의수도권과비수도권의차이와모순을극복하는것이중요하다. 이에대해아이쿱생협이어떻게, 무엇을준비하고해왔는가? 5. 아이쿱생협에서지방 ( 지역, 비수도권 ) 이가지는의미와활성화정책과성과 1) 다른생협과역사적으로다른이행경로 4. 협동조합에서지역이가지는의미 - 왜지역이중요한가? 1) 협동조합의정체성과지역 협동조합은본래조합원이생산수단을소유함으로써생산된가치가투자자 ( 자본가 ) 에게유출되지않는것을중요한목표로하고있다. 즉, 조합원이노동자나농민인노동자협동조합과농업협동조합, 조합원이소비자인소비자협동조합은생산에기여한노동과지불한금액이다시조합원에게돌아가게하는것이다. 이런기업을조합원소유기업 (Member Owned Enterprise) 라고한다. 한편투자를노동자, 조합원, 회원이하지않고외부에서하는방식을투자자소유기업 (Investment Owned Enterprise) 이라고하는데여기서는생산된부가회사의노동자나소비자에게돌아가지않고외부투자자에게돌아간다. 협동조합에서는자신이거주하는지역을중심으로조합을만들수있고사업구역을정하기때문에거주지나직장이있는곳을벗어나투자하는것은협동 - 아이쿱생협은지역에서출발했다. 1997년사업을출발할때 6개의지역생협의절박함에서시작했다. 두레생협은 1997년생협전국연합회의사업을계승받아만들었는데생협전국연합회는 1983년신협에서구판장사업을한조직들이소협중앙회를먼저만들고이후지역생협을만드는탑다운 (top down) 방식이었다. 한살림도원주에서시작했지만 1988년서울에한살림농산을만들고그조직이중심이되어지역한살림을설립하는흐름이었다. 여성민우회가시작한행복중심생협역시서울 ( 또는중앙 ) 에생협을만들고이후지역생협을건설하였다. - 이와는달리아이쿱생협은수도권의 5개생협, 비수도권의 1개생협등 6개의지역생협이힘을합해연합조직을만들어바텀업 (bottom up) 방식이었다. - 아울러이후 2000년부터는지역에생협을만들기위해전국공동물류를채택하였는데이는당시다른생 `협들이수도권을중심으로물류를한것과는매우다른방식이었다. 2) 비수도권지역, 지방은아이쿱생협의뿌리 - 한국사회에서지난 40 년은지방 ( 비수도권 ) 은자본은투자를외면하고사람 ( 농민 ) 은떠나는공간이었다. 1) 퍼트남저 / 안청시등역, 사회적자본과민주주의 에서는이탈리아남부와북부의민주주의, 지방자치발달정도를비교하면서민주주의에긍정적인영향을미치는독립변수로진보정당, 협동조합, 노동조합을들고있다. 지방자치가부활했지만여전히비수도권, 지방은재정은취약해지고사람은줄고있다. 이와는달리수도 권, 중앙은경제력이더집중되고사람은몰리고있음. 더욱이신자유주의는이러한중앙집중에날개를 242 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 243

달아자본기업의주주들이중앙에서정치권력과결합하여중앙, 수도권을더욱강화하고있다. - 이와함께농업에종사하는농민들도수도권에서는농업에대한일보다는땅값이오르는것을기대하고땅값이오르면농사를포기하려는상황이다. 이런속에서아이쿱생협은비수도권, 지방을매우중요하게인식하였다. 지방은지속가능한농업을유지하려는농민들의실질적인삶의터전임. 지속가능한농업은비수도권, 지방에서가능한것이현실이다. - 아이쿱생협은비수도권인지방에소비자조직이생기면물류효율성이매우높아질것으로판단하였다. 초기에수도권에서생산한가공식품들을지방의조합원에게공급하고수도권으로올때에는지방 1차농산물을가지고올라오는방식으로공차율을크게낮추었다. - 결국생협, 협동조합이지향하는사람중심의경제는사람이거주하는곳에사업이진행되어야가능하다. 그런면에서비수도권, 지방은사람이지속적으로살아갈수있는공간이되도록해야한다. 3) 아이쿱생협의비수도권활성화를위한정책방향 - 지속가능한농업이될수있도록농업생산은지방에집중육성한다. 아이쿱생협의 1차농산물의주생산지는주로비수도권에있다. 수도권과인구가많은광역시근처의생산자는지속가능한농업에대한관심보다는농지가격등에대한관심이높고농지가격을농산물가격에반영하려고한다. 그러므로아이쿱생협은농업을계속하려는농민이아이쿱생협의중심된생산자가되도록한다. - 지방은인간중심의사업체에있어서중요한토대다. 자본주도의기업들이수도권에집중하는것과달리아이쿱생협은사람이살아가야하는근거지인지방에집중했다. 예로써학교급식의경우대자본급식업체들이학교급식에참여하는곳은수도권과광역시였다. 중소도시군단위에는대자본급식업체들이거의참여를하지않았는데그이유는이윤이낮기때문이다. 하지만아이쿱생협은조합원이거주하는지역, 비수도권지역을중요한거점으로파악했다. - 지역에서자산확보 ( 물리적자본확보 ) 를통해안정적이고지속적인활동공간을확보해야한다. 스웨덴, 스페인, 이탈리아등의민중의집과같이노동자, 소비자들이물리적공간, 자산등을독자적으로확보하는것은안정적인활동과소통등을위해매우중요하다. 아이쿱생협은 10년전인 2006년부터이런논의를시작했고 2010년전남의해남지역을시작으로생협센터를세우기시작했다. 4) 아이쿱생협의지방활성화정책의성과 - 전제 80개의지역생협중에서비수도권에약 43( 준비위포함 ) 개의지역생협이존재하고있다. 특히, 해남군과예산군과같이군단위에서도생협을하고있다. - 생협센터건립을통해지역시민사회구심점역할 사회자산확보. 전남해남, 전북남원, 광주, 대전의한밭과대전, 경북상주등전국 8개의지역에생협센터를건립하여 지역활성화를꾀하고있고이는지역공공자산이될것임. - 수도권과비수도권 ( 중앙과지방 ) : 2001년에조합원수와매출수도권이 70%, 비수도권이 30% 였으나 2012년에는조합원은 41%:59%, 매출은 36%:64% 로역전됨. < 표 1> icoop생협수도권, 비수도권조합원비율현황 2001년 2006년 2012년 비고 조합원수 비율 (%) 조합원수 비율 (%) 조합원수 비율 (%) 수도권 2,316 70.5 10,145 50.8 70,395 41.4 비수도권 971 29.5 9,826 49.2 99,732 58.6 합계 3,287 100.0 19,971 100.0 170,127 100.0 < 표2> icoop생협수도권, 비수도권매출액비율현황 ( 매년 12월매출액기준 ) 2001 2006 2012 비고 매출액 ( 백만 ) 비율 (%) 매출액 ( 백만 ) 비율 (%) 매출액 ( 백만 ) 비율 (%) 수도권 491 71.9 2,275 51.6 7,514 35.9 비수도권 192 28.1 2,135 48.4 13,437 64.1 합계 683 100.0 4,410 100.0 20,951 100.0 6. 아이쿱생협소속지역생협의자산취득과지역사회기여 1) 매장 (1) 규모 2006년 8월부터지역생협이매장을소유하기시작했다. 아이쿱생협은 1997년경영의어려움을극복하기위해지역생협매장을없애고무점포가정공급만을해오다가 10년만에다시매장을경영하기로하였다. 2014 년 12월말 80개의회원생협이 117개의매장을운영하고연합회직영 23개, 개인매장 18개를포함하면전체 158개의매장이다. 1개의매장에 2억 ~ 10억원정도를모금 ( 출자와차입 ) 하고있다. (2) 매장취득방법 117개의매장이지역생협이자체소유하고있는매장이다. 이들매장은지역생협의조합원들의출자또는차입을통해이루어지고있다. 일부의경우지방자치단체가자기지역에서생산되는친환경농산물을일정비율이상판매하는것을조건으로자금을빌려주는경우가있음. 2) 사무실 80 개지역생협가운데 3 개의준비위원회를제외한대부분이독자적인사무실을가지고있다. 사무실마련 244 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 245

은지역생협조합원의출자를중심으로마련하고있다. 6. 센터를운영하는생협들의활성화 1) 지역아이쿱생협센터활동 3) 생협센터설립 (1) 2010년전남해남에처음으로시작으로 2011년에는전라북도남원에 4층연건평 320평의건물을사서 1 층매장, 2, 3층조합원과지역사회를위한문화공간, 4층은사무실과게스트하우스, 교육센터등으로활용하고있다. (2) 2012년 4월에는대전시둔산동에 3층건물을건립하여의료생협이함께입주하고외국이주민 ( 도시와농촌노동자그자녀등포함 ), 불법체류자무료치료진행중이다. 2013년에는유성지역에대전아이쿱센터를건립하였다. (3) 2012년 12월경북상주, 2013년 5월광주에 5층건물개축하여생협센터 ( 또는 협동의집 ) 를설립했으며 2014년 12월에는충남홍성군홍성읍에대지 700평에연건평 500평센터를설립하였다. (4) 아이쿱생협에서는현재부산에생협센터를건축하고있다. 앞으로비수도권그리고농촌지역에생협센터를우선세우는것을목표로하고있음. 4) 지역생협의자산취득의의미 (1) 공공자산의확보 - 대부분의자산이사유화되어있는지역사회에서시민사회가함께이용할수있는자산을확보한다. 궁극적으로는생협이취득한자산은개인의부보다는사회의부, 공동의자산을늘려가는운동으로이어진다. (2) 안정적인사업, 활동기반마련 - 영국, 이탈리아에서사회적기업, 사회적협동조합이협동조합, 시민사회의자산을기반으로시작되었듯이생협만이아니라지역사회의다른협동조합, 사회적기업, 시민사회단체등이사업, 활동을할수있는기반이된다. (3) 다른분야에도확대 - 의료, 가스, 상하수도, 교육등생활의기반이되는시설, 자산등이공공성을가질수있도록협력하는기반이된다. < 표 3> 2014 년생협센터활동현황 NO 센터이름프로그램종류횟수참여인원비고 1 남원센터 2 해남센터 3 한밭센터 4 상주센터 5 대전센터 6 빛고을센터 문화행사 ( 공연, 발표, 영화상영등 ) 16 919 시민교육, 대중강좌 6 296 연수, 워크숍 ( 회원생협, 등 ) 6 53 각종모임, 대여 ( 청소년, 자원활동, 동아리등 ) 49 507 견학및방문현황 ( 조합, 외빈, 해외방문자등 ) 18 306 계 95 2,081 시민교육, 대중강좌 7 161 타단체사용 ( 대관 ) 3 170 각종모임 ( 기념식외 ) 3 80 각종모임대여 ( 동아리, 타단체 ) 96 800 계 109 1,211 문화행사 ( 영화상영, 공연 ) 3 228 시민교육, 대중강좌 10 264 어린이교육, 청소년모임 4 85 동아리, 마을모임 372 3,120 연대단체사용 ( 대관 ) 74 3,540 계 463 7,237 문화행사 ( 영화상영 ) 65 4,000 조합원행사 45 450 시민교육, 대중강좌 22 175 타단체사용 ( 대관 ) 99 1,900 연수, 워크숍 64 512 계 295 7,037 문화행사 ( 공연, 영화상영 ) 43 650 대중강좌 6 400 각종모임 ( 기념식, 송년회등 ) 11 700 동아리, 마을모임 380 1,900 타단체사용 ( 대관 ) 11 900 계 451 4,550 문화행사 ( 공연, 영화상영등 ) 17 365 개관식 1 100 대중강좌, 강좌, 교육 30 1,001 요리, 식품안전교육 20 247 센터내소모임 ( 마을모임제외 ) 54 398 광주전남권역교육, 강좌 14 485 2011 년 6 월개관 2010 년 6 월개관 2012 년 4 월개관 / 민들레의료생협병원 2012 년 12 월개관 2013 년 9 월개관 2014 년 5 월개관 246 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 247

NO 센터이름프로그램종류횟수참여인원비고 6 빛고을센터 7 홍성센터 식센터 - 진로, 영양사교육등 57 1,305 식센터 - 강사교육등 7 83 자회사교육, 회의등 31 952 센터견학 4 64 대관 13 235 계 248 5,235 타단체사용 ( 대관 ) 3 50 개관식 1 700 게스트하우스 1 4 계 5 754 전체합계 1,666 28,105 2) 생협센터가조직의활성화에미치는영향 2014 년 12 월개관 2010 년부터세우기시작한생협센터는 2015 년현재비수도권중심으로 8 개의자가소유센터가있다. 한편 부산동래아이쿱이나진주아이쿱과같이연합회나단위조합의소유건물이아닌임차건물에교육장, 카페등의센터성격의공간을가지고있는지역들이있다. 이들가운데남원아이쿱생협, 한밭아이쿱생협, 동래아이쿱생협 ( 임차 ) 등센터를가지고있는세곳의지역아이쿱생협의조직과교육현황을살펴보면다음의표와같다. 세곳모두센터가설립된이후교육과조직활동이활성화되었음을알수있다. 구분전체조합원수조직수 ( 마을모임, 동아리 ) 조직참여수교육참여수비고 2012 3,723 50 249 1,521 약식교육 325 포함 2013 4,534 50 354 1,559 지역사회활동대폭증가 2014 5,451 65 318 1,644 전체조합원수 ( 조합비부과자 ), 조직수, 조직참여수 ( 조합원, 비조합원계 ) 는매년 12 월을기준. 교육참여수는연중참여자로연인원임. 동래아이쿱자체교육만산출 ( 연합, 권역, 지역제외 ) < 표 6> 한밭아이쿱생협조직참여와교육참여현황 (2008~2014) 구분전체조합원수조직수 ( 마을모임, 동아리 ) 조직참여수교육참여수비고 2008 1,679 22 145 50 2009 2,512 19 182 100 2010 3,406 18 212 227 2011 4,179 37 336 819 2012 4,348 56 387 1,601 한밭센터설립 2013 5,148 79 547 2,025 2014 5,575 98 718 2,098 7. 마무리 전체조합원수 ( 조합비부과자 ), 조직수, 조직참여수 ( 조합원, 비조합원계 ) 는순인원 ( 중복제외 ) 교육참여수는연중참여자로연인원임. 한밭아이쿱자체교육만산출 ( 연합, 권역, 지역제외 ) < 표 4> 남원아이쿱생협조직참여와교육참여현황 (2009~2014) 구분 전체조합원수 조직수 ( 마을모임, 동아리 ) 조직참여수 교육참여수 비고 2009 115 4 31 200 법인설립전의활동 2010 152 7 49 450 법인설립후의활동 2011 760 20 74 544 매장과센터설립 2012 1,015 22 94 902 2013 1,168 21 147 1,434 2014 1,388 32 153 992 앞에서지적하였듯이지방자치가부활했지만그지방자치는신자유주의라는세계적인태풍으로인해지역에민주주의확산과지역경제활성화라는본질적인역할에영향을주지못했다. 여러지표에서삶의질이후퇴한것으로나타났다. 이런환경속에서지역의시민사회단체도효과적인대응을하지못했다. 2000년 UN이협동조합의활성화를결의하고 2012년을협동조합의해로정한것은협동조합에대한기대를반영한것이다. 한국사회에서협동조합, 생협은사업을하는경제주체로서그리고민주주의를내부에서구현하고사회적요구를담당하는결사체로서역할을담당해야한다. 전체조합원수 ( 조합비부과자 ), 조직수, 조직참여수 ( 조합원, 비조합원계 ) 는매년 12 월을기준. 교육참여수는연중참여자로연인원임. 동래아이쿱자체교육만산출 ( 연합, 권역, 지역제외 ) < 표 5> 부산동래아이쿱생협조직참여와교육참여현황 (2008~2014) 구분 전체조합원수 조직수 ( 마을모임, 동아리 ) 조직참여수 교육참여수 비고 2008 960 19 104 226 2009 1,792 33 147 276 2010 2,156 32 130 605 해운대이관제외부곡교육관설립 2011 2,955 42 200 666 248 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 249

현장세션 2 생활과민주주의 Ⅱ - 민주주의와 ODA Everyday Life and Democracy II Democracy and ODA 사회이강준 ( 에너지기후정책연구소 ) 발제 1. 한재광 (ODA워치) ODA 투명성과시민의알권리발제 2. 이미현 ( 참여연대 ) ODA의군사화가아시아평화와인권에미치는영향발제 3. 이선재 (AVAN 코디네이터 ) 한국ODA와아시아민주주의발제 4. 프램루디다로옹 ( 생태복원재단, 태국 ) ODA와메콩개발, 위협받는민주주의와인권토론1. 김소연 ( 서강대학교 ) 토론2. 홍일표 ( 더미래연구소 ) 토론3. 베르나비하자르 ( 필리핀국립대학교 ) 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in AsiaCrisis or New Trajectory 251

발제 1 ODA 투명성과시민의알권리 한재광 _ ODA 워치 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 253

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Speaker 1 ODA Transparency and the Right to Information Jae-kwang HAHN_ ODA WATCH 264 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 265

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발제 2 ODA 의군사화가아시아평화와인권에미치는영향 이미현 _ 참여연대 I. 들어가며 개발원조는수원국의민주주의와인권을증진하는방향으로사용되어야한다. 당연한말이다. 그러나냉전시대공여국들은그렇지않았다. 자국과의긴밀한관계에있는개도국정권을지원하는정치적, 외교적수단으로개발원조를활용했다. 민주적정권인지여부는큰고려사항이아니었다. 그결과엄청난규모의개발재원투입에도개발효과는미미했다. 오히려분쟁은지속적으로발생했고, 빈곤퇴치는실현되지않았다. 자연스레원조를자국국익을위한수단으로활용해온공여국들의개발실패에대한비판이대두되었다. 원조효과를높이기위한국제사회공통의약속이필요하다는인식도강하게제기됐다. 원조효과성 (Aid Effectiveness) 을높이기위한파리선언 (Paris Declaration) 5원칙이합의되었고이를이행하기위한아크라행동계획 (Accra Action Agenda), 개발협력효과성을위한글로벌파트너십 (Global Partnership for Effectiveness of Development Cooperation) 논의가잇따랐다. 그러나아직까지큰변화가나타났다는소식은들리지않는다. 9.11 테러사건이후에는공여국들의개발원조는 테러와의전쟁 이란배경하에서많은영향을받았다. 긴급구호와재건사업에군이직접개입 참여하게되었고, 치안을위한군대및경찰력 (security forces) 양성에개발원조투입이강조되었다. 이와같이공여국의군사 안보전략이개발원조사업에영향을미치는것을개발원조가 군사화 (militarization) 되고 안보화 (securitization) 되었다고이해할수있다. 원조의군사화또는안보화의유형을정확히구분하거나정의하기는어렵다. 다만이글에서는대표적인사례로긴급구호와지역재건사업에의군대참여, 그리고안보분야개혁 (Security Sector Reform) 사업의예시와문제점을살펴보고자한다. II. 원조의군사화 안보화가가지는문제점 인도적지원에는크게긴급구호와재건구호, 재난예방사업이포함된다. 분쟁이나자연재해로피해국주민들을 274 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 275

긴급히지원해야하는경우를말한다. 흔히재난피해지역에서는작은지원도절실하기마련이므로군대의파견에대한부정적의견은적극적으로도출되기어렵다. 그러나아무리선한목적일지라도다른나라의군대가들어와재난구호와개발사업에개입하는것은또다른정치, 군사적인영향을미칠수있다는점에서매우민감한사안이며보이지않는사회적비용을지불할수도있어신중해야한다. 또한안보분야에대한개발원조지원은이를감시할시민사회의강화와반드시수반되어야한다. 1. 분쟁지역에서군대의원조참여긴급구호나재건사업을위해군대를분쟁지역에파병하는사례는여럿확인된다. 아프간과이라크에서실시된지역재건팀 (Provincial Reconstruction Teams, 이하 PRT) 은군대에의한전후재건구호의대표적인사례다. 이는고도화된군사기술에의존한직접적인점령정책보다는현지민심을사로잡기위한일종의유화정책으로서각지역의특수한여건과환경을고려해미국이만들어낸민사작전의하나다. 2001년 9월 11일테러가발생한후미국은테러의배후조종자로지명된오사마빈라덴을찾기위해아프간을공격하고전쟁에돌입했다. 그과정에서미국주도의서방국가연합군과아프간반군세력이합세하여집권세력이었던탈레반정권을붕괴시켰다. 아프간 PRT는조직을정비한탈레반의전복행위를막기위해아프간의보안과지역안정유지라는임무를수행하며인프라구축프로젝트와같은원조분야에도관여해온것으로알려져있다. 그러나아프간 PRT가근본적으로개발원조사업으로적합하지않으며, 효과적인이행을보장하기어렵다는지적은국제NGO 및유엔의긴급구호관계자들사이에서여러차례언급된바있다. PRT는인도적개발사업을수행하는데기술적전문성이나경험을가진인력이부족하고자격미달인하청업체들을자주활용하면서사업효과성이낮고고비용의단기프로젝트들을하고있다. 게다가정치적압력이나단기파견등의여러요인들로인해빈곤의원인제거와관련없는가시적인성과를보이는단기적프로젝트들을남발하고있다. 미군사위원회 (US Armed Service Committee) 가 PRT 회원들을상대로실시한설문조사에따르면, 회원들은 PRT 가심도있는개발전략이나아프가니스탄자력증진을고려하지않고, 액수나지역지도자의만족도를척도로하는단기적이고그저기분좋게하는프로젝트를추구하고있다고답했다. 1) 이외에도군대가개발사업을하는것이부적절하다고지적하는이유는개발사업에대한지역사회의참여와주인의식 (ownership) 을이끌어내기어렵다는판단이있기때문이다. 외국군대를불신하는오래된아프간관습의영향에더해, 군대들이공동으로참여한프로젝트중반란군의공격대상이된경우도있어군대가실시하는개발원조사업에지역주민들의적극적인참여를기대하기는어렵다. 게다가 PRT가기본적으로군사활동의일환이며, 군이재건사업을주도한다는것이므로지역사회의필요보다는군대의우선순위에따라원조가계획, 전달될우려가있다. 또한 PRT 사업에투입되는상당한규모의예산에비해실제개발프로젝트에사용되는금액은그다지크지않다는비난도크다. ODA 금액으로계산되는 PRT 예산의많은부분이사실은개발원조보 다는 PRT 파견군을보호하기위한보안병력을제공하는데쓰였다는것이다. 2. 자연재해대응에의군대개입지난 20여년간전세계는끊임없이대규모자연재해를겪어왔다. 세계재난통계는홍수, 폭풍, 지진등과같은자연재해의발생빈도가점차증가하고있다는것을보여준다. 이러한추세에따라자국군대를재난구호와같은긴급구호활동에파견하려는국가들도늘어나고있다. 2004년인도네시아아체지역에서발생한인도양쓰나미피해, 2005년파키스탄에서발생한지진피해, 2013년필리핀태풍피해는외국군이파견되어긴급구호활동에참여한대표적사례이다. 재난대응에참여하려는군대가늘어나는요인에는여러가지가있다. 우선구호활동을지원하는것이군대의이미지를좋게만들수있다. 또한훈련의기회를제공하기도한다. 군대스스로자신들의역할을다양화하기위한하나의방편으로적극적으로재난대응에참여하는경우도있다. 흔히대규모의인력을신속히동원할수있다는점에서민간자산에비해군대파병이재난대응에더효과적이라는것이일반적생각이다. 그러나이것이항상맞는것은아니다. 2004년인도네시아쓰나미당시멕시코정부가지원하기로한야전병원은민간의료시설과다른군대의시설들이이미설치된지 6주가지나서야설치된바있다. 일반적으로민주국가에서군대라는공권력의동원은국회동의등까다로운절차가수반된다. 그런점에서단순히신속하고효과적일것이라는생각은맞지않다. 또한군부대파병이수원국사회에문제를일으키는경우도다수보고된다. 아이티에파병된유엔평화유지군활동에대한유엔감사보고서는구호물품을이용해현지여성들을성적으로착취한사례가다수조사됐다고발표하기도했다. 2) 이러한문제점들을들어국제긴급구호 NGO들은긴급구호현장에군대를파견하는것에매우신중한입장을가지고있다. 미국의 NGO 컨소시움인 InterAction은미국의아프리카사령부 (AFRICOM) 가군본연의임무가아닌인도적지원활동을자신들의임무로포괄하고있는상황에대해서도우려를제기한바있다. EU 역시유럽밖지역에민방위대와군사자산을배치하려는이해관계가증가하면서미국과마찬가지로유사한우려를낳고있다. 이러한악영향을최소화하기위해유엔은인도주의업무조정국 (OCHA) 이제시한 해외군 / 소방 ( 민방위 ) 재원이용에관한국제지침 ( 일명오슬로가이드라인 ) 과인도주의사무기구상설위원회 (IASC) 의 복합적위기상황에대한군 / 민방위가이드라인 을제시하고있다. 이에따르면 군병력은현존하는구호매커니즘을보충하는역할을해야하며유사한민간대응방안을대안으로찾기어려울때에만최후의수단으로활용하는것을고려해야한다. 1) NGO 공동보고서 Caught in the Conflict: Civilians and the international security strategy in Afghanistan, 2009년 4월 ( 아프간에서활동하는 11개 NGO들의브리핑보고서 (2009년 4월 3~4일나토 (NATO) 와정부회의제출용 )) 2) 유엔내부감사실 (OIOS), Evaluation of the Enforcement and Remedial Assistance Efforts for Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by the United Nations and Related Personnel in Peacekeeping Operations, 2015년 6월 12일 https://www.google.co.kr/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&e src=s&source=web&cd=2&ved=0ccgqfjabahukewi84iky4cpiahvijjqkhaipcwy&url=https%3a%2f%2foios.un.org%2fpage%2fdo wnload2%2fid%2f13&usg=afqjcnhnxiacg2z8evex6s6kxtaxvb8cdq&bvm=bv.105039540,d.dgo&cad=rjt (2015년 10월 13일검색 ) 276 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 277

오슬로가이드라인주요조항 5 항최후의수단 (Last Resort) 해외군대와민방위자산은이에상응할만한민간대안이없으며, 군자산만이주요인도적필요를만족시킬수있는경우에만사용되어야한다. 따라서군또는민방위자산은능력이나가용성면에서유일한수단일때만선택되어야한다. 24 항군대와민방위자산은기존의긴급구호메커니즘을보완하는수단으로간주되어야한다. 25 항모든재난구호는피해국가의요청또는동의에기초하여원칙적으로는국제구호요청에기반하여제공되어야한다. 34 항일반원칙으로서유엔인도적지원기구들은군의재원활용에의존해서는안된다. 또한회원국가들은긴급구호대를지원하기위해서임시적으로동원된군대를대체할민간분야의역량을키우도록투자해야한다. 3. 안보분야개혁 (Security System Reform) 사업 대체로개도국의군대와경찰같은안보, 치안관련기관들은비대하거나체계적이지못한경우가많다. 자 국민에대해억압적이며, 비민주적인행태를보이는경우도있다. 실질적개발에사용되어야할자원을중간에서가로채거나인권침해와같은일을저지르는장애물로인식되기도한다. 이러한이유로안보분야개혁 (security system reform) 은수원국거버넌스개선과제의하나로항상언급된다. 물론지속가능한발전이기초적인치안시스템없이는이뤄질수없다. 그렇다고해서모든안보분야개입이곧개발을위한것이거나긍정적인개발효과를가져올것이라고단정하기는어렵다. 안보분야개혁을개발차원에서이끌어가는과정자체가 안보화 될위험이있기때문이다. 다시말해안보와개발사이의관계를단순하게이해해버리면잘못된프로그램을낳을수있다는것이다. 지역사회의군사력또는경찰력의역량강화에만과도하게투자하고이들을감시하고책임있는활동을요구할시민들을지원하지않을경우억압적이고비민주적인안보기관들의행태를조장하게될수도있다는점에서대표적인나쁜예가될수있다. 이러한우려때문에안보자체를개발의제에도입돼야할요소로볼것이아니라, 개도국의가정이나사회에서당면하는안전과치안에대한우려를해소하고, 공정한사법제도에대한접근권을누릴수있도록강조하는것이중요하다. 이러한우려점은 OECD 개발원조위원회의 안보체계개혁과거버넌스에대한가이드라인 에도반영되어있다. 간혹원조의안보화를문제삼아개발은개발행위자들이, 안보는안보행위자들즉군이나경찰이해야한다는주장을하는경우가있다. 그러나안보라는것은이들이단독으로제공할수있는것이아니다. 지속가능하고공정하고, 사람중심의안보 는안보행위자들단독으로만들수있는것은아니다. 그럼에도불구하고 테러와의전쟁 (War on Terror) 으로아프간과이라크에서사회안정과서방군대철군을위해이들군대재건이우선적인과제로채택되면서안보기관강화가매우강조되었다. 이는바로앞에서말한시민이느끼는위협을해소하고공정한사법제도에대한접근권을늘리는개발목표를달성하기위한안보영역개혁과는그다지관련이없다. 심지어일부학자들은재건된아프간군대규모가그경제수준으로는감당하기어려울정도로과대한것이라고평가한다. 안보체계개혁과거버넌스에대한가이드라인 5 대원칙 (OECD-DAC Guidelines on Security System Reform and Governance) 1. 안보체계개혁의핵심가치는사람중심, 지역중심의, 민주적규범과국제사회의인권규범, 법치에기반해야한다는것이다. 이러한핵심가치는 위협으로부터의자유 라는환경을조성하는데기여해야만한다. 2. 안보체계개혁은주민들과각국가들이겪는다양한안보문제들을보다통합된개발및안보체제개혁정책을통해어떻게해결할수있을것인가를고민하는틀거리로서간주되어야한다. 3. 공여국정부는다양한분야의전략틀거리속에서원조를제공해야만한다. 특히전략틀거리는파트너국정부와시민사회와공동으로발전시켜야하며, 사람과국가의안보필요에기반해야한다. 여성단체의경우는특히취약계층의안보우려가무엇인지평가하는과정에주요한역할을할수있다. 이과정은공여국정부와국제기구들간의긴밀한조율뿐만아니라공여국정부부처들간의광범위한협의를거쳐야한다. 4. 안보체제는일반공공분야전반에적용되는책무성과투명성이라는원칙을동일하게적용하여관리되어야한다. 특히안보기관의활동과정의경우에는시민감시를통해서관리되어야한다. 5. 가능한, 안보체제개혁과정은제대로작동하는안보체계가필요로하는 3 가지요구안을만족시켜야한다. III. 한국 ODA 의군사화, 안보화양상과문제점 원조의군사화, 안보화는한국 ODA 정책에도영향을미치고있다. 한국정부는미국과의동맹관계를이유 로국회와시민사회의반대에도불구하고이라크와아프간에파병을결정했다. 2010년에는아프간 PRT도참여했다. 이는상당기간동안한국무상원조의절반에가까운금액을 PRT에할당하는결과를낳았다. 최근에는긴급구호분야로한국군의활동영역을확대하려는시도도계속되고있다. 안보체계개혁이란명목하에경찰에의한치안기술협력을적극추진하는것도살펴볼필요가있다. 1. 한국의아프간 PRT 파병 한국은 2010년 7월아프가니스탄재건지원단오쉬노부대를파르완주차리카시에파견하였다. 한국 PRT는 2014년 6월말최종철수하기까지약 4년간총 2,500여명의인력을투입했다. 투입된개발원조금액도막대하다. PRT를시작하기전인 2009년부터이미아프가니스탄은한국정부의 ODA 예산중가장많은금액을지원받는수원국이었다. 그렇다면과연개발원조의효과는어땠을까? 정부는지난해철군하면서 군이중심이되는여타국가들과는달리, 민 관이합동으로우리의개발경험을아프간주민들과직접공유하고, 아프간주민들의지속가능한삶영위를위한자립기반구축기여등아프간주민친화적인활동수행에주력해왔다 고평가했다. 그러나한국 PRT 부대가미국을비롯한 NATO 국가들이공통적으로직면해왔던 PRT의문제점을완전히해소했다고보기는어려울것같다. 아프간 PRT는직접적인점령정책보다는현지민심을사로잡겠다는일종의유화정책으로서고안해낸것이다. 애초에국제정치차원에서계산되고결정된지원사업이었기때문에제대로된개발전략이나계획이사전에마련되지못했다. 국제사회에약속하고난후에서야구체적인사업을만들어 278 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 279

내는방식으로프로젝트가진행된것이다. 이는무상원조기관ㅇ니한국국제협력단 (KOICA) 의국별평가보고서에서도나타난다. 아프가니스탄재건지원사업추진을결정하면서우리정부는정부조사단의파견, 매년도계획수립과정에서예산투입규모와지원분야, 지원전략을구체화하는과정을거쳤으나성과지표의설정미비, 국가지원계획 (Country Program) 의미수립등으로목표에따른평가는어려움 3) 또한한국 PRT 역시여타 PRT 부대와마찬가지로무장세력에의해반복적으로공격을받기도했다. PRT 신변안전에대한우려는파병기간내내계속되었다. PRT 군대가반란군또는여타무장세력의공격대상이된경우군대가실시하는개발원조사업에지역주민들의적극적인참여를기대하기어렵다는점은익히알려져있다. 결국 PRT에서시행하는개발사업의지속가능성과효과성은한계가있을수밖에없다. 직접한-아프가니스탄직업훈련학교를방문했던국내한연구자는여전히존재하는전쟁과공격의위협속에서왜이토록거대한직업훈련원을지었는지의구심을표명하며 훈련생들은많은훈련수당을받고호화로운시설에서훈련을받을수있었지만 1년간의교육기간을채우는경우가많지않았고중도이탈과포기가많았다. 한국에서초청하여연수를받은자들도카불에돌아오면다른일을하거나직업훈련원교사를포기하는경우가많았다 고평가했다. 4) 2. 긴급구호에의군대파견한국정부가긴급구호에직접군대를파병한것은 2013년 12월필리핀아라우부대가처음이다. 2010년중미지역아이티에지진피해에대응하여공병부대를파견한바있지만이는유엔아이티안정화임무단의일부로참여한것이어서필리핀아라우부대와는다르다. 필리핀합동지원단이조직 파견된것은 2013년 11월필리핀사상최악의태풍이발생한탓이다. 인도적목적의긴급구호라는명분이있었지만, 필리핀에부대를파병하기로한결정에외교, 군사적영향이있지않았는가에대해서는논란의여지가있다. 이번필리핀태풍피해에는한국만이아니라미국을필두로일본, 캐나다, 독일등도군대를파병했다. 미군은 11월 10일부터파병을시작하여총 7700여명의병력이구호활동에참여했다.(11월 16일자, 미국방부발표 ). 필리핀은미군기지오염문제로반미감정이팽배했던 1991년의회가미군주둔연장법안을부결해수백만해군기지, 클라크공군기지에있던미군을철수시킨바있다. 최근남중국해스카보러섬 ( 중국명황옌다오 ) 영유권을둘러싸고중국과의갈등이고조되자 2010년필리핀은미군과합동군사훈련을재개했다. 미국은대중국견제를위한아시아중시전략속에아시아, 태평양지역의미군을순환배치하기로하고, 필리핀에도순환배치형식으로군대를다시주둔시키려하고있다. 그런와중에태풍하이옌피해가발생한것이다. 3) 코이카, 아프가니스탄재건지원사업국별평가보고서, 2007 4) 이태주, 프로젝트를추적하다 : 국제개발과인류학적참여, 비교문화연구제17집 1호, 2011 게다가파병활동의내용을살펴보면민관합동해외긴급구호대의일부로참여하는것이아니라단독으로군부대파병을결정한것이적절했는가의문이든다. 새정치민주연합윤후덕의원실이제공한자료에따르면필리핀아라우부대의임무는공공시설복구및피해지역정리, 의료지원과방역활동, 직업학교, 한국어교실운영, 무료급식, 영화상영등이었으며이중일부는민간긴급구호 NGO 단체를통해실시했다. 한국어교실운영, 직업학교와같은사업은긴급구호의성격을벗어나는것으로임무에포함된것이의아하다. 또한인도적지원과는상관없는군수장비및물자를필리핀군에기증한것도군사적, 정치적고려에의한군파견이아닌가의심케한다. 사실아라우부대파견에앞서 11월 14일에한국은별도의해외긴급구호대를조직하여파견한바있다. 현재정부는 해외긴급구호에관한법률 을근거로전문분야의민관기관에해외긴급구호대참여를요청할수있다. 이에따르면군역시민관합동해외긴급구호협의회의요청에따라수송기또는수송함, 구호인력등필요에맞는부분을지원할수있다. 그럼에도불구하고군부대는정부차원의민관합동긴급구호대와별도로파병을결정한것이다. 이는현존하는구호매커니즘을보충하는역할로서, 유사한민간대응방안을대안으로찾기어려울때에만최후의수단으로파병을고려해야한다는오슬로원칙에도어긋났다. 3. 치안한류 (K-Police Wave) 훈련프로그램최근한국은공권력의하나인경찰의체계개혁, 역량강화프로그램을증가시키고있다. 2014년 6월 12일경찰청은선진경찰교육시스템해외전수와국제적교류, 협력활성화를위한국제경찰교육센터를개소했다. 국제경찰교육센터는경찰교육원에서진행해오던외국인대상교육과정인 글로벌범죄예방과정 을연간 10여차례로확대한것이다. 정부의치안한류확산정책을위해외국경찰관을대상으로하는다양한교육과정을기획, 개발하고치안시스템을해외에전파하는역할을하게될것이다. 또한 2014년 10월 28일에는경찰청과한국국제협력단 (KOICA) 은개도국치안분야무상협력사업을위한업무협약을체결하기도했다. 이미코이카는지난 2005년부터경찰청과 63개의국내초청연수사업을진행하였고, 개도국에수사기자재지원, 전문가파견등을통해치안시스템을전수하고있다. 그리고경찰청은 2015년 4월 14일에는치안한류센터를개소하면서치안한류센터를중심으로 24개국경찰관 197명을경찰대학등교육기관에초청하여우리나라의치안기법을전수하고경찰관중해외치안전수사업을담당할 28개분야 131명을선발하여해외에파견해현지경찰교육과경찰시스템구축을지원할예정이라고밝혔다. 치안제도관리및개선분야 ODA통계 ( 단위 : 백만불 ) 대상국시행기관 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 합계과테말라 KOICA - - - - - - - 0.10 네팔 KOICA - - - - - - - 0.28 몽골 KOICA - - - - - - - 0.07 소말리아 KOICA - - - - - 0.10 - - 아프가니스탄경찰청 - - - - - 1.29 1.13 - 엘살바도르 KOICA - - - - - - - - 0.11 온두라스 KOICA/EDCF - 1.00 1.25 - - - - - 0.11 280 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 281

대상국 시행기관 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 합계 요르단 KOICA - - - - - - - - 0.04 이라크 KOICA - - - - - - - - 0.22 인도네시아 EDCF - - - - 0.68 - - - - 캄보디아 외교부 - - - - - - - 0.30 0.50 콜롬비아 기재부 0.15 지역미배분 KOICA 3.00 0.59 합계 3.00 1.00 1.25 0.59 0.68 1.39 1.58 1.43 10.91 ( 출처 : 한국수출입은행 ODA 통계 _ 양자간원조분야별, 저자편집 ) 거버넌스개선차원에서안보체계개혁을지원하는것은일반적으로개발원조의중요한부분으로인식된다. 그 러나과연한국정부의치안한류가제공하는교육의내용이국제사회가제시하는인권기준을충분히만족하고있 는지, 치안장비수출이라는경제적목적에의한것은아닌지살펴볼필요가있다. 2013년 5월한국을방문했던유엔의인권옹호자특별보고관 (Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders) 마가렛세카키야 (Margaret Sekaggya) 는이후 12월에발표한한국보고서에서노동자, 인권옹 호자등집회참가자들이최루액, 물대포등과도한경찰력에노출되어인권침해를겪고있다고밝히고있다. 이처 럼한국내경찰의집회시위탄압이국제인권기준에어긋나고있다는것을감안할때 치안한류 라는명목으로제 공되는치안기법및시스템을전수받은수원국의경찰력이자국국민들의권리를침해하지않을것이라보장하기 어렵다. 심지어한언론보도에따르면주로시위진압을위한치안기법전수가교육의주요내용이며속칭물대포 로불리는살수차와여경바리케이드등에대한수요가높다고밝히고있다. 2015년치안한류수출국현황 국가 수출내용 카타르 2022 카타르월드컵대비, 집회시위관리, 요인경호등 6개분야 아랍에미리트 전분야협력, 차관급대표단한국파견예정 브루나이 집회시위관리, 한국산대테러장비도입 인도네시아 차량번호자동판독 라오스 112 신고시스템, 과학수사및사이버수사기법 캄보디아 집회시위관리, 사이버수사 과테말라 사이버수사 멕시코 집회시위관리 케냐 집회시위관리 세르비아 사이버수사 ( 출처 : 동아일보, 2015년 4월 7일자 ) 경찰장비수출현황 연도 회사 제품 수출국가 수출규모 2005 지노무역 살수차 24대 방글라데시 500만달러 2010 대지정공 살수차 70대 인도네시아 1600만달러 2012 대우인터내셔널 살수차 25대, 방패 1만여정 오만 1600만달러 2012 - 살수차 1대 태국 88만달러 2012 - 경찰통신망구축 인도네시아 700만달러 2013 대우인터내셔널 순찰차 800대 페루 3000만달러 2014 대우인터내셔널 경찰통신망구축 인도네시아 7200만달러 2015 더존비즈온 디지털포렌식센터구축사업 오만 1040만달러 2015 - CCTV 및경찰통신망시스템 파푸아뉴기니 350만달러 2015-2016 경봉 CCTV 시스템구축 온두라스 350만달러 2015-2016 경봉 차량번호인식용 CCTV 엘살바도르 230만달러 ( 출처 : 저자재구성 ) IV. 나가며 현재국제사회에는공적개발원조 (Official Development Assistance, ODA) 의개념을재정의하려는시도가계속되고있다. 개발재원의범주가확대됨에따라 1972년합의된기존의 ODA 개념만으로는전체개발재원을충분히포괄하기어렵다는인식에기인한다. 최근추진되고있는 총공적개발지원 (Total Official Support for Development, TOSD) 에대한논의가바로그것이다. 그러나쟁점사항중하나였던평화, 안보분야지원을 TOSD 에포함할것인지여부는끝내결론에도달하지못했다. 그자체가정치적으로매우민감하고논쟁적인부분이기때문이다. 또한평화와안보관련비용을 ODA에포함하게될경우, 그나마도적은개발원조금액이빈곤퇴치보다공여국의지정학적이해를반영하는안보의제로쏠릴우려가있다. 이와같이원조를정치, 군사적수단으로활용할경우빈곤퇴치나사회개발은제효과를발휘하지못한다. 이는지난개발협력실패의오랜역사가말해준다. 오히려분쟁과갈등만심화된경우가많다. 이러한과거의경험과국제사회의합의에도불구하고원조를군사, 외교적수단으로활용하는것은어리석은짓이다. 올해국제사회는 2030년까지유효한 지속가능한개발목표 (Sustainable Development Goals) 라는지구촌공통의개발목표에합의했다. 민주주의, 인권, 평화라는가치를존중하지않고서개발목표달성은요원할수밖에없다. 오늘날한국의 ODA 역시군사화, 안보화비판에자유롭지못하다. 만일국제사회가합의한지속가능한개발목표를대내외적으로실현하고자한다면이러한비판을토대삼아지금의 ODA 정책을성찰적으로검토하고시민감시와참여를보장하는개발원조정책으로개선해나가야할것이다. 이에더해한국기업은오만에 2013~2014년약 2년간살수차 57대와시위진압용경찰방패등약 7천만달러의장비를수출하였으며, 인도네시아에도 2010년 1600만달러가량의물대포차를수출했다. 한국이전수하는경찰의진압기술과전략이한국산집회진압장비를만나권위주의정부에저항하는민주화운동세력을탄압하는수단으로활용되지않으리라장담할수없는것이다. 282 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 283

천해야한다. 나는사람이사는현장에있다. 통계나숫자, 정책보다는현장의목소리와내생각으로이야기를 발제 3 한국 ODA 와아시아민주주의 이선재 _AVAN 코디네이터 나누려고한다. 민주주의와원조 민주주의는시대와상황에따라여러해석이있을수있다. 나는민주주의를 평등 이라고생각한다. 내가라오스에사는것도평등과관련이있다. 원조가파트너국가의평등에기여한다면긍정적이라고볼수있지만, 그나라의불평등을심화시킨다면근본적인문제가있는거다. 기본적으로민주주의를위해서는경제성장이중요하다. 가난한나라의민주화를촉진하기위해서경제성장을위한원조가필요하다. 그런데돈이많아진다고저절로민주화가되지는않는다. 경제는성장했지만부의불평등을심화시키거나그나라의권위주의정부를강화시킨다면그원조는정당하지않다. 교육기회의확대또한민주주의에기여한다. 학교를짓고교육과정개발을지원해인력을양성하는것은중요하지만해외연수, 유학을지원하는원조가이미많이가진사람들에게집중된다면기존의불평등이더욱커지게된다. 한때 IT ODA를통한민주주의증진이활발하게논의되기도했다. 한국도여러나라에전자정부구축등의사업을수행했다. 그러나이것은정보의확산과직접민주주의, 참여민주주의강화라는면도있지만정권의홍 보수단으로사용되거나상업적이익을위한도구로만사용될수도있다. 2) 나는라오스에서왔다. 라오스는유엔이정한최빈국이다. 그래서우리는라오스가가난하고불쌍하다고만생각할뿐라오사람들이얼마나행복하게사는지는모른다. 경제수준, GDP로그나라사람들의모든것을판단하기때문이다. 나는가난해도서로도와가며행복하게사는나라에서왔다. 경제적으로가난한나라라오스를도와주기위해여러나라에서도움을준다. 다른표현으로는원조를한다. 한국정부도라오스를 ODA( 공적개발원조 ) 중점협력국가로지정해서원조를한다. 민간에서도다양한분야와방식으로지원을하고있다. 그렇지만그원조가라오스에어떤긍정적인변화를가져오는지는사람에따라평가가다르다. 한국 ODA와아시아민주주의 는너무크고무거운주제다. ODA가정의로운개발에기여했는지를논의하기에도버거운일인데, ODA와아시아민주주의의상관관계를얘기하는것은더욱어렵다. ODA가민주주의에긍정적인혹은부정적인영향을가져왔는지는연구에따라결과가다르다. 사실 개발 과 원조 라는용어는민주주의와는거리가먼 시혜 수직 개입 을나타낸다. 한국의 ODA가아시아민주주의에어떤영향을미쳤는지는더욱알길이없다. 한국의 ODA가아시아의민주주의를위해직접쓰이지도않을뿐더러, 간접적인개입이있더라도그과정과결과를평가한적이없기때문이다. 1) 나는몇년동안라오스시골에살다보니 ODA에대한정보가부족하고흐름을따라가지못한다. 그럼에도이발제를맡은것은이세션의제목이 현장세션 : 생활과민주주의 이기때문이다. 민주주의는생활속에서실 나는한국 ODA의민주주의기여는두가지이유로가능하지않다고생각한다. 첫째는한국의민주주의가나빠지고있기때문에다른나라의민주주의를논할자리가없다. 한국은시장과자본이민주주의보다우선하는나라, 민주주의에대한논의가사라진나라, 법과제도는있지만무늬만민주주의고불평등이심화되고있는나라이다. 둘째이유는한국 ODA의방향과목적에민주주의기여에대한의지가없기때문이다. ODA 법과제도에민주주의를언급하지않는나라, 민주주의를증진하는사업이없는나라이다. 한국의국제개발협력의정신과목표를정한국제개발협력기본법에민주주의의기여에대한직접언급이없다. 국제사회가민주주의증진을위해추진하고있는 ' 인권에기반한개발 (RBDA) 은한국에서는책에만있고현장에적용하지않는다. 지금추진되고있는제2차국제개발협력기본계획 (2016-2020) 수립과정에서도민주주의에대한구체적방향과실천계획에대한논의가없다. 한국의 ODA 발전방향에대한논의는 유무상비율, 분절화, 구속성, 중점협력국가, 자원외교, 새마을운동세계화 등에묶여보편적가치, 국제규범, 지속가능발전목표 (SDGs) 는물론이고민주주의에대한논의는한발짝도나가지못하고있다. 민주주의에역행하는한국의국제개발협력 한국이자랑하는소중한민주화경험이국제개발협력을통해가난한나라의민주주의발전에기여하지못하고있다. 왜그럴까? 국제개발협력을추진하는정부나민간협력만의문제가아니라한국사회전체의문제, 한국사람의인식이잘못됐기때문이다. 한국국제개발협력을둘러싼몇가지사례를살펴보자. 1) 자료를찾아보니 2012년 9월 21일국제개발협력시민사회포럼 (KoFID) 과국회 MDGs 포럼이주최하고 ODA Watch, 참여연대, 한국인권재단, 민주통합당심재권국회의원실이공동주관한 한국의 ODA, 그리고민주주의 토론회가있었다. 2) 송효진 (2015). IT ODA, 개발도상국의민주주의발전을가져오는가? 정보화정책제 22 권제 1 호, 2015 년봄호 284 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 285

* 유행따라하는원조 아침에출근하니회장님이급한목소리로부르신다. 서둘러회장님방에가니 어이김부장! 우리는뭐좀할만한거없어? 다그치듯물어보신다. 대체이게무슨소리지? 회장님은어제저녁동창회에갔었는데친구분이말하기를, 우리회사에서아프리카를도와주고있어서지난주에거기다녀왔어. 근데거기는우리 60년대랑똑같아. 우리나라가좀도와줘야겠어. 목에힘을주고자랑하듯이얘기하는그친구의말에우리회장님은샘이났다. 그래서아침부터김부장을찾아우리회사에서할만한일을찾는것이다. 김부장은방에돌아오자마자이과장과박대리를부른다. 그날오후박대리는여러구호개발단체에전화를해서문의하기시작한다.' 내가지어낸뚱딴지같은이야기지만오늘한국의현실이다. 우리회장님, 대표님, 총장님, 원장님이동창회나조찬모임에가는게별로반갑지않은이유다. 해외원조하는게유행이다보니우리회사나기관은국제개발협력과전혀관련이없는데도무엇이든하려고한다. 조금이라도비슷한사업이나예산이있나찾아보고, 단체나기관에전화를해서하소연한다. " 뭐든지원조사업하나만들어줘요. 하라는대로할테니까..." * 좋은것만보여주는원조어느날나는라오스한마을에서주민들에게물었다. 한국의전라남도지역에 50명정도사는작은마을이있는데, 주민중에가장젊은남자의나이가몇살쯤됐을까요? 글쎄, 몇살이나됐을까? 잘모르겠는데. 에이웬엉뚱한질문이야? 새로태어난갓난아기가제일어리겠지? 아니에요. 마을에서가장젊은남자가 60살이넘었어요. 정말? 말도안돼! 나는라오사람들에게한국농촌이야기를자주한다. 한국시골에는더이상젊은사람이없고주로노인들만살아요. 내가아는마을은제일젊은사람이 60세가넘었어요. 한국뿐이아니라일본도그렇고이웃의태국도점점그렇게되고있어요. 이렇게얘기하면조금씩귀를기울이다가 여기마을도그렇게될지몰라요. 라고하면걱정스런표정을짓는다. 자기마을의어두운미래가잠시머릿속에떠올랐을것이다. 라오스나한국이나시골에사는사람들은조상대대로살던마을이없어지는것을두려워한다. 개발과정에는부작용이따른다. 불평등을심화시킬수도있다. 개도국이부러워하는잘사는나라한국의오늘을보자. 노인들만사는농촌마을, 아이들이자살하는학교, 3무 ~5무가일상화된청년시대등으로상징된다. 한국의개발경험이소중한것은개발의긍정적인결과만이아니라부정적인결과도나눠줄수있기때문이다. 그런데한국이개발과정에서잃어버린것들, 잊어버린것들은얘기하지않는다. 그것을얘기해야사람들이비교해서선택할수있고, 나빠지지않도록준비하거나예방할수있다. 그런데왜한국의실패사례는가르쳐주지않을까? 창피해서? * 우월한한국인의원조한국인이가난한나라사람들보다우월하다는의식은어디에서왔을까? 돈이더많아서그런가? 뭐가더잘났지? 2014년한국의한방송에서 ' 꽃청춘 ' 이라는프로그램에라오스가방영된후한국인이쏟아져들어온다. 내가사는곳은유명관광지와가까워한국관광객을많이접한다. 이곳에서마주치는한국여행사직원이나가 이드들의라오사람에대한무례한행동은도를넘고있다. 여기서도한국인의 ' 갑과을 ' 정신이투철하게발휘되고있다. 우리가주민의자발성, 자립성을이야기할때흔히 동기부여 가따라나온다. 주민들이스스로무엇인가를할수있도록동기를부여하자! 나는여기에문제가있다고생각한다. 동기는부여할수없다. 동기는외부에서주는게아니라스스로나와야하는거다. 동기를스스로유발하거나찾도록도움을줄수있을뿐이다. 개선, 향상, 성숙, 모든것을철저하게맡겨놓아야한다. 라오스에도와주러오는사람들, 봉사하러오는학생들도배우기보다는가르치려고만한다. 지식이다른모든것보다우월하다고생각하나? 돈이많으면훌륭한가? 더욱어이가없는일은대학생들이마을아이들과 놀아주러 ' 온다. 왜아이들과놀아주지? 놀거리가없나? 여기아이들은놀줄모르나? 변변한장난감이없어도하루종일마당에서뛰어노는아이들과왜 같이 놀지못할까? 등수메기는것도한국인의특징이다. 봉사하러온대학생들이운동회를하던, 그림을그리던 1, 2, 3등을뽑아아이들에게상을준다. 한국에서평생그렇게살아왔기때문이다. 친구들과우열없이사는아이들을수직으로세운다. 민주주의를훼손하는불평등을가르친다. * 개발현장에눈감는원조한국과라오스의개발은어떻게다를까? 한쪽에서는시멘트를깔고, 다른곳에서는그시멘트를걷어내고맨땅을밟으려고한다. 한쪽은개천을덮으려고하고다른곳에서는그것을걷어내고시냇물을다시살린다. 이미개발됐다고하는한국의용산에서는 재 개발을하려다사람들이죽었다. 그렇다. 한국도아직개발중이다. 라오스의개발과한국의개발은본질적으로차이가없다. 개발, 재개발, 철거, 이주는항상우리주변에있다. 개발과성장은모두의목표이자신화다. 라오스와아시아여러가난한나라는그야말로개발현장이다. 수많은개발현장은아수라장이다. 공권력을앞세운 프로젝트 가주민들의삶을앗아간다. 법과제도가비어있는틈을비집고들어온다. 사람의목소리는없다. 개발은사람들이잘살자고벌이는일인데왜그렇지못하나? 자발적이지않는 이주 가벌어진다. 도시든산림이든, 강가든해변이든불도저와포클레인과마주친다. 아니그뒤에있는거대한공권력과마주선다. 주민들은도움을요청한다. 그러나한국 ODA, 국제개발협력은무관심하다. 아니무심한척한다. 마치내일이아닌듯, 내가하고있는일만쳐다본다. 정부와민간모두마찬가지다. 한국의라오스원조현장 한국의원조가협력파트너국가의민주주의에기여하지못하듯, 라오스민주주의증진에도별성과가없다. 한국의원조액이너무적어라오스경제, 사회발전에뚜렷한영향을미치지못한다. 더욱큰이유는민주주의증진을위한사업이없기때문이다. 한국의라오스원조의방향과내용을담은국가협력전략 (CPS: Country Partnership Strategy) 에있는중점협력분야는수자원및전력, 인적자원개발, 보건의료다. 민주주의에대한관심과철학의부재, 이게어디라오스만의문제일까? * easy-going 이란? 286 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 287

2010년 ODA Watch가발행한 라오스원조종합평가보고서 를보면 라오스정부고위관리들은한국의원조를 easy-going 이라고표현했다. 일본과유럽국가들은원조협의과정과실행절차에서무척까다롭게굴며, 원조효율성을위해부패방지에대한감사가철저하고자금승인도느리다. 반면한국의원조는분야면에서나사업선정에있어서라오스측의요청을적극수용하는편이다. 타공여국에비해한국의지원은까다롭지않고대화가가능해서우호적이라고평가한다. 3) 이런현상은라오스의의견을반영한다는주장도있으나, 원조를통해인권과민주주의의가치를지키려는국제사회의흐름에한국은무심하다는것을보여준다. * 새마을 을만드는사람들한국이라오스에새마을을만든다. 한국의새마을운동경험을원조를통해전세계에전파하는데라오스는중점국가중하나다. 라오스에서 새 마을은무슨뜻일까? 마을을새로만드나? 있는마을을새롭게가꾸나? 왜 잘살아보세 를외쳐야할까? 잘못살고있기때문일까? 새마을운동의정신은 근면, 자조, 협동 이다. 사는데필요한덕목들이다. 라오사람들은이런덕목이없나? 라오사람근면하다. 새벽시장에가보라. 활기차게일하는사람들로가득하다. 자조? 이미공동체를잘갖추고산다. 부족하지만서로돕고산다. 오히려외부사람들이와서의존하도록만든다. 협동? 여기서마을의협동은기본이다. 협동하지않고어떻게마을이만들어지고수백년간지속되어왔을까? 그렇다면라오스의새마을운동은뭘하자는걸까? 나는계획서에있는사업내용을꼼꼼히읽어보고, 새마을사업을시범운영한라오스마을에몇번가봤지만잘모르겠다. 도청이나군청에새마을과를신설하면새마을이되나? 새마을회관을지으면되나? 주민들을한국연수많이보내면잘살게될까? 농사짓기위해관개수로를만드는게운동인가? 수공예품을만들어많이팔면새마을이되나? 지금하고있는일은굳이새마을운동이라부르지않아도된다. 그냥농촌개발혹은지역사회개발이라고불러도충분하다. 근대화라는이름으로소중한전통과가치를없애버린새마을운동이아시아에서, 그리고라오스에서어떤작용을할까? 자기의정체성을부정하는일은아시아사람들에게어떻게받아들여질까? 탈근대화, 아니탈서구근대화를이야기하는이때우리는다시근대화로돌아가고있지는않은가? * 소수민족에게이동도서관을 ~, 이동도서관을해서소수민족에게책을보급하려고해요. 소수민족들에게어떤책을가져갈건데? 라오어책? 아니면소수민족언어로된책? 아직거기까지생각하지못했어요. 내생각에는라오어로된책일텐데, 그아이들이학교가기전에는라오어로말도하지못해. 자꾸라오어책만가져가면소수민족들의언어가없어지지않을까? 소수민족, 이동도서관, 듣기만해도멋진일이다. 그렇지만생각처럼쉽지않다. 라오스에는여러소수민족이사는데, 라오정부는 하나의국가, 하나의언어 정책으로학교에서소수민족의언어를가르치지않는다. 이동도서관은라오정부의정책을지지하는건가? 물론그런생각은하지않았을게다. 그렇지만결과적으로는 3) ODA Watch(2010), 라오스원조종합평가보고서, 246쪽 소수민족의언어가사라지는데기여하게될수도있다. 예전에국제개발협력전문가에게들은이야기다. 라오스에서아시아개발은행 (ADB) 에서지원하는소수민족교육지원사업을했었어요. 시간이지나생각해보니사업에서시행한 라오화 ( 化 ) 가소수민족언어보존에부정적영향을미친것같아요. * 낙인찍는한국교회산속에있는마을에답사를갔다. 외진마을에근사한학교건물이있기에궁금해서봤더니한국에서지어준것이었다. 좋은일했다고흐뭇해하는데, 새로만든책걸상에뭔가이상한것이있었다. 자세히보니학교건물을지어준한국교회가낙인을찍은거다. 교사들에게물어보니한국사람들이전기로된것을가지고직접책상마다찍었다고했다. 학교에물어보지도않고... 이교회가다른나라에도좋은일 (?) 많이한다고하던데, 이렇게낙인찍고다니는가보다. 우리는좋은마음으로누군가를돕는다. 앞에서예를들었던사람들도모두좋은뜻으로일을시작했다. 이동도서관, 새마을, 학교신축, 모두라오스에필요한일이다. 그렇지만그선한뜻이꼭좋은결과가되지는않는다. 선의가선행으로남지않는것은선한일을하는사람의잘못된태도때문이기도하고, 해외원조를둘러싼구조적문제때문이기도하다. 한국 ODA 의민주주의기여는? 한국은개발독재를거쳐민주적개발이이루어지고, 그리고시장만남은개발의경험을가지고있다. 세계어디에도없는중요한 개발경험 이다. 개발독재에서어떻게민주적개발로전환이됐는지, 어떻게이제는시장만남은사회가됐는지? 민주주의에기여할중요한사례이고모델이다. 이것을공유해야한다. 이게지식아닌가? 지식공유사업 (KSP) 아닌가? 나는농담반진담반으로얘기한다. 한국의산업화, 민주화에대한논문이여러나라에서나왔는데앞으로어떻게이렇게빨리망가졌는지에대한논문이쏟아질거라고. 우리는누구의눈치도보지않는중국의원조형태를비난하지만, 한국은민주도독재도아무것도추진하지않는다. 한국국제개발협력의색깔은무엇인가? 어떤원조를하고싶나? 오직한국형, 개발독재경험, 기업진출에만관심이있나? 한국의 ODA는아직더많은원조 more aid를중요하게여긴다. 좋은원조 better aid는하는시늉만한다. 대안적인 alternative aid는관심이없다. 아니특징도있다. 대통령이하는원조다. 자원외교와 ODA의연계, ODA를통한새마을운동의확산. 2015년 9월 16일한국의시민사회는공동으로 제2차국제개발협력기본계획 (2016-2020) 수립에대한시민사회의제언 을발표했다. 지구촌의지속가능한평화, 발전, 인권실현을위한한국의기여 라는부제가붙은이제언은한국의국제개발협력의현주소를그대로보여준다. 여기서제안된 10개항목은이미오랫동안한국사회에서논의되어온내용인데이번제언에다시강조되고있는것은아직제대로실행되지못하고있다는반증이다. 10개중첫번째제언은 2차국제개발협력기본계획의기본정신과비전, 목적등기본방향에지속가능발전목표 (SDGs) 를반영하여야한다. 라고요구하고있다. 2015년 9월유엔총회가채택한 SDGs가지구촌의문제를해결해주지는않지만가야할길을알려준다. 그중민주주의와직접관련된 불평등과부정의의해소 (Fight inequality and injustice) 를위한목표11: 불평등감소 (Reduced Inequality) 와목표16: 평화와정의 (Peace 288 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 289

and Justice) 는한국사회가 특히 주목하고반영해야한다. 한국의인권, 평등은사라지고있다. 어디에민주주의가있나? 법과제도? 현실은? 이포럼에서논의하는민주시민교육, 사회적경제도중요하다. 이미사라진공동체살리기, 마을만들기를하는게안쓰럽다. 없어진마을을다시만드는게민망하다. 마을은그렇게인위적으로만드는게아니다. 그래도다시시작해야한다. 그래서그논의와노력이국제개발협력으로연결돼야한다. 민주주의를지원하는국제개발협력은어느날갑자기하늘에서떨어지지않는다. 한국의민주주의와보편가치를회복하는게다른나라의민주주의를돕는일이다. 시민사회역량강화 한국국제개발협력이완전히손을놓고있는건아니다. KOICA( 한국국제협력단 ) 는 LCPP(Local civil society partnership program) 라는프로그램을통해작게나마민주주의에기여하고있다. 개도국현지시민사회의역량강화지원및환경조성기여를목적으로시행되는이사업은 2012-2014년에걸쳐네팔, 베트남, 콜롬비아, DR콩고, 모잠비크등 5개국 9개민간단체를직접지원했다. 4) 예산이나규모면에서아직미미하지만의미있는일이다. 로터스월드라는한국의 NGO는라오스로컬 NGO와협력하고있다. Buddhism for Development Project(BDP) 라는단체와는시엥쿠앙지역에서푸딘댕청소년센터 (PYC) 와는왕위앙지역에서각각교육과문화를주제어로협력한다. 단체가직접사업을수행하기보다는현지의민간단체의역량을키우고사업을지원하는방식이다. 직접민주주의제도나프로그램지원도필요하지만시민사회와의협력하여사회개발과시민사회역량을강화하는원조를해야한다. 라오스에는라오스시민사회가연합 (Laos Civil Society Consortium) 하는 Learning House for Development(LHD) 라는곳이있다. 라오스 NPA( 라오스에서는 NGO가아닌 Non- Profit Association이라는용어를사용한다 ) 와시민사회단체 (CSO) 들이기술을배우고, 지식과경험을공유하면서단체의역량을키운다. 이곳이라오스민주주의발전의산실이다. 후원파트너십은 Helvetas, Oxfam Novib, French Embassy, CUSO-VSO 등이다. 5) 우리는한국의민주화과정에외국정부와기관에서한국시민사회에기여한지원이중요한역할을했음을기억해야한다. 한국정부의직접지원이불편하다면국제기구나지역기구를통한원조를할수도있다. 국제기구의위상과역할을활용해야한다. 인권과같은민감한사안을다루기위해서는정부보다는국제기구가접근하기쉽다. 유엔민주주의기금 (UNDEF) 과협력할수도있다. 개발원조에대한라오사람의목소리 개발된한국은라오스를가르치려고한다. 개발이필요한라오스는한국에게배우려고한다. 그런데라오스 4) 손혁상, 이화용, 한재광외 (2015). 개도국현지CSO 역량강화및우호적환경조성기여를위한 KOICA LCPP 이행전략과프로그램개발연구. 5) 홈페이지참고 lao-cso-network.org 에서는개발을도와주는원조사업을시행하기어렵다. 라오정부가협조하지않기때문이다. 이상하지않나? 라오스를도와주겠다고오는데왜협조하지않을까? 한국이자랑하는 개발경험 을가르쳐주겠다고, 그렇게하면라오스도잘살수있다고, 새마을사업의비법도전수하겠다고하는데왜라오사람들은말을듣지않을까? 라오스에서는사업을허가받고, 단체등록을하고, 사업양해각서 (MOU) 를체결하는과정이산넘고물건너기보다어렵다. 정부의허가없이는사업예정지역방문조차못한다. 사전조사를하러갈경우에도반드시공무원이같이간다. 왜라오정부는허가과정을어렵게하고, 심사를까다롭게할까? 외국원조를그냥받아들이면되는것아닌가? 관료주의의폐단도있고, 천천히일하는라오사람들의습관도있다. 그런데다른눈으로보면, 이게주인의식아닐까? 요즘국제사회에서는원조를받는나라가주인의식 (ownership) 이있어야한다고주장한다. 라오스는그주인의식을갖겠다고한다. 그런데왜우리는불평을하지? 앞뒤가잘맞지않는다. 라오사람들은이렇게생각하는것같다. 내가라오스의주인이야. 우리일을조사하러가는데내가같이가야지. 우리지역, 우리나라에서무슨일을하는지내가알아야하는거아니야? 그리고여기일은내가잘아니까어려우면도와줄수도있어. 도와주러온사람은혹시이런마음아닐까? 주인의식은좋지만, 아직잘모르면서자꾸사업에끼어들면곤란하지. 도와주러왔는데너무잔소리하지마. 까다롭게굴지말고그냥우리식으로하면좋겠어. 나는한국민간단체의라오직원들을 1년동안훈련한적이있다. 개발, 발전, 원조, 지역사회에대한이야기를하고, 소통, 가치, 조화, 협력에대해서도함께생각을나눴다. 한번은이직원들과 기부 와 원조 의의미에대해의견을나눴다. 우리는왜다른사람을돕지? 왜기부를하지? 여러국제기관에서실시한조사를보면라오스는한국보다기부를훨씬많이한다. 나는 라오사람들은외국원조에대해어떻게생각하나? 가궁금해물어봤다. NGO 직원들은외국원조의장점에대해다음과같이얘기했다. - 외국의지식과기술을배울수있다. - 국가적인사업과활동을위한예산을받을수있다. - 라오사람들이직업을가질수있는기회가된다. - 다른국가와협력하는기회가된다. - 도전할수있게된다. 원조의단점도몇가지를들었다. - 라오스의규칙과문화가무시될수있다. - 많은대화와협의를한후에도와야하는데그렇지않다.( 어린이들에게너무큰신발을후원하는등의사례가있다.) - 라오사람의기술이부족하기때문에원조로인해일자리가생겨도베트남등타국민이일을잡게된다. - 정체성을잃기쉽다.( 특히중국말과중국음식이많아지고, 종교의정체성상실도생긴다.) 290 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 291

- 지역사회를돌보려하지않고, 바꾸려고한다.( 정체성을지켜야함 ) - 하나의사업이끝난후, 다른사업으로이어지지않고그냥중단된다.( 정부는종료후에도이어가려고하지만, 예산이없어할수없다.) - 외부에의존하게되고, 주인의식이떨어질수있다. 정체성과주인의식. 라오사람들의걱정은바로이것이다. 아시아는우리에게누구인가? 발제 4 ODA 와메콩개발, 위협받는민주주의와인권 아시아는빠르게변하고있다. 아시아는세계의중심이되고있다. 중국과인도는경제성장뿐만아니라종교의다양성, 문화의중심으로거듭나고있다. 말레이시아에서출발하는에어아시아는세계를하나로잇는다. 반둥회의 60년을다시돌아보는인도네시아의경제성장과민주주의의발전은놀랄만하다. 올해말에는아시아 10개국가의 AEC( 아세안경제공동체 ) 가출범한다. 아직아시아의여러나라들이가난하다. 그러나가난퇴치만이중요한건아니다. 아시아를더이상도움이나투자의대상으로바라볼일이아니다. 아시아는우리가함께살아가야할이웃이다. 경제성장과함께민주주의, 보편가치와미래를기획해야한다. 경제성장을뛰어넘는공동체건설을꿈꾸는아시아의미래를위해한국의 ODA, 국제개발협력은진정한 협력 의길을열어야한다. 우리는애써보고싶은것만보려고한다. 위에서아래서줄을세우려고한다. 이제수직에서수평으로세상을봐야한다. 프램루디다로옹 _ 생태복원재단, 태국 (TERRA) 292 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 293

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Speaker 4 ODA and Mehkong Development; Democracy and Human Rights Under Threat Premrudee DAOROUNG_Foundationa for Ecological Recovery, Thailand 306 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 307

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시민교육세션 1 스웨덴시민교육을말하다 Observing Swedish Citizenship Education Model 발제 1 헬렌리세 ( 스톡홀름메드보르가르스콜란, 스웨덴 ) 스웨덴의비정규성인교육 발제 2 프리다멜빈 ( 예테보리 ABF 스웨덴 ) 스웨덴비정규성인교육의실례 패널 1 주은경 ( 참여연대아카데미느티나무 ) 스웨덴시민교육에대한생각과질문 Ⅰ 패널 2 조철민 ( 한일장신대학교 ) 스웨덴시민교육에대한생각과질문 Ⅱ 318 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in AsiaCrisis or New Trajectory 319

발제 1 스웨덴의비정규성인교육 헬렌리세 _ 스톡홀름메드보르가르스콜란, 스웨덴 사진 1 : 매년스웨덴성인교육, 시민교육 (Folkbildning) 에참여하기위해수백만명의스웨덴사람들이모여듭니다. 매년약 170만명이약 275,000개의스터디서클을만들고, 대략 2천만명이전국에서진행되는 368,400개문화행사에참여합니다. 150개의민중학교는고등학교졸업장을얻고자하거나새로운인생의행로를걷고자하는사람들에게무료로교육을제공합니다. 스웨덴인구가 9백만명인것을감안하면, 참여율이매우높은것입니다! 스웨덴의비정규성인교육은교육수준을높이고, 학습격차를해소하고, 문화에대한관심도를높이며, 민주주의를강화하고개선하기위한사람들의사회적공헌을견고히하는데기여했습니다. 글쓰기과정, 합창, 언어, 환경문제등스터디서클과민중학교과정의과목은수백개에달합니다. 사람들은유년과청소년기뿐아니라평생동안배우고성장하길원합니다. 스웨덴의시민교육은이러한요구에부응해삶의질과사회적발전, 성장에기여합니다. 사진 2 : 스웨덴의비정규성인교육은가치기반의토양에뿌리를내리고있습니다. 특징은다음과같습니다. 학습은인간이일생동안겪는상황과연관되어있습니다. 지식과교육은그자체로가치를지닙니다. 스터디서클- 비정규성인교육은무료이고자발적으로운영됩니다. 참가자들은적극적인공동제작자들입니다. 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 321

시민교육이시민운동과결사체에깊이자리잡아서지역사회참여로이어지도록하고있습니다. 사진 3 : 그러나지식을갖춘적극적인시민이민주사회의중심이기때문에성인시민교육도부가가치를지닙니다. 스웨덴의스터디서클연합회와민중학교에서는사람들이함께토론하고함께배우기위해서모임을갖습니다. 평생학습은사람들이일생동안지식과지속성, 통찰력을찾는것을의미합니다. 성인시민교육을통해지식과유대감을추구하는이유는사람마다다릅니다. 개인적인성장이든, 새로운직장을구하는것이든, 그저배우고자하는욕구에서든, 그모든이유에는의미가있습니다. 성인시민교육은사회의모든구성원을위해존재하지만, 주로정규교육의기회를갖지못한성인을돕기위해만들어졌습니다. 개방적인분위기의토론방식과서로다른사고에대한존중, 민주적접근법덕분에스터디서클활동의문턱은낮습니다. 서로다른배경을가진모든사람들이동일한조건하에서참여할수있습니다. 스터디서클연합회와민중학교는다양한과정과교육프로그램을제공합니다. 여가시간에몇번만나는작은스터디그룹에서부터민중학교의다년간진행되는정규과정에이르기까지모든것이있습니다. 성인시민교육은전국적으로수천건의공연과강연, 공개토론회등의문화이벤트에대한스웨덴내에서가장큰조직자이기도합니다. 사진 4 : 성인시민교육 (Folkbildning)- 개념과교육론시민교육의개념적유산은 1세기이상이전으로거슬러올라갑니다. 시민교육은교육수준이낮고인구의대부분이고등교육을받지못한스웨덴에서움텄습니다. 19세기에는학습이교육받은엘리트를위한것이었고비정규성인교육은이러한불평등한조건에대한항의의일환으로등장했습니다. 노조와독립교회, 금주단체와같은대중적운동에서싹튼성인교육운동은평등과도덕적, 미적, 지적성장을강조했습니다. 성인시민교육은사람들의지식에대한갈구와사회발전에영향력을행사하고자하는욕구에대한응답이었습니다. 오늘날에도주요개념은모든이의지식과발전에대한권리입니다. 비정규성인교육의주요목표는교육격차가적은사회입니다. 념으로, 자본주의와사회주의의중간쯤으로인식되었습니다. 민중의집 의비전은사회전체가하나의작은가정과같아야하고그속에서모든사람은일조해야한다는것을전제로하고, 평등과상호이해가특징입니다. 총리페르알빈한손 (Per Albin Hansson) 은 1928년이개념을도입하고전통적인계급사회는 민중의집 으로바뀌어야한다는주장을했습니다. 스터디서클연합회와민중학교는언제나비정규교육제도의일부분을차지했습니다. 정부가재정지원을하지만, 시민교육단체는전반적인목표에따라자체활동을자유롭게구성합니다. 이러한자유는스웨덴사회에서시민교육의역할을이해하는데중요한역할을합니다. 시민교육은정부통제로부터의자유와비영리부문과의강한연대를통해사회적변화를이끌어냈습니다. 사진 6 : 스터디서클은무엇인가요? 스터디서클연합회는학습을스스로를위해배울기회라고정의하고, 인간답게성장하고자하는욕구를주요목표로합니다. 스터디서클에참여하는것은참가자의경험과스터디서클리더의기술, 학습자료의품질에기반한참여적이고역동적인과정입니다. 참가자들의토론을통해서클이전반적으로새로운식견을가지게되므로, 참가자들의배경과경험, 의견은스터디서클이성과를내는데중요합니다. 스터디서클특유의교육학적방법은본질적으로교사가지식을전달하는계층적모델에기반한기존교육과다릅니다. 스터디서클에서는참가자들이학습에기여합니다. 종종정식교사가없는소규모인원으로구성된원조스터디서클. 이런스터디서클은여전히매우인기가많습니다. 과목은수공예부터요리, 언어배우기, 음악에이르기까지다양합니다! 규칙은간단합니다. 스터디서클은 3~12명으로구성되고모든참가자는자기목소리를낼수있습니다. 참가자는스터디서클의과목을정하고자발적으로참여합니다. 스터디서클참가자들은최소한 3번은모임을가져야합니다. 정부지원금을받으려면, 참가자들은참가자방명록을작성함은물론주민등록번호 (identity number) 를등록해야합니다. 스터디서클사례 : 사진 5 : 사진 7 : 음악활동 역사적배경 민중의집이념 민중의집 으로도칭해지는스웨덴복지국가의구축에있어서, 쉽게접근가능한양질의교육 ( 고등교육까지도포함 ) 은특별히중요하게받아들여졌습니다. 스웨덴은공립대학은물론, 1960년대에세워진여러개의대학들까지포함하여전단계에걸쳐무료교육을제공하는세계최초의국가의했습니다. 민중의집 은때때로 스웨덴의중도 라일컫는스웨덴의복지제도의역사에서중요한역할을한정치적개 음악은가장강력한문화활동중하나입니다. 음악은사람들을한데모아수시간동안연습하고작곡하고연주하게만듭니다. 스웨덴은주요음악수출국이고아바 (ABBA) 와요히오 (Yohio), 에이스오브베이스 (Ace of Base) 와같은아티스트를배출해전세계적으로유명해졌습니다. 리허설공간과악기, 공연기회또는데모테이프를녹음할기회를제공하는등스터디서클을통해수백만명의청장년음악애호가들에게음악을연습하고배울기회를제공함으로써스웨덴의스터디서클연합회와민중학교는이러한성공에지대한역할을했습니다. 322 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 323

사진 8 : 통합활동 사회구성원모두를참여시키고자하는중요한목표는해외동포와의통합을촉진하기위해해외동포가공공정보와어학연수등기타교육뿐아니라스웨덴의문화와전통을배우도록유도하는것입니다. 이목표하에, 스터디서클연합회는스웨덴제도에관한공개강의를준비하고, 이민자단체가어학연수와건강, 민주주의에관한스터디서클을만들수있도록돕습니다. 또한, 서로다른문화적배경을갖고있는사람들을한데모아문화 종교적배경의차이를이해할수있게하는것도중요합니다. 사례서로다른문화에속한여성의상황에대해토론하는그룹에초대된 10개국에서온 10명의이민여성들. 이여성들은가정생활에중요한부분을차지하는음식이공동관심사임을알게되었습니다. 평등과여성의상황에대한토론활동을통해고국의레시피를담은요리책이나왔습니다. 평가와양질의작업시민교육의자금은공동조세기금을통해조달되는데, 이기금의전반적인목표는정부가세웁니다. 세부적인통제로부터자유롭기때문에시민교육의책임감이큽니다. 스터디서클연합회와민중학교는반드시스스로수요를분석하고정부의목표에맞는활동을수행해야합니다. 시민교육에정부보조금을분배하는스웨덴성인교육위원회는민중학교와스터디서클엽합회의활동을평가하고이에대한후속조치를하는역할을정부로부터위임받은기관입니다. 이역할은최근더욱엄격해져서내부품질에대한평가와요건, 시민교육기관에관련된후속조치등에있어더욱많은노력이요구됩니다. 스웨덴성인교육위원회의평가는주로개인참가자와사회전반에대한시민교육활동의특징과효과에주목합니다. 이위원회는스터디서클연합회의스터디서클활동참가자를대상으로대대적인설문을실시하고, 민중학교참가자설문도실시합니다. 또한, 시민교육활동에대한장애인의참가가능성과스터디서클리더의원격연수조건등특정분야에대해서도평가합니다. 평가는대체로대학교와협력하여실시합니다. 사진 9 : 장애인을위한활동 시민교육은사회적약자들을지원하는데특히주목해야합니다. 이러한이유로, 스터디서클은대부분장애인과사회적문제를안고있는청년, 고령자들을대상으로합니다. 사진 10 : 시민교육에대한공공재원지원스웨덴시민교육의재정은상당부분정부와시, 자치주의보조금으로충당됩니다. 정부보조금은 389,000,000 유로로, 스터디서연합회와민중학교가반씩나눠갖습니다. 정부보조금은전체보조금의 70% 를차지합니다. 시민교육에공공재원지원을제공하는가장기본적인이유는시민교육이사회의민주적발전에기여하기때문입니다. 시민교육에대한정부보조금요건은시민교육에대한정부보조금에관한법률에명시되어있습니다. 시민교육에대한정부보조금은다음과같은목표를갖습니다. 민주주의를강화및발전시키는활동을지원함 사람들이실생활에서영향력을가질수있게돕고사회발전활동에적극참여하는분위기를조성함 교육격차를없애고사회의교육수준과문화의식을고취시킴 문화생활에대한관심과참여도를높임 사진 11 : 사진 12-15 : 시민교육의향후과제시민교육은시민들이힘을모으는것에서부터향후새로운사회적과제에대처하는것에이르기까지활동의깊이와다양성을향상시키고자하고향상시킬수있습니다. 계발과시대상황 시민교육은정보과잉과복잡한세계적변화의시대에계발에대한늘어나는수요에대응합니다. 사회적, 생태적, 경제적으로지속가능한발전에대한학습욕구에부응하고자하며부응할수있습니다. 시민성인교육의교육적발전에보다기여하고인간계발과정에대한이해를돕는연구가수행되길원합니다. 접근성과포용성 시민교육은사회의교육불평등을줄이고다양성의가능성을보여주는주요원천입니다. 보다많은스웨덴인과소수민족들을통합하고포용할기회를제공하고자하고제공할수있습니다. 시민교육은다른형태의교육에서문턱을넘기힘들거나장애를가진모든이들에게제공되어야합니다. 배경과상관없이사람들간의존경심을촉진하는만남을제공하고자하고제공할수있습니다. 공중보건의개선과디지털포용의확대에기여하고자하고기여할수있습니다. 사회의반민주주의적풍조를저지할것입니다. 시민과시민사회 시민교육은수십만명의참가자들이만나고지역사회를조직하고지역사회에영향력을행사할수있도록돕습니다. 새로운단체와운동에대한참여증가에대응할것입니다. 324 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 325

시민교육은지속가능한민주사회에서시민교육의중요성을강조해야합니다. 전세계및지역적관계에대한이해도를높이기위해보다적극적으로초국가적인활동을수행하고자합니다. 지역사회의발전동력이되고자합니다. 근로생활과평생학습 시민교육은노동시장의새로운과제와기술개발에필요한요건의변화에빠르고탄력적으로대응합니다. 사람들은시민교육을통해자신의구직조건을개선할수있습니다. 단기교육이나불완전한교육을받은사람들도앞으로새로운길을개척할수있도록돕습니다. 보다많은책임감을갖고실업위기에처한청년들의관심을끌수있는맞춤형학습을개발할것입니다. 해외동포와의통합을촉진하기위해해외동포가양질의어학연수와공공정보등기타교육을받을수있도록돕고자합니다. Speaker 1 Swedish non formal adult education Helen RIISE_Medborgarskolan Stckholm, Sweden 문화 & 창의성 시민교육은지금까지스웨덴최대의문화의장입니다. 보다많은시민들의문화적경험과개인별창의성에대한욕구에부응하고자합니다. 민중학교와스터디서클연합회는앞으로도스웨덴전역의문화전문가들을위한활발한문화적장소와교육자, 노동시장이되겠습니다. 시민교육은앞으로도지역문화발전의원동력이되겠습니다. 독서문화를장려하는데기여하고자합니다. 시민교육은특히고급미적교육프로그램에있어서높은질적수준을달성할것입니다. Picture 1 : Every year, several million Swedes gather to participate in Swedish adult education, folkbildning. Around 275 000 study circles with approximately 1.7 million participants take place every year. Also nearly 20 million persons take part in some of the 368,400 cultural events that are being arranged around the country. The 150 folk high schools offer free education for people who want a second chance at graduating from high school or getting a new course in life. Considering the Swedish population of 9 million the engagement is big! Swedish non formal adult education has contributed to raising the level of education, bridging the gaps in learning level, broadening the interest in culture and increasing people s social commitment witch leads to commitment for strengthening and develop democracy. Writing courses, choir music, languages, environmental issues- study circles and folk high school courses are available in hundreds of different Subjects. People want to learn and grow, not just in childhood and adolescence, but throughout life. Swedish folkbildning meets this need and thereby contributes to quality of life, societal development and growth. 326 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 327

Picture 2 : The Swedish non formal adult education is resting on a value based ground. Its characteristics can be concluded in the following: The learning is related to the humans total life situation Knowledge and education has a value of its own Folkbildning-Non formal adult education is free and voluntary The participants are active co creators Community involvement is canalized through the strong anchoring that Folkbildning has in people s movements and associations. and large groups of the population were excluded from higher education. During the 19th century learning was something for the educated elite and non formal adult education emerged as a protest against these unequal conditions. Sprung from the mass movements such as labor unions, the independent churches and the temperance organizations, these movements emphasized equality, moral, aesthetic and intellectual development. Adult civil education became the answer to people s longing for knowledge and desire to influence societal development. Still today, a central concept is everyone s right to knowledge and development. A society with small educational divides is a central goal of non formal adult education. Picture 3 : Picture5 : But adult civil education also has an added value because knowledgeable and Active citizens constitute the core of a democratic society. In Sweden s study associations and folk high schools, people meet to discuss and learn together. Lifelong learning means that people seek knowledge, continuity and insight throughout life. Peoples reasons for seeking knowledge and fellowship through adult civil education vary. All of these reasons are meaningful, regardless of Whether it is a question of personal development, finding a new job, or simply a desire to learn. Adult civil education exists for everyone in society, but should primarily reach out to adults with little formal education. Its open climate of discussion, respect for different mindsets and democratic approach lower the thresholds to joining folkbildning activities. Here, everyone participates on equal terms, but based on different backgrounds. Study associations and folk high schools provide a rich offering of courses and educational programmes everything from study circles where a Small group meets a few times in their leisure time, up to multi-year, full-time courses of study at folk high schools. Adult civil education is also Sweden s largest organizer of cultural events, with thousands of concerts, lectures and public debates nationwide. Picture 4 : Adult civil education( Folkbildning) concepts and pedagogy Folkbildning conceptual heritage stretches back more than a century. Folkbildning grew forth in a Sweden where the level of education was low Historic background The Folk home-ideology Good and easily available education, even to higher levels, was considered particularly important for building the Swedish welfare state, sometimes referred to as the Swedish Folk home. Sweden became one of the first countries in the world to offer free education at all levels, including all public universities, along with several new universities founded during the 1960s. The Folk hem was a political concept that played an important role in the history of the Swedish welfare state Sometimes referred to as "the Swedish Middle Way", folkhemmet was viewed as midway between capitalism and socialism. The base of the Folk hem vision is that the entire society ought to be like a small family, where everybody contributes. This being marked by equality and mutual understanding. The prime minister Per Albin Hansson introduced the concept 1928 and advocated that the traditional class society should then be replaced by "the people's home" Study associations and folk high schools have always been a part of the non-formal education system. The government provides financial support, but folkbildning organizations are free to shape their own activities based on overall objectives. This freedom is of central importance to understanding the role of folkbildning in Swedish society. Freedom from governmental control and the strong ties to the non-profit sector make folkbildning a force for societal change. Picture 6 : 328 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 329

What is a study circle? Within the study associations learning is defined as the opportunity to learn for ones own sake, the desire to grow as a human being is the main aim. Attending a study circle is a participatory and dynamic process based on the experience of the participants, the skills of the circle leader and the quality of the study material. The participants own backgrounds, experiences and opinions are important for the outcome of the study circle as their discussions lead to new insights for the group as a whole. The unique pedagogical method of the study circle differs from conventional education that is based on a hierarchical model, where the teacher disseminates knowledge from the top. In the study circle the participants contribute to the learnings. The original study circles where often consisted of small groups with no formal teacher. This form is still very popular. The subjects vary from handicrafts to cooking, language learning or music! The rules are simple. The groups should be small 3-12 persons so everyone can make their voice heard. The participants choose the subject of the study circle and the participation is voluntary. The group should meet at least three times to be a study circle. In order to receive state subsidies the participants need to register their identity number as well as keeping a log book of their participation. learn about culture and traditions in Sweden, as well as public information, language training, and other education initiatives to facilitate integration. For this purpose the study associations arrange public lectures about the Swedish system and help immigrant groups to organize study circles in language training, health, democracy among other subjects. It is also important to bring people from different cultural backgrounds together so that they can achieve an understanding about differences in cultural and religious backgrounds. Example 10 immigrant women from 10 different countries where invited to participate in a discussion group about women s situation in different cultures. They discovered that food was a common interest that played an important part in their family lives. The discussions around equality and women s situation also resulted in a cooking book with recipes from their home countries. Picture 9 : Activities for disabled persons Folkbildning should have a special focus on supporting weak groups and individuals in society. For this reason a big part of the study circles are targeted to persons with disabilities, youth with social problems and the elderly. Examples of Study circle: Picture 10 : Picture 7 : music activity Music is one of our strongest holders of culture. It brings people together spending hours of practicing music, composing and performing. Sweden is world leaders in music exports and has placed Sweden on the world map with artists like ABBA, Yohio, Ace of Base. The Swedish study organizations and Folk high schools play an important role in this success as they help millions of young and old music lovers with possibilities to practice and learn music through study circles, providing rehearsal rooms, instruments and performing possibilities or possibilities to record a demo. Public support for folkbildning Swedish Folkbildning is financed to a high degree by subsidies from the state, municipal and counties. The government grant amounts to 389.000.000, shared in equal half s between the study associations and the Folk high schools The government grants amounts to around 70% of the subsidies. A fundamental reason for public support of folkbildning is that it contributes to democratic development in society. Conditions for the government grant to folkbildning are set forth in the Decree on Government Subsidies to Folkbildning Picture 8 : Integration activities An important aim in involving all citizens in society is involving foreign-born Swedes to The government subsidies to folkbildning shall aim to: support activities that contribute to strengthening and developing democracy contribute to making it possible for people to Influence their life situation and create 330 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 331

participative active involvement in societal development contribute to levelling educational gaps and raising the level of education and cultural awareness in society contribute to broadening the interest for and increase participation in cultural life. Picture 11: Evaluation and quality work Folkbildning is largely financed through joint tax funding, where the government sets forth overall objectives for the activities. The freedom from detailed control entails a major responsibility. Study associations and folk high schools must themselves analyze needs and carry out activities based on the government s objectives. The Swedish National Council of Adult Education, which distributes the government grants to folkbildning, is charged by the government with following up and evaluating the activities in folk high schools and study associations. This task has been made more stringent in recent years, which has brought about intensified efforts, both with regard to own evaluations and requirements on internal quality and followup efforts in folkbildning organizations. The Swedish National Council of Adult Education s evaluation activities primarily focus on the folkbildning activity s nature and effects, on individual participants and on society in general. The National Council of Adult Education conducts extensive participant surveys with participants in the study associations study circle activities. We have also conducted folk high school participant surveys. Furthermore, evaluations are done concerning special areas, such as the possibilities for the disabled to participate in folkbildning activities, the conditions of the study circle leaders and distance training. The majority of the evaluations are conducted in cooperation with universities. and complex global changes. We are willing and able to meet the need for learning for sustainable development socially, ecologically and economically. We want to see research that can play a greater role in educational development within civil adult education and contribute to increased understanding of human enlightenment processes. Accessibility & inclusion Civil education is a key resource for reducing educational inequality in society and revealing the potential of diversity. We are willing and able to provide opportunities for the integration and inclusion of more new Swedes and national minorities. Folkbildning should be accessible to all and especially those who have encountered barriers in other forms of education or have disabilities. We are willing and able to offer encounters that promote respect between people, regardless of background. We are willing and able to contribute to better public health and greater digital inclusion. We will be a force against anti-democratic tendencies in society. Citizens & civil society Civil education makes it possible for hundreds of thousands of participants to meet, organize and influence their community. We will meet growing involvement in new associations and movements. Civil education should emphasize the importance of civil education for a sustainable democratic society. We want to use our transnational work in a more proactive manner to increase our understanding of global and local relationships. Civil education wants to be an engine for development in local communities. Picture 12-15 : Upcoming challenges for Folkbildning Folkbildning is willing and able to deepen and develop activities from which citizens can gather strength to meet new social challenges in the future. Based on five folkbildning perspectives, we prioritize the following: Enlightenment & context Civil education meets a growing need for enlightenment in an age of information overload Working life & life-long learning Civil education meets new challenges on the labor market and shifting requirements for skills development quickly and flexibly. Within Civil education, people strengthen their conditions for finding work. We can make it possible for more people with short or incomplete education to find new ways forward. Civil education can take more responsibility for developing forms of learning that suit and interest young people at risk of unemployment. 332 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 333

We want to ensure that foreign-born Swedes have access to quality language training, public information and other education initiatives to facilitate integration in Sweden. Culture & creativity Civil education is by far Sweden s largest cultural arena. We want to meet the needs of more citizens for cultural experiences and personal creativity. Folk high schools and study associations will continue to be lively cultural venues, educators and a labor market for culture professionals throughout Sweden. We want to continue to be a driving force for local cultural development. We want to contribute with initiatives that promote more reading. We will meet high quality standards, particularly in the advanced aesthetic education programmes. 334 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 335

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발제 2 스웨덴비정규성인교육의실례 프리다멜빈 _ 예테보리 ABF, 스웨덴 자선단체등이있습니다. 저희는이러한회원기관들이개인적인관심사는물론조직에관한지식을얻을수있는조건을만들어줍니다. 그러나무엇보다 ABF 활동중가장많은부분을차지하는것은시민들과시민들의학습욕구로만들어지고저희의교육적지원을받는스터디서클입니다. 3 번슬라이드 : 자, 그럼저희는지원대상을어떻게선정할까요? 바로저희의가치를기준으로선정합니다. 모든스터디서클은앞서헬렌이언급한대로시민교육 (folkbildning) 에대한정부보조금의목표를따라야합니다. 그러나그기틀안에서모든스터디서클연합회는자체가치에따라활동을전개합니다. 스웨덴의모든학습서클연합단체는서로다른사회적운동에서기인합니다. ABF의경우, 말씀드린대로노동운동에서시작되었습니다. ABF가지원하고지지하는계획의종류를자세히설명드리기위해, ABF의가치를한번살펴보겠습니다. 1 번슬라이드 : 제이름은프리다멜빈입니다. 저는노동자교육협회 (ABF) 예테보리의스터디서클대표입니다. 헬렌이방금스웨덴비정규성인교육에대해알기쉽게소개해주었으니, 저는비정규성인교육의구체적인사례, 즉학습서클연합단체가하는일과일하는방식에대한몇가지사례를말씀드리고, 왜이런일을하게되었는지에대해서도설명드리겠습니다. 제가제시하는모든사례는제가몸담고있는 ABF 예테보리의사례로, 말할필요도없이, 스웨덴전역의스터디서클연합회가하는일과할수있는모든일의일부분에불과합니다. 2 번슬라이드 : ABF의사례를적절히이해하시도록, ABF에대해, 그리고 ABF의활동방향을결정하는 ABF의역사와가치에대해아주간단히소개하도록하겠습니다. ABF는노동자교육협회를의미합니다. 저희는정치적으로독립된기관이지만, 노동운동의역사와가치를공유합니다. ABF는스웨덴의스터디서클연합회 10개중가장크고오래된단체입니다. 사회민주당과스웨덴노조연맹, 그리고소비자협동조합과소매업자단체의연합체인스웨덴협동조합에의해 1912년에설립되었습니다. ABF는하루에 3,000개의스터디서클을운영하고있고, 매년 70만명의스웨덴인이 ABF 활동에참여합니다. 스웨덴전역에사무소를두고있고, 32,000명의스터디서클리더가있습니다. ABF에는 54개의회원기관이있고, 그중에는은퇴인협회, 민족적인조직, 노동조합, 정치적조직, 장애인 우리는심화되는사회적격차를줄이는것을목표로합니다. 우리의운영기반은민주주의와다양성, 공정성, 평등입니다. 모든사람은동등한가치를지니고, 배울자격이있으며, 사회에영향력을행사할수있다고생각합니다. 모든사람은지역및세계적발전은물론자신의상황에영향력을행사하기위해지식을얻을기회를가져야합니다. 우리는가장불운한사람에게가장많은것을제공하고자합니다. 우리는시장가치가인간의가치보다앞서는사회와세계를원합니다. 우리는도전하고변화를이끄는민주적인세력이될수있는성인교육의잠재력을믿습니다. 이는 ABF의가치를요약한것이니, 혹시전체를다읽어보길원하시는분이계시면영어로된전문을여기가지고왔으니나중에받아보시기바랍니다. 4 번슬라이드 : 모든스터디서클의공통점은스터디서클의계획은어떤단체의호기심에서나왔다는것입니다! 스터디서클연합회가하는일은그저계획을가진자들이자신의생각이나사명을수행하도록돕는것입니다. 이것이바로상상하는모든것이학습서클의콘텐츠가될수있는이유입니다. ( 헬렌이앞서몇가지사례를보여주었죠.) 작년에는 ABF 예테보리에 8,264개의스터디서클이있었습니다. 그중에는플라멩코, 뜨개질, 반인종차별포럼, 노동조합교육, 영화비평, 아마추어연극, 독서회, 외국어, 컴퓨터사용능력등이있습니다. 보시다시피, 활동과주제범위가매우넓습니다. 그럼, 스터디서클은어떻게만들어지는것같나요? 344 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 345

어떤단체가저희에게아이디어를내면, 그아이디어가시민교육에대한정부보조금의조건과저희 ABF 자체의가치와맞는지가늠하기위해회의를합니다. 만약맞을경우, 제안된프로젝트의영역에따라서로다른방식으로지원합니다. 대부분의경우, 저희는이러한단체가스터디서클을조직하도록돕고그후에는교육적인파트너역할을합니다. 예를들어, 한단체의어떤회원을그스터디서클의리더가되도록지원합니다. 성인교육의학습방식에따르면, 스터디서클의리더는교사와다릅니다. 스터디서클의리더는공동학습의코치역할을하고다른회원들과함께학습의목표와비전을정하는사람입니다. ABF는스터디서클리더에게다양한훈련프로그램을제공합니다. 이러한프로그램은집단역학이나집단내갈등해결방법, 각개인별성장조건을고려하는방법등을가르쳐줍니다. 어떤단체가주제에맞는교재를찾도록돕거나공동관심사를가진다른단체와연결해주는등다른방식으로도지원합니다. 또어떤경우에는, 모임장소나교실을제공하기도합니다. 예를들어, ABF 예테보리에는밴드가음악을연주하거나악기를보관할수있는연습실이 52개있습니다. 공연과같은보다큰규모의프로젝트의경우, 행사를홍보해주거나행사주최를위해서로다른단체를연결시켜주기도합니다. 저희는정부보조금을받기때문에, 학습서클의소도구구매비용이나임대료를조금지원해줄수도있습니다. 그러나스터디서클은절대금융업을해서는안된다는점은꼭강조해야합니다. ABF의주요임무는교육적으로의지할수있는곳이되는것과단체들이자체목표를달성하도록돕는것입니다. 5 번슬라이드 : ABF 활동의대부분은문화적활동입니다. 저희는문화가성인교육의중요한부분을차지하며적극적이고융성한민주주의의기본전제조건이라고믿기때문에문화적활동을장려합니다. ABF는민주주의에서문화의역할을강화하고문화를민주화하는것을저희의과제라고생각합니다. 또한저희는문화가사람들에게자신과타인을이해할기회를제공한다고믿습니다. ABF의문화활동에는두가지측면이있습니다. 한가지는사람들에게개인적인창의성을발휘할기회를제공하는것입니다. 스터디서클에서여러분은춤추고, 그림그리고, 연극하고, 도자기를만들고, 글을쓰고, 음악을연주하는등많은것을배울수있습니다. 이렇게보다많은사람들이단순한소비자가아니라운영자가되어볼수있습니다. 예를들어, 음악업계에서는음반사와계약을맺지않는한자신의목소리를들려주기가정말힘듭니다. 교육연합단체의도움을받으면, 비전문가적문화도번성할수있습니다. 둘째측면은보다많은사람들이기존의문화에참여할수있도록돕는것입니다. 모든사람이문화에참여할동등한기회를갖지는못합니다. 예를들어, 저희는오페라공연전후에대화의장을마련하고고전문학에관한독서회를조직합니다. 이는바로문화와예술을이해할수있는방식으로접근하고자하고, 자신들이보고읽은것에대해타인과대화를나누고자하는사람들을위한것입니다. 때때로저희는공개토론에서어떤입장을취하는문화행사를지원하고주관하기도합니다. 라우드걸 (Loud Girl) 프로젝트가그사례입니다. 저희는스웨덴의음악계가매우불공평하다는점을걱정하여, 구성원의절반이상이여성인밴드에연습실과교사, 교육을무료로제공합니다. 슬라이드 6: ABF는기술격차를줄이고민주주의를발전시키기위해적극적으로성인교육에동참합니다. 민주주의는그냥주어지는것이아니라운동의과정이자방향입니다. 민주적이고공정한사회를위해, 모든시민은반드시발언권을가져야하고지적격차를반드시줄여야합니다. 그러나어떻게이러한방대한비전을실현시킬수있을까요? 자, 여기몇가지방법이있습니다. 미디어랩 ABF 예테보리에는미디어와통신관련성인교육을전담하는부서가있습니다. 왜냐하면우리는현재, 시민들이읽고쓸수있도록훌륭한미디어및정보활용능력을갖추는것이중요한미디어사회에살고있기때문입니다. 스터디서클의참여자들은미디어를더욱잘이해하는방법과우리가매일접하는정보의흐름을비판적으로바라보는방법에대해배울수있습니다. 시사뉴스에관한단체토론을통해오늘의뉴스저변에깔린일들을보다깊이이해할수있게됩니다. 많은사람들이페이스북이나트위터의간략한헤드라인뉴스를통해세계정세에대한최신정보를얻는오늘날의사회에서심오한이야기는거의없습니다. 스터디서클에서함께토론함으로써참여자들은정치와세계적인문제, 일반뉴스에관해더욱깊이있고폭넓은그림을그릴수있습니다. 최근저희는외국네트워크와공동으로소위시민저널리즘에참여하기시작했습니다. 이는공공의목소리가더욱다양성을향상시킬수있도록돕기위한것입니다. 현대기술을사용하면, 현상태에대한미디어의이미지는사람들의목소리가더해져완성될수있습니다. 2010년아랍의봄사건이바로그예입니다. 당시소셜미디어에공유된시민의문서가정치적행동에있어결정적역할을했습니다. 무료강의저희는매년 200개의무료강좌를제공합니다. 이는많은청중이지식과정보를쉽게접하는것을목표로합니다. 작가, 언론인, 역사가, 철학자, 정치가등이강연자이며, 강연자는현재사회와민주주의, 문화의상태에대한자신의의견을공유합니다. 강의활동중에는소위야외학습도있습니다. 강연참석자들은예테보리를둘러보는가이드가인솔하는버스에타고사회학자와경제학자는버스에서강연을했습니다. 이들은복지와주택공급상태, 소득, 투표율, 정치적인선호도가예테보리의각지구별로어떻게다른지를설명했습니다. 또다른예로는, 이도시는누구를위해지어졌나 라는주제로진행된일련의세미나입니다. 참석자들은건축학자와지역정치인들이었고, 이들은청중들과함께예테보리시의개발과정에대해토론했습니다. 저희는이번가을에스웨덴학교제도의복지를정말순전히 PISA평가결과와스웨덴복지의경제적파라미터등으로만측정할수있다면, 권력이사람에게무슨도움이되는지에관한강연을진행할예정입니다. 346 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 347

7 번슬라이드 : 8 번슬라이드 : 통합살아있는민주주의의전제조건은새로운이민자들이지역사회에융화되고자신의목소리를낼수있는것입니다. 그러므로, 저희는 ABF 네트워크내민족적인연합단체와공동으로, 학습서클을통해포용향상을위한적극적인활동을수행하고있습니다. 지난 20년간함께한연합단체중하나는아랍어센터 (ABC) 입니다. 매년수백명의망명신청자와피난민들이아랍어센터의학습서클에참여하고있습니다. ABF는교재와교사들의교육기술개선을지원하고, 여러언어를하는교사들을제공합니다. 국제적협동 ABF 예테보리도민주주의의강화와보다공정한세상을위해국경없이일하고있습니다. 국제활동의대부분은올로프팔메국제센터와공동으로추진합니다. 올로프팔메는 1960년대와 1970년대, 그리고 1890년대초에비극적으로살해되기전까지스웨덴의총리를지냈습니다. 팔메센터는민주주의와인권, 평화를생각한올로프팔메의신념에따라활동하고있습니다. 이기관들은국제활동과제창을위한스웨덴노동운동조직들이고 ABF는 27개회원기관중하나입니다. 팔메센터와협력하여하는일은시리아와보스니아, 이라크, 나미비아등외국에있는파트너를교육시키는것입니다. 제가말씀드린사례에대해생각하실경우, 스웨덴비정규성인교육은 100년이넘는역사를가지고있다는점을잊지마시기바랍니다. 그만큼시행착오를겪었죠. 또다른맥락에서비정규성인교육을준비한다고상상하실경우, 성인교육의주요임무가조정하는체계를만드는것이고, 성인교육의콘텐츠는시민과시민의호기심으로결정된다는점을기억하셔야합니다. 아이디어는이미존재합니다. 교육자금지원외에또다른중요한임무는공통의목표에도달하도록공통의이해관계를가진다른단체나기관을찾는것입니다. 마지막으로, 여러분모두께천리길도한걸음부터라는속담을상기시켜드리고싶습니다. 앞으로진행될토론이기대됩니다. 경청해주셔서고맙습니다! 성인교육을제공하는방법스스로주최하는방법, 단체와재단에서일하는방법민주사회와단체에서일하는방법성평등과형평성을쟁취하기위한방법 노조와정치인을위한교육또한 ABF의교육활동은노동조합과협력함으로써스웨덴의사회운동을강화합니다. 노동조합들은 ABF의회원기관이고 ABF는노조직원과노조에서선출된대표들을위한교육프로그램을마련합니다. 주제는위원회설립이나노조대표가되는방법, 직업안전과접근성등이될수있습니다. 또한 ABF는예테보리에서선출된사회민주당대의원을위한교육프로그램을관리하기도합니다. 이프로그램의참가자들은다음과같은질문에대한답을구하고자합니다. 선출되고정치적사명을갖는다는것은무슨의미인가? 나그리고내가속한단체는이러한사명을띠고어떻게정치적으로일해야하는가? 우리는우리의사명에따라어떻게시민과우리단체회원들과소통해야하는가? 우리는행정부와공무원을정치적으로어떻게통제할수있는가? 348 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 349

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Speaker 2 Swedish non formal adult education in practice ABF carries 3 000 study circles a day and 700 000 Swedes are in contact with our activities every year. We have offices all over Sweden and 32 000 active study circle leaders working in our network. ABF has 54 member organizations including associations of retired people, ethnic organizations, trade unions, political organizations and disability charities. We create the conditions to allow members of the organizations to gain knowledge about organizational matters as well as personal interests. The largest part of our activities is however is the study circles that are created by the citizens and their desire to learn and to whom we constitute an educational support. Frinda Mellbin_ Education program developer of ABF Gteborg, Sweden Slide 3: Slide 1: My name is Frida Mellbin and I am Head of the Unit for Study Circles in ABF in Gothenburg. After the enlightening introduction of Swedish non-formal adult education that Helen just gave us, my aim for this presentation is to give you a couple of concrete example of what activities nonformal adult education can culminate in - What we do in study associations, how we do it and some notes about why. All of the examples I will be mentioning are from ABF in Gothenburg, where I work, and needless to say they are just a small selection of all that's being done and can be done in study associations throughout Sweden. Slide 2: In order to put the examples in their proper context let me give you a very short introduction to ABF, our history and the values that determinates the direction of our activities. ABF stands for the Workers Educational Association. The ABF is a politically independent organization, but we share a history and values with the labor movement. ABF is the largest of ten study associations in Sweden and the oldest one. ABF was founded in 1912 by The Social Democratic Party, the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, and the Swedish Co-Operative Union, a federation of consumer co-operatives and retail group. So how do we choose which initiatives to support? This is where our values come in. Every study association is obliged to work according to the aims of the Government Subsidies to Folkbildning, as Helen pointed out. But within that framework every study association creates activities grounded in their own values every study association in Sweden stems from a different social movement. In the case of ABF it is, as I said, the labor movement. In order to give you a full picture of which kind of initiatives ABF supports and work for, let us take a look at the values of ABF: We aim to reduce the widening gaps in society. Democracy, diversity, fairness and equality are the foundations of our operations. We believe that all people have equal value. That all people can learn, and that they can impact society. Everyone should have the opportunity to gain knowledge to influence their own situation, as well as local and global development. We aim to give the most to the least fortunate. We want to prevent a society and a world in which human values comes before market value. We believe in the potential of adult education to challenge and be a democratic force for change. This is just a summary of our values, if anyone is interested to read it in its full length I ve got it in English here and you can receive it later. Slide 4: What all study circles have in common is that the initiative stems from a group s curiosity! What we do in study associations is simply to help the initiative taker to carry out their idea or 354 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 355

mission. That is why the content of a study circle can be more or less anything imaginable! (Helen has already given us a couple of examples) Last year we organized 8 264 study circles in ABF in Gothenburg. A few random examples are flamenco, knitting, anti-racism forum, trade union education, film criticism, amateur theater, reading groups, foreign languages and computer literacy. As you can see the range of activities and topics is very large. So what does the process of creating a study circle look like? When a group approaches us with their idea we set up a meeting in order to assess if the idea meets the conditions from Government Subsidies to Folkbildning and our own set of values. If so, we can contribute in a few different ways depending on the scope of the proposed project. In most cases we aid them to form a study circle and then play the role of educational sparring partner. For example, we will support one member of the group to become the group leader. According to the adult education s way of learning the leader of a study circle is not to be confused with a teacher. Instead the role of a study circle leader is to be a coach for the common learning and is the one who together with the other members sets goals and visions for the learning process. At ABF we offer a range of different training programs for study circle leaders teaching them about group dynamics, how to handle conflict within the group and how to consider individuals different conditions to grow. Another way we can support a study circle is by helping the group to find textbooks for their subject and connecting them with other groups in our network that have common interests. In some cases we can provide a classroom or somewhere for them to meet. For example in Gothenburg ABF has 52 rehearsal rooms where bands in our network can play music and store their instruments. When it comes to larger projects such as performances we can contribute with marketing of the event and bringing different groups together in order to enable the event. Since we obtain governmental subsidies we are also able to offer a small financial compensation for the study circles to enable purchasing of props or rental costs. However it is important to emphasize that study associations never work solely as financiers. Our main task is to be an educational recourse and to serve the group in reaching its own goal. Slide 5: The bulk of our activities consist of cultural activities. We encourage this since we believe that culture is an important part of adult education and a fundamental prerequisite for an active and thriving democracy. We consider it our task to strengthen the role of culture in democracy and to democratize culture. We also believe that culture gives people opportunities to understand themselves and others. ABF's cultural activities have two dimensions. One is to give people opportunities for personal creativity. In the study circle, you can learn to dance, paint, play theater, pottery, writing, playing music and much more. In this manner more people become operators rather than mere consumers. In the music industry, for example, it is very hard to get your voice heard if you are not signed to a record label. With the help of educational associations, the non - professional culture is able to prosper. The second dimension is to allow more people to take part in the culture which already exists - not everybody has had the same opportunities in life to take part of culture. For example we arrange conversations before and after opera performances and we arrange book clubs about classic literature. This is for those who want to approach culture and arts in an understandable way and those who would like to discuss with others what they have seen or read. Sometimes we also support and organize cultural events that will take a stance in the public debate. One example is the project Loud Girl. Since we at ABF are concerned about the music scene in Sweden being so unequal, we offer free rehearsal rooms, tutors and teaching for bands with 50 % or more women. Slide 6: In ABF we actively work with adult education in order to reduce skills gaps and develop democracy. Democracy is to us not a given state but a process and a direction of movement. For a democratic and just society, all citizens must have a say and knowledge gaps must be reduced. But how does one transform these magnanimous visions into actual activities? Well, there are many ways here are a few of them: Media Lab At ABF in Gothenburg we have a department that works exclusively with adult education on media and communications. This is because we live in a media society where it as important for a citizen to have good media and information literacy as it is to be able to read and write. Within a study circle participants are able to gain knowledge of how to better understand the media and how to keep a critical approach to the flow of information that we encounter every day. The group discussions on current news also enable deeper understanding for the underlying events behind today s news. In a society where many keep up to date about the world state through brief headlines on Facebook or Twitter the profound stories are few. By a joint discussion in a study circle the participants are able to form a deeper and broader picture of politics, global issues and general news. Recently we also began to engage in so called citizen journalism, in cooperation with foreign 356 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 357

networks. The goal is to aid others to create greater diversity in the public voice. Using modern technology the people s voice can be a completion to the media image of the state of things. Proved for example by events of the Arabic Spring in 2010, where the citizens documentation shared in social media played a ruling part in the resulting political actions. Lectures free of charge We offer 200 free lectures a year. The aim is to provide easy access to knowledge and information for a wide audience. The lecturers are writers, journalists, historians, philosophers and politicians and are invited to share their views on the current state of society, democracy and culture. An example from the lecture activities is our so-called class journey. The participants were given a guided bus tour through Gothenburg and lecturers onboard were among others sociologists and economists. They presented how the welfare, housing conditions, income situation, voter turnout and political preferences differ between the various districts of Gothenburg. Another example is a series of seminars on the topic For whom is the city built?. Participants were architects and local politicians and they discussed the development of the city along with the audience. This autumn we offer lectures about what power does to people, if the wellbeing of the Swedish school system really can be measured solely by the results of the PISA-evaluation, the economic parameters of the Swedish welfare and much more. What we do in collaboration with the Palme Centre is to educate our partners in foreign countries such as Syria, Bosnia, Iraq and Namibia on: How to work with adult education. How to organize themselves and how to work in associations and federations. How to work in a democratic society and in an association. How can we work to achieve gender equality and equity. Education for trade unions ABFs education activities also strengthen social movements in Sweden by working with trade unions. The trade unions are member organizations of ABF and we arrange training courses for their staff and elected on their own requests. Topics can be board development, how to become union representatives and occupational safety and accessibility issues. Slide 8: As you can see, the range of activities within study associations in Sweden is very wide. I hope that with these examples I have made the picture at little more clear to you, but I m sure you have many questions and look forward to them in the upcoming Q&A. Thank you for your attention! Slide 7: Integration A precondition of a living democracy is that new immigrants are integrated into the community and get their voices heard. Therefore, we work actively with inclusion using study circles, in collaboration with the ethnic associations within our network. One of the associations that we've worked with for over 20 years is ABC - Arabic Letter Center. Hundreds of asylum seekers and refugees participate in ABC: s study circles every year. ABF contributes with teachers who are multilingual, with textbooks and educational skills development of the teachers. International cooperation ABF Göteborg also works beyond Sweden's borders with the aim of strengthening democracies and create a more just world. Most of our international actions we do in cooperation with the Olof Palme International Centre. Olof Palme was the Prime Minister of Sweden in the 60 s, 70 s and early 80 s when he was tragically murdered. The Palme Center works in the spirit of Olof Palme for democracy, human rights and peace. They are the Swedish labor movement's organization for international activities and advocacy and ABF is one of their 27 member organizations. 358 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 359

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토론 1 스웨덴시민교육에대한생각과질문 Ⅰ 하고있다. ==> 스웨덴에서 < 학습서클연합단체 > 가구성되는원칙이있는가? 예컨대새로운학습서클연합단체가구성될때, 어떤조건이구비되어야하는가? 그학습서클연합단체와그소속서클간의다양한관계의구조는어떠한가? 2. 스터디서클리더에대하여 ==> 스터디서클리더들은어떤사람들로구성되는가? 어떤교육과정과훈련과정을통해스터디서클리더가되는가? 이들이스터디서클리더에대한교육지원은어떤것이있는가 주은경 _ 참여연대아카데미느티나무 2010년스웨덴스톡홀름에서스웨덴성인교육위원회, ABF, 메드보가르스콜란을방문하여인터뷰한적이있다. 스웨덴시민교육현장탐방기 < 스웨덴민주주의힘은시민교육에서나온다 >(< 시민교육 >, 민주화운동기념사업회 ) 는글을쓴적이있다. 오늘발표와당시방문을기초로질문을하려한다. 참고 민주주의는유전되지않는다. 민주국가는잘못된사물을분석하고대담하게의문을제기할수있는사람이필요하다. 그러기위해대화와행동은학습서클의교육방법에서대단히중요하다. 모든학습과정은참가자의경험, 기술, 지식에서출발한다. 모든사람들이편안한분위기에서자기의견을피력하며, 함께한다는느낌, 서로돕겠다는의지가생겨야한다. 학습서클리더는학습과정에서참가자들스스로 왜내가이일을하며, 어떤결과를목표로할지 명심하도록해야한다. 리더에게질문이집중되지않고, 서로에게질문을던져문제를해결하기위해참가자들간의대화를유도해야한다. 내가만난 ABF 사무총장은 자신의단체에만스터디서클리더가 1년에 2만7천명이다. 이가운데풀타임스탭이 10년전엔 1천2백명, 지금은 9백50명이다. 스터디서클을더많이운영하기위해서풀타임스탭의수를줄였다 한국의시민교육이스웨덴시민교육에서무엇을배울것인가... 를이야기하기전에, 두나라의시민교육환경에서큰차이를확인해야한다. 사회복지의나라스웨덴. 사민당이 1920년부터 2010년까지 90년중에 65년을집권할만큼강했고노동조합조직율이 80% 에달하는등노조와정당의두역할이튼튼히뿌리박고있는나라. 사민당이약화되고우파연합이강화되고있지만, 사회복지등기본시스템의근간은바꾸지않는나라. 그에반해한국은노동조합조직율 10% 에불과하고진보정당의석수가전체 299석가운데 5석에불과하며, 정권이바뀌면모든정책기조가흔들린다. 이런차이에도불구하고, 시민교육을하는우리는스웨덴에서어떤시사점을얻을것인가? 무엇을배울것인가하는관점에서질문을하려한다. 1. 전국 9개의 < 학습서클연합단체 >. 여기에 318개의시민단체들이소속되어활동한다. 이가운데 1912년사민당과노조와연계해노동자교육기관으로태동한 ABF, 1940년보수당교육기관으로태동한메드보가르스콜란, 1967년시작한농민과도시자영업자계열의 SV 등이대표적이다. 출발당시각각의정치색을가지고태동했지만, 차차정치색은옅어지고모두교양문화예술체육등의강좌, 세미나, 학습서클을운영 ==> ABF와메드보가르스콜란이운영하는스터디서클리더의자격을어떤인증또는자격으로규정화하는것이있는가? 리더들을위한특정한교육프로그램을운영하는가? 시민들스스로자발적으로구성운영하는스터디서클형태와교육단체프로그램기획자가만들고운영하는스터디서클형태가있을수있는데, 그비율이나현황을알고싶다. 3. ABF를방문했을때, 노동자교육기관인데취미교육이많은이유에대해물어본적이있다. 그때정치교육만고집하면시민들로부터외면받는다. 내용과방법은시민의요구에서출발한다는얘기가인상적이었다. 메드보가르스콜란도정치적가치보다인본주의와같은사회보편적가치를중요시한다는얘기를들었다. ==> 민주주의, 평등, 정의와같은내용보다자기개발교육으로변화해가는상황에대해시민교육담당자로서어떻게보고있는가? 일본의경우 개인의취미를왜정부가보조해야하는가 하는문제제기가있다는얘기를들었다. 한편한국에서는 민주시민교육은지식중심의정치교육중심이어야한다 는입장과, 시민교육은지식중심의정치교육도필요하지만, 지성감성영성이통합되는민주주의교육, 예술교육, 자아탐색교육등으로확대되어야한다 는입장이있다. 이에대한의견을듣고싶다. 364 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 365

참고 ABF는정치적으로독립된기관이지만노동운동의가치를공유한다. 민주주의, 다양성, 정의, 평등은 ABF의바탕이다. 그런데교육내용은언어, 수공예, 문학, 환경문제, 국제문제, 컴퓨터기술, 영화, 음악, 악기연주, 합창등다양하다. 홈페이지를보면, 그다채로운프로그램에더욱놀라게된다. < 애완견키우기 >, < 지역연극공연 >, < 포크송가수와함께노래하기 > 같은문화와생활교육, < 창의력개발공연 >, < 장애인연구소가주관하는삶의경험과개선을위한토론회 >, < 소비자단체가주관하는친환경적소비와물건을제대로고를수있는소비행위를위한조언 >, < 환경연료문제 >, < 스웨덴시각에서본라틴아메리카 >, < 글쓰기왕따문제해결을위하여 >, < 스웨덴의족보연구 > < 환경의날기념, EU가환경을해결할수있을까 > < 삶을위한경제 > <2010년스웨덴선거결과분석 > < 공정한국제무역 > 같은사회문제강좌도있다. < 정년퇴직, 이렇게준비하자 > < 환자와저소득층이국가보조금을신청하는방법 > 등 1회성강의부터 10회이상의강좌도있다. 메드보가르스콜란은정규학교도운영하는동시에직업학교, 재취업교육, 회사의외주교육도하고있다. 최근엔정원가꾸기, 버섯따기, 블루베리키우기, 자연관찰프로그램이인기가높다. < 디카와포토샵 > 은물론 < 마음과몸 - 웃음, 명상, 요가 > < 허리강화운동 > 같은건강프로그램, < 항해자격증과정 >, 함께음식을만들어먹는 < 요리와재료구입 >, < 경제와재무교육, 연금활용법 >, < 여성과경제 >, < 재난구조방법 >, < 말하기, 발성법, 표현하기 >, < 이혼커플들이 2 주에 1회만나는프로그램 > 도있다. 아이를돌보는사람도교육에참가할수있도록어린이부터노인까지그룹별프로그램을운영한다 4. 스웨덴에서성인교육과시민교육의구별을하고있는가? 5. ABF와민중의집의관계는? ( 끝 ) Q&A 1 Thoughts and Questions about Civic Education in Sweden (I) Eun-kyung JOO_President Civic Education Center PSPD I had a chance to visit and interview members of the Sweden Adult Education Commission, Arbetarnas forbildningsforbund (ABF), and Medbogarskolan in Stockholm, Sweden. Based on my trip and interviews, I ended up writing The Power of Swedish Democracy comes from Civic Education (Korea Democracy Foundation). My questions will be therefore based upon the presentations today and my visit to Sweden then. Before discussing what we could learn from Swedes for civic education in Korea, I need first to point out the major difference of the civic education environment between the two countries. Sweden is a major welfare state. Its Social Democratic Party (SDP) ruled for 65 years out of the 90 years of the country s electoral democracy between 1920 and 2010, while over 80 percent of all Swedish workers are unionized. Labor and party politics has firm roots in the country. Although the SDP has weakened somewhat and right-wing coalition politics is on rise, it is highly unlikely for the country s well-established welfare system to change in any major way for decades to come. On the contrary, the unionization rate among Korean workers barely reaches 10 percent, and progressive party members occupy only five out of the 299 seats in the National Assembly in Korea. Here, it is not uncommon for even major policy initiatives to be overturned and changed whenever a new president is elected. Notwithstanding this huge difference, we need to seek the implications of the Swedish case on 366 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 367

our plan for civic education in Korea. Now I would like to ask what we should learn from Swedes. 1. Sweden has nine Study Circle Associations nationwide, with which 318 related nongovernmental organizations are affiliated. Representative examples include ABF, created by the SDP and labor unions in 1912 to provide education for workers; Medbogarskolan, which started out in 1940 as an education institution for the Conservative Party; and SV, which came into being in 1967 to provide education for farmers and self-employed urbanites. Each of these organizations was born with distinct party and political affiliations. These affiliations, however, have thinned out over the years, turning these organizations into supporters of study circles and sources of education on the liberal arts, culture, fine art, sports, and the like. ==> What are the organizing principles for Study Circle Associations in Sweden? What criteria or conditions should a new Study Circle Association satisfy? How is the structure of the relationship between these associations and the affiliated study circles? 2. About study circle leaders: ==> What kind of people become study circle leaders? What kind of education and training do they undergo before becoming leaders? What educational support is provided for these leaders? Note Democracy is not inherited. A democratic state always needs people who are capable of analyzing wrongs and problems, and of raising bold questions. Conversation and conduct are,therefore, crucial to education in study circles. All learning processes start with participants experience, skills and knowledge. All participants should be able to express their opinions in a welcoming environment and feel solidarity and the mutual inclination to help one another. A study circle leader s job is to make sure that participants keep being mindful of why they are studying and for what ends. Questions should not be directed at leaders only, but directed at all participants so that they can engage in problem-solving dialogue. The head of ABF I met and interviewed said that his organization alone produced 27,000 study circle leaders each year. The number of full-time staff members, however, has been reduced from 1,200 to 950 over a decade so as to provide increasing resources and support for study circles. ==> Are there any formal certificates or licenses that study circle leaders at ABF and Medbogarskolan must acquire? Do these organizations provide education and training for study circle leaders? There can be study circles organized and run by citizens themselves, on the one hand, and other circles organized and provided by organizations program planners. What are the proportions and current status of these programs? 3. When I visited ABF, I asked why the organization provided so many programs on hobbies and the liberal arts, when it was an organization for the education of workers. ABF answered that insisting upon political education alone would alienate people, and that much of the contents and methods of the programs on offer reflect actually existing demand. I heard that Medbogarskolan similarly emphasizes humanism and other such social values over political and ideological ones. ==> What is your take, as a civic education expert, on the increasing shift of emphasis from democracy, equality and justice to self-development? In Japan, some question why the government should fund individuals hobbies and interests. In Korea, there is an ongoing debate between those who believe that democratic civic education should be a form of knowledge-based politics, and others who stress that civic education needs to go beyond political knowledge and provide democratic, artistic and self-oriented education that supports the growth of people s intellectual, emotional and spiritual abilities. What is your take on this controversy? Note ABF is a politically independent organization, but officially shares values with labor movements, such as democracy, diversity, justice and equality. Yet its educational curriculum features a wide spectrum of subjects and interests, including foreign languages, handicrafts, literature, environmental protection, current international affairs, computer skills, cinema, music, musical instruments, and choirs. The list of programs on offer, available on the organization s website, is indeed remarkable for its length and diversity. Programs, whether for one time only or to progress over 10 or more lectures each, include: Growing Pets; Local Theater and Drama; Singing With Folk-Song Singers; Creativity Development Performances; Debates for Life Experiences and Improvement (hosted by the Disability Research Institute); Advice on Eco-Friendly and Smart Spending (from consumer organizations); Environmental Fuel Issues; Latin America from the Swedish Perspective; Writing on How to Solve the Bullying Problem; Pedigrees in Sweden; Day of Environment Can the EU Solve the Environmental Problem?; Economy for Life; Analysis of the Swedish Electoral Results of 2010; Fair International Trade; How to Prepare for Retirement; How to Apply for National Subsidies for the Ill and the Needy?, among others. In addition to its regular, more politics-oriented curriculum, Medbogarskolan also provides 368 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 369

occupational training, reemployment training, and other training programs requested by businesses. Recently popular programs include: Gardening; Picking Mushrooms; Growing Blueberries; Observing Nature. Other interesting programs include: Digital Camera and Photoshop; Mind and Body Laughter, Meditation and Yoga; Lower-Back Enhancing Exercises; Sea Voyage License Program; Cooking and Ingredients; Economic and Financial Education on Pensions; Women and Economy; First Aid and Relief in Disaster Situations; Speaking, Vocalization and Expression; How Divorced Couples Meet Once Every Two Weeks, and others. The organization offers programs catering to diverse age groups, from children to seniors, so that parents with children can also take classes. 토론 2 스웨덴시민교육에대한생각과질문 Ⅱ 4. Is there any distinction between adult education and civic education in Sweden? 조철민 _ 한일장신대학교 NGO 정책연구소 5. What is the relationship between ABF and the Folk Home? 1. 이번포럼을주최한민주화운동기념사업회의배려로최근스웨덴시민교육에관해살펴볼수있는기회를얻었습니다. 이과정에서스웨덴시민교육으로부터많은시사점을얻을수있었습니다. 그중에서도가장인상깊은것은시민교육이시민사회의다양한주체들, 특히사회변화를추구하는사회운동주체들이중심이되어시민교육을실행하고관련된거버넌스까지자율적으로이끄는한편, 정부는국민의세금으로조성된공공재정을바탕으로시민교육을적극적으로지원하되, 그기본적인내용과활동에있어서의자율성은보장하는전통입니다. 스웨덴과한국의역사적, 사회적조건에는차이가있지만, 스웨덴의시민교육모델은크게 2가지측면에서한국사회에시사점을제공해주고있습니다. 첫째, 시민사회주체들의시민교육활동의자율성이보장되는것입니다. 이는물론시민사회주체들의시민교육역량이전제되는것입니다. 사회운동을비롯해다양한사회적변화를추구하는주체들이시민교육을주요전략을사고할필요가있습니다. 기존에는주로시민교육은부차적인활동으로여겨져왔습니다. 둘째, 정부의적극적인지원입니다. 한국에서는정부의시민사회에대한공공재정지원이마치사회복지지원처럼시혜적의미에서이해되곤합니다. 하지만시민의세금으로조성된공공재정을활용해공공적사업인시민교육을권력의주체인시민이실행하는모델에관한이해가필요합니다. 2. 아울러스웨덴시민교육관련자들이모처럼한국을방문해주신이기회를빌어스웨덴시민교육으로부터시사점을얻으려는생각의과정중에떠오른몇가지질문을드리고자합니다. 주로시민교육거버넌스와관련된질문입니다. 370 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 371

첫째, 스웨덴시민교육에대한공적재정의폭넓은지원이유지되기위해서는시민교육, 그리고시민교육에대한재정지원에대한전사회적인튼튼하고광범위한합의가필수적입니다. 스웨덴에서는시민교육에대한이러한사회적합의가어떻게형성됐고, 또어떻게세대를넘어전승되는지에관한견해를듣고싶습니다. 둘째, 시민교육에대한적극적인정부의지원정책에변화는없는지요? 정부지원의타당성에문제를제기하거나, 경제적상황이좋지않으니재정지원을줄이자는식의견해들은없는지요? 셋째, 스웨덴성인교육위원회를중심으로한시민사회의자율적인시민교육거버넌스에서그구성원간의갈등은없는지요? 갈등이있다면어떤방식으로조정되는지궁금합니다. ( 끝 ) Q&A 2 Thoughts and Questions about Civic Education in Sweden (II) Chul-min CHO _Hanil Presbyterian University 1. Thanks to the Korea Democracy Foundation, which has organized this year s forum, I have had a great opportunity to learn about civic education in Sweden. The Swedish example indeed revealed numerous implications for similar practices in Korea. I was most impressed with the fact that, in Sweden, diverse actors of the civil society particularly those in pursuit of specific social changes played leading roles in organizing and running programs of civic education, and that the government actively funds these civic initiatives with the national treasury, while fully respecting the autonomy of the participating groups. There are, of course, unbridgeable gaps between Sweden and Korea in terms of historical and social settings for civic education, but I think that at least the two following implications are clear for Korea. First is the importance of respecting the autonomy of citizens and nongovernmental organizations over civic education. Such respect, however, is predicated upon the sufficient capability of individuals and groups to organize and run related programs. Actors of social movements need to devise strategies for civic education as the first, rather than secondary, concern of their activities. Second is the importance of active support from the government. In Korea, many still think of fiscal support for the activities of the civil society as part of welfare benefits. However, we need to renew our understanding of public fiscal support for civic education as a natural and necessary part of educating citizens, who hold true power over democratic politics. 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 373

2. Now that we have civic education experts from Sweden with us, I would like to ask them some questions, particularly about the governance of civic education. First, I would assume that, in order for the Swedish government to continue to provide significant amounts of public fiscal support for civic education, it needs a wide and strong societal consensus on the necessity of civic education and public funding for it. How has such a societal consensus come to arise and develop over the years in Sweden? How do Swedes manage to maintain that consensus over the generations? Second, how likely is the Swedish government s policy of actively supporting civic organization to change in the future? Are there voices critical of such public funding, particularly in the light of the ongoing worldwide economic recession? Third, aren t there any conflicts among stakeholders, including the Swedish Adult Education Commission and others, in the autonomous system of governance in Swedish civic education? If there are, how are these conflicts coordinated and resolved? 시민교육세션 2 시민교육의지역전환과새로운플랫폼 Localization Strategy of the Citizenship Education and Creation of its New Platform in South Korea 발제 1 이필구 ( 한국YMCA전국연맹 ) 지역전환과새로운플랫폼 발제 2 이호 ( 풀뿌리자치연구소이음 ) 한국의지방분권과주민자치 발제 3 하승우 ( 옥천자치와공생의삶 ) 지역사회의현실 발제 4 이창림 ( 더체인지 ) 새로운시대의의사소통 발제 5 김미란 ( 광명평생학습관 ) 중간지원조직에서의시민교육활동과지역내허브역할 발제 6 조정림 ( 마산YMCA) 지역사회시민교육과공교육의만남 374 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in AsiaCrisis or New Trajectory 375

발제 1 지역전환과새로운플랫폼 이필구 _ 한국 YMCA 전국연맹 1. 한국사회시민운동의변화지형 프랑스정치철학자알렉시스드토크빌 (Alexis de Tocqueville) 은민주주의의기초는사회공동의이익을추구하고판단하는 시민사회 의성장에있다고제시한바있다. 더나은민주주의를위해선그만큼시민사회의역할이중요하다는말이다. 한국사회역시 1987년민주화운동이후사회변화의핵심동력은시민운동이었고, 그선두엔시민운동단체가있었다. 1990년이후시민단체들의활동이활성화되면서시민단체의민주시민교육활동도본격적으로전개됐다. 급속한근대화 산업화 도시화과정에서심각한사회문제들이대두됐고, 이문제들을시민사회차원에서해결하고자하는노력의일환으로시민단체의활동이활성화되기시작한것이다. 1980 년대후반정치적민주화가진전되면서, 1989년경제정의실천시민연합 ( 경실련 ) 의창립을필두로수많은시민단체들이생겨났다. 시민단체들은다양한영역에서많은활동을하였다. 시민단체들의이념 의제 활동방식은천차만별이지만, 거의대부분의시민단체가어떠한형태로든교육활동이기본토대로작동하였다. 현재는정치 경제 지방자치 문화 여성 인권 반부패 소비자등다양한영역에서셀수없을만큼많은민주시민교육들이시민단체들에의해실시되고있다. 현재까지의시민운동의흐름을볼때향후시민사회운동은어떤방향으로갈것인가? 는급격한사회변화의소용돌이속에서 어떤변화 가일어났는가에주목할필요가있다. 2002년이후자발적으로참여하는개인들의출현으로사회운동의변화는이미시작되었다고볼수있다. 운동주체의구분이없어지고운동방식역시다양해지면서, 때로는개인이때로는공간이때로는웹사이트나네트워크자체가사회운동의주체혹은장으로역할을하고있다. 이런변화는개인과단체, 영리와비영리사이의경계를넘나들며이루어지고있으며, 조직의형태와운동의방식도빠르게변화하고있다. 상호간의경계를넘어어떻게연결할것인가, 그리고그길을어떻게만들어갈것인가, 는지금시민사회운동을하는모든활동가들의고민을수밖에없다. 벽을눕히면다리 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 377

가된다 는말처럼새로운변화를위한상상이필요한시점이다. 나. 학습공동체사회, 평생교육으로서의시민교육 2. 시민교육은시민사회의토대를구축하는도구이다. 한국에서시민사회운동은 1989년경제정의실천시민연합 ( 경실련 ) 의창립을필두로수많은시민단체들이생겨나면서구체화되었다. 시민단체들의이념 의제 활동방식은천차만별이지만, 거의대부분의시민단체가어떠한형태로든교육활동을실시하고있음을알수있다. 1) 즉시민단체의활동과민주시민교육은불가분의관계에있는것이다. 지금도정치 경제 지방자치 문화 여성 인권 반부패 소비자등다양한영역에서셀수없을만큼많은민주시민교육들이시민단체들에의해실시되고있다. 이런결과 2000년대들어오면민주시민교육의필요성과중요성이우리사회전체에확산되게되었다. 선관위선거연수원이민주시민교육을주요사업으로계획하는가하면, 한국교육개발원평생교육센터에서민주시민교육을주요한과제로설정하고, 민주화운동기념사업회도민주시민교육을본격적으로추진하게되었다. 또한비영리민간단체지원법에의한정부의비영리민간단체지원에서민주시민교육이하나의영역으로자리잡기도하고, 2000년부터시작된주민자치센터, 2001년부터시작된평생학습센터에서도민주시민교육이주요한과제로부각되기시작했다. 이런흐름이대학으로발전하면서 2011년부터는경희대의경우후마니타스칼리지 ( 시민교육 ) 과정을교양필수로만들면서, 대학안에서시민교육이실험적으로진행되고있다. 최근에는일부자치단체에서민주시민교육조례등이만들어지면서, 지방자치단체차원에서민주시민교육을고민하고있고, 교육자치제가실시되면서진보적교육감이당선된지역은민주시민교육이제도권학교를중심으로다양한방식으로실시되고있다. 이를유형화시켜보면가. 민주시민양성을위한시민교육 90년대중반이후독일아데나워재단으로부터민주시민교육이소개되면서민주시민양성을위한민주시민교육이본격적으로확산되었다. 이는독일에서폭넓게진행되고있는정치교육과유사한개념으로민주주의에대한개념과이해부터선거, 투표에대한이해와실천, 정치현안에대한이해및분석, 민주적토론문화실현, 사회적갈등해결, 주민자치와시민참여등에대한논의와실제를담고있다. 이런시민교육을토대로, 90년중반시작된마을만들기운동이 2000년넘어선전국적으로확산되기도했다. 근대이후국가가주도하는학교가교육을집중하면서지역사회는더이상학습공동체로서의기능을상실하 였다. 하지만지식정보사회로접어들면서주변의교육환경이변화하고있고, 가장주목할것이모두가학습자이며누구도학습하는것을막을수없다는학습권에대한자각이생겨나고있다는것이다. 이러한자각은기존의교육에대한고정관념을여지없이무너뜨리고있다. 학교뿐만아니라삶의모든영역을학습공간으로보고있어서, 학령기라는의미가무색할만큼평생학습이보편적용어로사용되고있다. 즉, 모든시민은교육받을권리, 학습할권리가있다는측면에서시민교육은평생교육이며, 보편적시민의기본권이라고보면서, 법제화이후평생교육으로시민교육이확장되고있다. 다. 제도권교육의변화, 교육으로서의시민교육 2011년부터진행하고있는경희대학교후마니타스칼리지의실험과몇몇인문학습공동체의움직임은제도권교육에서시민교육을어떻게할수있는지보여주고있다. 경기도교육청의경우도 2012년교육청내민주시민교육과를신설하고, 학교민주시민교육의제도화를위해노력했다. 진보성향의교육감들이대거당선되면서, 교육계내에서민주시민교육에대한관심이확산되는추세이다. 서울시의경우도민주시민교육조례가제정되면서서울시민을대상으로한민주시민교육종합계획을올해수립하도록되어있고, 서울시교육청과협의를통해마을에서시민교육을확장하려는움직임이있다. 이처럼시민교육은교육주체나학습자, 관점에따라다양한주제와내용, 방식으로이루어지고있다. 어떠한것도시민교육에대해완벽하게설명하지는못하지만나름의방식과정의를통해시민교육의영역을확장하고있다. 하지만공통점이있다면모든교육프로그램과단체에서강조하는것은교육이후의실천과활동이라는것이다. 이를위해과거와는달리교육과정안에서단순히가르치고배우는주입식교수법이아니라참여와토론, 활동등다양한쌍방향교수법과함께교육이후에배운것을나누는봉사의과정, 실천하는참여의과정, 자신의판단을이행하는운동의과정등을함께하고있다. 이러한실천적과정과함께앞으로중요한것은시민교육이어떠한외풍에도흔들리지않을수있도록하는사회적합의일것이다. 콘텐츠와학습자모집에대한경쟁체제가아니라공동의목표를가진시민교육공동체로서함께나가야할것이다. 3. 시민사회의토대를어떻게구축할것인가? 시민교육의지역전환과새로운플랫폼구상이필요하다. 일상생활에서시민성을형성하는운동을어떻게만들어갈것인가? 일상세계의가치를새롭게세우는방향으로지역운동을재구성해야한다는목소리가커지고있다. 그바탕에시민교육이있다. 향후운동의방향 1) 한국시민사회단체민주시민교육의독특한조건으로군사독재, 고속경제성장, 민주화, 세계화로이어지는한국사회의급속한변화와압축성장과정에서민주시민교육의시행주체와내용이민중교육, 민주시민교육, 평생학습으로전환되기도하고, 기본적인관점역시파울로프레이리의 피억압자의교육 으로불리던민중교육의관점에서독일민주시민교육의관점과방법, 평생학습과학습공동체의관점이중첩되어나타났다. 은 민주시민교육을왜해야하는가? 에대한논쟁도필요하지만, 지역을중심으로어떤민주시민시민교육을할것인가? 에대한구체적인논의과정을만들어가는것이중요하다. 이를위한몇가지방향을제시해보 378 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 379

고자한다. 가. 수요자중심의민주시민교육민주시민교육은 시민의, 시민에의한, 시민을위한 것이돼야한다. 이원칙은시민의생활세계에서건전한시민사회의형성에기여해야하는시민단체의민주시민교육활동에서더욱견지돼야한다. 이를위해서는민주시민교육에대한패러다임의전환이필요하다. 항상옳고아는것이많은시민단체가시민들에게일방적으로무엇을가르치거나전수한다는관점을바꾸어야한다. 앞으로시민단체의민주시민교육은, 시민이스스로숙고하고선택할수있도록 지식전달모형 에서 지식생산모델 로변화해야한다.( 한숭희, 2003) 또한시민의민주적인생활을실제이끌어낼수있어야한다. 생활교육이교육방식에녹여져야한다는것이다. 이를위해서는실천방법에대한교육하는데많은연구를해야한다. 시민단체의경우저마다 실천의장 을갖고있으므로, 이를활용해실습교육이나교육수료후시민실천활동조직을교육과정으로확장할필요가있다. 도높이고균형잡힌시민을육성하기위한국가적노력이시작돼야한다. 또한보편적공공서비스로서의민주시민교육체계를확립이를위해민주시민교육에대한접근성을높여야한다. 시민들이자신의필요와욕구에부합하는교육을적시에받을수있도록교육의영역과수준을다양화하고, 교육프로그램의수도늘려야한다. 더불어빈곤계층, 야간근로자, 외국인노동자등민주시민교육의사각지대에놓여있는시민들에대한접근성을증대할방안도찾아야한다. 민주시민교육플랫폼에대한구상은현재시민교육에대한사회변화에적극적으로대처하자는의미가있다. 자치단체에서시민교육이구체적으로논의되고있고, 학교현장에서도민주시민교육이실험적으로진행되고있지만이를확산하기위한시민사회의준비는상대적으로부족한것이현실이다. 실천연구자와활동가들이함께모여방향을논의하고구체적인프로그램을개발하고, 이를지역과학교현장에서실천하는과정이필요하다. 이를위해일을중심으로자유롭게모이고흩어지는새로운방식의플랫폼에대한상상을함께꿈꾸길기대한다. 나. 시민교육의융합이필요하다. - 영역간의넘나듦 민주시민교육은쉬운말로 종합예술 이다. 그리고어느한단체나운동영역이나의제에국한된것이아니다. 여러영역에산재된민주시민교육의요소들을유기적으로연계시키고통합시켜야한다. 다양한영역의구분은어디까지나시민단체혹은학계의관점일뿐이다. 시민의일상생활은다양한영역의문제들의종합적현상이기때문이다. 이를위해의제별교육간넘나듦이필요하다. 민주시민교육을실시하는단체간상호네트워크를통해, 민주시민교육의가치를정리하고, 교육방법을통합해가는과정을만들필요가있다. 다. 토대를구축해야한다. ( 인적 + 물적토대의구축 ) 민주시민교육활동은다른운동영역에비해매우다양하고많은자원과비용을필요로한다. 따라서시민단체가민주시민교육을제대로펼치려면, 물적토대문제를고민해야한다. 단체간상호교류를통해공간 장비 교재등을공동으로구매하거나나누어쓸수도있고, 민주시민교육과관련된연대기구를구성해공동기금을조성하고각단체에산재해있는자원 ( 강사 장비 공간등 ) 의통합관리를생각해볼수도있다. 나아가지역사회의자원들을적극활용해야한다. 인지도가높은강사에의존하기보다는지역사회의사정을잘아는지역내강사를발굴하고, 훈련하는과정도필요하다. 라. 활성화를위한사회환경조성 민주시민교육의제도화에도관심을기울어야한다. 시민단체들의공익적인민주시민교육활동에대해국민의세금으로지원할수있는제도적장치가필요하다. 나아가, 시민단체에대한지원차원을넘어, 학령기부터노령기까지시민들이누구나민주시민교육에자유롭고부담없이참가할수있도록공적제도를확립해접근성 380 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 381

Speaker 1 Bringing civil education to local areas and suggestions for the platform thereof Pil-gu Lee_Chief of Policies, Korea YMCA considering the trend of civil movement so far. As the individuals who voluntarily participated in the social movements started to emerge from 2002, it can be deemed that the social movement had already started to change since then. The lines that separated the principals of movements disappeared, and the methods movements adopted also became diverse. Sometimes individuals, sometimes spaces, sometimes the websites and sometimes the network itself function as the principal of or space for social movement. Such change is taking place beyond the boundaries between individuals and groups and profit-oriented groups and nonprofit groups. The form of organization and method of movement are also rapidly changing. Now, every activists engaged in civil social movement must ask themselves how they will connect beyond the boundaries between others and how they will build the path for such connection. As a maxim says, when a wall is knocked down, it becomes a bridge, it is now a moment that requires vivid imagination for new changes. 2. Civil education as a tool for establishment of foundation for civil society. 1. How civil movements changed in Korea Alexis de Tocqueville, a French political philosopher, suggested that the growth of civil society that pursues and determines the common social benefit is the foundation of democracy. His suggestion points out how important the role of civil society is to advance the democracy. In Korea, the core driving force of social changes since the 1987 pro-democracy movement was the civil movement led by civil movement groups. As the civil groups became more active since 1990, they started to engage in democratic civil education in full force. In the course of rapid modernization, industrialization and urbanization, serious social problems emerged, and the civil groups actively engaged in the efforts to resolve such problems from the perspective of civil society. As Korea became more politically pro-democratic in the late 1980s, many civil groups emerged, starting with the Citizens Coalition of Economic Justice ( CCEJ ) in 1989. The civil groups engaged in many activities in various areas. Although each civil group had unique ideology, agenda and action guidelines, most of them operated on the foundation of educational activities. Currently, countlessly many civil education programs in diverse areas, such as politics, economy, local autonomy, culture, women s issues, human rights, anticorruption and consumer rights, are offered by the civil groups. To predict which way the future social movements by civil community will unfold, one must pay attention on what kind of change took place in the vortex of rapid social change, when The civil social movement in Korea became more specific, as a good number of civil groups emerged, starting with CCEJ in 1989. Although each civil group had unique ideology, agenda and action guidelines, most of them were engaged in educational activities in one form or another. 1) That is, the activities of civil groups and democratic civil education were inseparable. Even now, the civil groups offer countlessly many democratic civil education programs in various areas, such as politics, economy, local autonomy, culture, women s issues, human rights, anti-corruption and consumer rights. As a result, the entire Korean society understood the necessity and importance of democratic civil education, as it entered the 2000s. The Korean Civic Education Institute for Democracy of Central Election Management Committee and the Lifelong Education Center of Korean Education Development Institute chose democratic civil education as one of their key projects, and Korea Democracy Foundation is offering a full-blown democratic civil education. The democratic civil education was recognized as one of the items that government should support for non-profit, non-government organizations, under Assistant for Non-profit, Nongovernmental Organizations Act. The democratic civil education started to stand out as the 1) In the course of rapid change and compressed growth in Korea (the military dictatorship, rapid economic growth, democratization and globalization), the principals and contents of democratic civil education shifted from public education to democratic civil education, and to life-long education. The basic perspective also shifted from the perspective of public education referred as education of the suppressed, by Paulo Freire, to the overlapped perspectives and methods of German democratic civil education and those of life-long education and education community. 382 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 383

major subject at the Community Centers (since 2000) and Life-long Education Centers (since 2001). Such trend spread to the universities, and Kyunghee University selected the Humanitas College (civil education) program as the core requirement class in 2011 and has been experimentally conducting the civil education within the university. Recently, some local governments started to ponder upon the democratic civil education, as they have established ordinances related to democratic civil education. As the education autonomy system is introduced, the democratic civil education is conducted in various methods centered on the schools in public education system, in the regions where liberal superintendents were elected. The types of such democratic civil educations are: A. Civil education for fostering of democracy-aware citizens The democratic civil education for fostering of democracy-aware citizens proliferated in full force, as Konrad Adenauer Foundation of Germany introduced the democratic civil education in the mid-90s. Such democratic civil education had a concept similar to the political education conducted widely in Germany, which educated the students on: concept of and understanding in democracy; understanding in and practice of voting; understanding in and analysis of political issues; materializing the culture of democratic discussion; resolving social conflicts; and discussions on and actual cases of self-governing and participation by citizens. Based on such civil education, the village creation movement started in the mid-90s was practiced nationwide after year 2000. B. Civil education for the society of learning community and as life-long education Since the modern age, the local community lost its function as the learning community, as the government-built school system practically monopolized education. However, as we entered into the age of knowledge and information, the educational environment changed. One of the most important changes was that everyone was student and students started to be aware of their rights to learn and believed that no one could stop them from studying. Such awareness is destroying the stereotype on current education beyond doubt. People are now deeming all areas of life as subjects of education, and life-long education became an expression so universal, that the concept of schooling age became meaningless. From the perspective of all citizens possessing rights to be educated and to study, civil education is being deemed as life-long education, as well as a universal right of citizens and extended as the lifelong education after legislation. C. Changes in the mainstream education and civil education as education The experiment Kyunghee University is conducting through its Humanitas College since 2011 and the movements of some humanities study communities show how civil education can be conducted within the mainstream education. Gyeonggi Provincial Office of Education newly established a department in charge of democratic civil education in 2012, to institutionalize democratic civil education in schools. As hosts of liberal-minded superintends were elected, the educational circle is now paying greater attention to democratic civil education. Seoul Metropolitan Government is supposed to establish a comprehensive plan for democratic civil education for its citizens within this year, as it established an ordinance on democratic civil education and is trying to expand the scope of civil education in villages by cooperating with Seoul Office of Education. As shown in the above, civil education is being conducted in various subjects and methods by the educators, students and perspectives. Nothing will be able to perfectly explain what civil education is, but the scope of civil education is being extended through a method and a definition of its own. One common feature exists, though, that all of such education programs and groups emphasize practice and action after being educated. To achieve this goal, the civil education programs offer bi-directional teaching methods, such as participation, discussion and activities, assuring students to enact their learnings after the class is over, to practically participate, to engage in movements to act upon their decisions, instead of cramming the knowledge, as the education did before. Together with such practical courses, the important issue in the future is the social consent that will protect civil education from all external pressures. The civil educators should not compete amongst themselves in terms of securing contents and students, but form a civil education community with common goal. 3. How will we build the foundation for civil society? Need to bring civil education to local communities and create a new platform. How will we create the movement to create citizenship in daily lives? An opinion that the local movements must be reorganized in the direction of newly creating values of ordinary world is gaining grounds, and civil education is embedded in its background. To determine the direction for future movements, not only arguments on why must we conduct democratic civil education, are necessary, but also detailed discussions on which democratic civil education will be conducted for different local areas are important. I would like to suggest a few ways to do so. 384 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 385

A. Consumer-focused democratic civil education The democratic civil education must be of the citizens, by the citizens and for the citizens. The democratic civil education activities by civil groups which must contribute to the formation of healthy civil society in the citizens daily lives, must comply with this principle more strictly. To do so, the paradigm of democratic civil education must be changed. The belief that civil groups are always right, they always know more and they must unilaterally teach or pass down something to the citizens, must be changed. The education model for democratic civil education by civil groups must shift away from the knowledge delivery model into knowledge creation model in the future, so that the citizens can voluntarily reflect on and choose the knowledge (Sung-hee Han, 2003). Also, democratic civil education must be able to actually lead the citizens to lead democratic lives, meaning that the education method must embrace the concept of education in everyday life. The educators must deeply research the ways to teach the students how to implement the learnings in their everyday lives. Since the civil organizations have their own opportunity for action, such opportunities must be used for practical training or to organize the citizens posteducation action groups. B. Need to fuse civil education beyond borders Simply put, democratic civil education is a composite art, which is not limited to any one group, area of movement or agenda. The elements of democratic civil education scattered in many areas must be organically linked and integrated. The segmentation into many areas is conducted purely from the perspectives of civil groups or academic circles. The daily lives of citizens are full of phenomenon that include issues from various areas. For this, we need to reach beyond the boundaries between different agendas. We need to re-evaluate the value of democratic civil education and integrate the education method by creating a mutual network between organizations that provide democratic civil education. C. Need to build foundations (personal and physical foundations) or form an alliance related to create a common fund and should work together to manage the assets (instructors, equipment and space) scattered about in each organization. Furthermore, the resources in local communities must be fully used. Rather than relying on well-known instructors, we need to identify the local instructors who are well aware of the conditions in local areas and train such instructors. D. Creation of social environment to vitalize democratic civil education We must pay attention to institutionalizing the democratic civil education. We must establish an institutionalized mechanism that allows the government to support the democratic civil education provided by civil groups for the purpose of public welfare, using the fund created by tax. Furthermore, we need to cause the national government to start making arrangements to go further than just supporting the civil groups and to establish the public system which will make it more accessible for all citizens, whether they are young students or retired elderly, so that the citizens can freely participate in democratic civil education and become more balanced citizens. Also, the accessibility to democratic civil education must be improved, so that the democratic civil education system will be established as a universal public service. The subjects and standards of education must be diversified and the number of education programs must be increased, so that the citizens can make timely participation in the education that corresponds to their needs and wants. We must explore the ways to make the democratic civil education more accessible to the citizens in the blind spot, such as the poor, night-shift workers or foreign workers. Designing the democratic civil education platform means to actively responding to the current social changes related to civil education. In reality, the preparation by civil society to proliferate democratic civil education is relatively insufficient, while the local governments are discussing the specifics of civil education and schools are experimentally conducting democratic civil education. The researchers and activists together must discuss the directions, develop detailed programs and implement the developed programs in local communities and schools. I wish they would be able to discuss also the new platform which will allow people to freely gather to achieve a goal and scatter to achieve other goals. There are various democratic civil education activities compared to other areas of movements and such activities require variety of and large resources. Thus, for a civil group to properly provide democratic civil education, it must consider the issue of physical foundation. The groups should consider jointly purchasing or sharing space, equipment and education materials 386 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 387

발제 2 한국의지방분권과주민자치 이호 _ 풀뿌리자치연구소이음 새로운사회발전의패러다임으로자리잡은거버넌스는주민들의주체적참여를통해실현될수있다. 이를위해서는기존의각종정책및사업등에있어의사결정권한을독점하던정치지도자및행정에서주민 들의참여수단을가급적다양하게만들고참여주민들에게일정한의사결정권한을배분할필요가있다. 그리고주민들은그수단을활용해주체적으로참여를실행하는것이필요하다. 이중정치지도자및행정이주민들의참여수단을마련하는것은일차적으로주민참여제도를통해서다. 그런데, 주민참여제도는집행과정에서의참여나주민들의의견을수렴하는정도로설계 운영되어서는거버넌스라는의의를충족시킬수없다. 거버넌스는시민들을정치지도자및행정과공동으로그사회를운영하는주체로상정하는개념이다. 따라서참여는기획단계에서부터이루어져야한다. 그렇지않으면, 이는참여라기보다 동원 에불과하다. 또한참여는단순의견수렴을넘어일정한의사결정권한까지부여하는것이되어야한다. 그렇지않다면, 이는참여라기보다자신들의일방적결정을합리화시키기위한수단으로주민들의참여를이용하는것일뿐이다. 이는민주시민교육이라는관점에서도마찬가지다. 민주시민교육이란결국민주적인시민들을양성하기위한목적을갖는다. 역사적으로시민은 참여 와 결정 의주체를이르는개념이다. 그런데, 이러한시민의역량은단지잘기획된교육프로그램에의해서만이루어지지않는다. 그보다는시민으로서의역할, 즉권한을행사하고이에책임을지는실천을통해시민으로서의역량이체험적으로쌓이고발전하는것이다. 그런점에서민주시민을양성하고그역량을강화시키고자하는민주시민교육은참여와권한부여라는과정을 훈련 시키는것을중요한과제이자과정으로삼을필요가있다. 민주시민교육에있어주민참여제도가고려되는것은바로그러한 이유때문이다. 잘기획되고운영되는주민참여제도는실천적민주시민교육의훌륭한장 ( 場 ) 을제공해줄수있다는것이다. 이러한관점은주민참여제도와민주시민교육의관계에서두가지과제를제기한다. 첫째는주민참여제도들을설계하고운영하는과정에서민주시민교육이라는관점을강하게녹여낼필요가있다는것이다. 주민들의실천적참여과정을통해참여자들의시민으로서의역량이발전할수있기때문이다. - 주민참여예산제를통해예를들어보면, 지금과같이행정에의해그운영과정이나결정이주도되는것은민주시민교육으로서의의의를찾기힘들다. 그보다는참여한주민들이보다많은결정권한을행사하도록권한을부여하고, 그에대해스스로평가하는전과정에주민들이주체적으로참여할수있도록고려하고배려할필요가있다. 지금당장시민으로서의역량이부족하기때문에보다많은권한을부여할수없다면, 향후 100년이지나도이러한상황은변화될수없다. 따라서비록당장은그러한역량이부족하더라도, 지속적으로이러한과정에참여하는경험을축적하는것이필요하다. 그것이주민참여제도가민주시민교육의장 ( 場 ) 으로서갖는가치이자효용이다. - 이는주민참여예산제와주민자치위원회와같은일상적참여제도및기구를통해서만이루어지는것이아니다. 지역사회에서주민들의참여를통해운영하는많은사업들에서도관철되어야한다. 특히, 많은정책결정에있어주민들에게다양한숙의 ( 熟議 ) 의기회를제공하고그장을마련하기위한노력이더욱필요하다. 이러한과정을통해민주시민교육이추구하는시민의역량이실천적으로체득되고강화될수있기때문이다. 둘째는민주시민교육프로그램으로서주민참여제도들을적극적으로활용할필요가있다는것이다. 민주시민으로서의역량은일상생활속에서드러나는것이어야한다. 그런데, 민주시민교육을몇시간이상의강좌를수료하는것으로기획한다면, 진정한교육적효과가체득될수있을지의심스럽다. 따라서민주시민교육과정에는주민참여제도들을활용해이에직접참여하는과정등이필수적으로포함될필요가있다. 즉, 참여의경험을통해민주시민으로서의역량을체득하는훈련과정이필요하다는것이다. - 예를들면, 주민참여예산에참여하기, 주민자치위원회등에참여하기, 행정모니터링등의과정에참여하기, 마을만들기및다양한지역사회공동체활동등에참여하기등이민주시민교육과정에포함될필요가있다. 한사회가건강하고지속가능하게발전한다는것은그사회를구성하는사람들의시민으로서의역량에좌우된다고할수있다. 따라서민주시민교육은단순히교육이라는특정영역을넘어사회의건강한발전을주도하는주체를양성하고발전시키는과정전반에서이루어져야한다. 따라서이에는매우다양한접근이필요하고, 그중에서도실제시민으로서의실천적 체험 을통해그역량을강화하고발전시키는과정에대한관심은매우중요하다. 이는비단기왕에마련되어있는주민참여제도를활용하는데에그치지않는다. 그보다더욱중요한것은자신의이해를이웃과나누고, 이를통해 나 의이해를 우리 의이해로조정하고합의하는능력을일상속에서실천하는것이다. 그러기위해서는일상속에서자신이느끼고생각하는것들을이웃과함께집단적으로 388 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 389

말하고들을수있는다양한기회와공간을마련하는것이중요하다. 따라서주민참여제도를활용한민주시민교육은단지지금있는제도를어떻게활용할것인가에그치지않는다. 그보다는일상적인소통과참여의틀과기회, 공간등을보다다양하게제공하는것이중요하다. 따라서민주시민교육의활성화를위해서는주민참여제도들도보다다양하고일상적인것으로확대되고발전할과제를안고있다. 그런점에서주민참여제도와민주시민교육은상보적관계라할수있다. 즉, 이둘은함께발전되어야할필요와과제를안고있다는것이다. Speaker 2 Korea Decentralization of Power and Principle of Self- Governmen Ho LEE_Center for Grassroots Empowerment Governance, the new paradigm for social development, can be realized by the active participation of resident. To this end, the political leaders and the administration which have monopolized the decision making power related to the existing policies and projects should provide various channel for the resident participation and allocate the power to the resident to make decision to some level. And the residents need to utilize such means to actively participate in. In particular, the political leaders and the administration can set the initial stage for the participation of the resident through the resident participation system. However, if the resident participation system is designed and operated by ways of just inducing resident s participation only in the course of implementing the policy or collecting the opinion from the residents, the system cannot fulfill its function as governance. Governance is the concept that see the citizens as the subject operating the society together with the political leaders and the administration. Therefore, participation should be considered from the planning stage. Otherwise, it is nothing but mobilization rather than participation. In addition, participation should include the act of granting decision making power beyond the act of just collecting opinion. Otherwise, it is no more than using the resident s participation as a means to justify their unilateral decision. 390 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 391

Such is the case with the education for democratic citizen. The purpose of the education for democratic citizen is ultimately to nurture the democratic citizen. Historically, the term citizen means the subject who can participate in and make decision. However, such competence of citizen is not the thing which can be built only within the well planned education program. Rather, the citizens can build and develop their competency by fulfilling their role as citizen and exercising duties and taking responsibilities. In this regard, the education for democratic citizen whose purpose is to nurture democratic citizen and to strengthen its competency needs to focus on the specific course training participation and authorization. That is the reason why the resident participation system should be considered in the education for democratic citizen. Well planned and operated resident participation system can provide excellent venue for practical education for democratic citizen. Such point of view raises two challenges in terms of resident participation system and the education for democratic citizen. First, we need to strongly combine the education for democratic citizen into the resident participation system in the course of designing and operating it. We can develop the capability of the attendance as the citizen through the practical participation of the resident. Let s take an example of civil participatory budget system. If the administration leads operation and decision making process as it does now, the education for democratic citizen has no meaning. The residents who participate in should be granted more decision making authority and should actively participate in all the course of evaluating the result. If we cannot grant more authority to the resident for the reason that they lack the capability as citizen, we cannot make any changes even after 100 years. Accordingly, even if the resident has poor capability, the resident may accumulate the experience by continuously participating in such process. That is the true value that the resident participation system has as the venue for the education for democratic citizen. And this should not necessarily be possible only through the regular participatory system and agency such as the resident participatory budget system and the resident autonomy committee. It should be realized through many projects which are operated by the resident participation in the local community. Most of all, efforts to give the resident an opportunity to fully deliberate the issue before making policy and to create such venue should be made. Through such process, civil capability, the goal of the education for democratic citizen, can be obtained and strengthened. Second, we need to actively utilize the resident participation system as an education program for democratic citizen. Capability as a democratic citizen should be demonstrated in the daily life. However, if such education for democratic citizen is provided through just couple of hours lectures, can it bring about true educational effect? Accordingly, the education for the democratic citizen needs necessarily to include a curriculum to induce participation of resident. In other words, by experiencing the participation, people need to strengthen capability as democratic citizen. For instance, participating in the resident participatory budgeting, participating in the resident autonomous committee, participating in the monitoring process of administration, and participating in the various community business and community activities need to be included in the curriculum for democratic citizen. Sound and sustainable development of a society can be determined by its members capability as citizen. Therefore, education for democratic citizen goes beyond the boundary of simple education, and it should take place at all the stages of leading sound development of the society and nurturing active players. To this end, we need to take various approaches to it, and among others, we need to pay more attention to the course strengthening and developing people s capability as citizen through the practical experience. It should go far beyond the utilization of the already-made resident participation system. People need to build the capability to share its opinion with the neighbors and based on such understanding, to build consensus with others over its understanding in our daily lives. To this end, again, it is important to create an opportunity and space where people can speak and listen to what they feel and think in the daily lives. In conclusion, the education for democratic citizen based on the resident participation system should not end in utilizing the existing system. It is more important to provide an opportunity, framework and space for daily communication and participation in the various field. Therefore, in order to promote the education for democratic citizen, the participation of resident should expand to more various and ordinary sectors than just resident participation system. In this regard, resident participation system and the education for democratic citizen can be said that they are in the complementary relationship. That is, the two share the same task to develop together. 392 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 393

발제 3 지역사회의현실 육이진행되고있는지의문이듦. 시민교육의궁극적인지향은교실에서의학습이아니라현실에서의실천일텐데, 교육받은사람들이현실에서실천할때겪을수밖에없는냉소주의가있음. 가령청소년이나여성들이노동인권교육을받아도실제현실에서그내용을활용하려하면돌아오는것은일방적인해고임. 이럴경우교육은현실에서어떤효과를가질까? 현재의교육이다분히기획자나교육자의자기만족적인활동은아닌지점검이필요함. 현실에서의실행력을담보할수있는정치가없다면시민교육은어떤의미가있는가? 교육이정치와연결될수있는통로는없는가? 하승우 _ 옥천자치와공생의삶 시민교육의목적은? - 현재지역에선다양한교육들이비슷한컨셉으로진행되고있음. 마을만들기, 마을활동가, 마을코디네이터, 협동조합, 사회적경제, 마을인문학, 시민교육등등의교육들이관과민모두에서진행되고있고, 행사주관은관의지원을받은민간단체나중간지원조직의프로그램들이많음. - 비슷한컨셉이모두 지역 을말하는데, 각프로그램이이야기하는지역의범위가다르고, 프로그램의교육대상도분명하지않음. 막연하게 지역주민 이라칭하고있음. 정말해당지역의보편성과특수성에맞춰진기획이고특정대상을주체화하려는교육인가? - 프로그램은제각각인데인간의삶은통합적임. 마을과사회적경제, 인문학이다르지않을터인데같은지역에서조차별다른조정없이진행되고있는실정임. 프로그램을위한프로그램? 한국의특성상프로그램을주관하는단체들끼리의경쟁도발생하는실정임. - 많은프로그램들의목적이분명하지않은상태에서일종의 교육쇼핑 현상이생기는게아닐까. 지식을공급하는것이시민교육인가? 시민교육의정치는있는가? - 여전히지역에서의교육은정치를배제하고있음. 반정치 (anti-political), 비정치 (non-political) 의논리가기획과진행과정에서강요되고있음. - 시민교육의목적들중하나는차이와다양성의존중일텐데, 굉장히편협한한국의정치지형을넓혀줄교 394 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 395

Speaker 3 Reality of Regional Community Is there any possibility that so called Education shopping phenomenon happens in Korea in a situation where the purpose of many programs is not clear? Can providing knowledge be the education for citizen? Can the education for citizen have political purpose? Education provided in the local community still excludes the politics. Logic of anti-political or non-political is forced in the course of planning and carrying out the education. Seung-woo HA_Autonomy and Eco-life Activist in Okcheon One of the purposes of education for citizen is to respect the difference and diversity, but there is the question of whether education which can widen the extremely biased political landscape of Korea is provided. What is the purpose of education for citizen? Currently, many regions are conducting various education program with similar concept. Various education programs including community business, community activist, community coordinator, cooperative association, social economy, community-based humanities, and education for citizens, etc. are provided by the public and the private sectors, and mostly the events are hosted by the private entity or the medium supporting organization sponsored by the public institutions. Most of the concepts are about community, but the scope of the community defined by each program is different and the educational subject of each program is not clear. They just vaguely refer to as local citizen. Is such education program planned considering uniqueness and universality of the community and is it targeting a specific subject? Ultimate purpose of education for citizen is not providing education in the classroom but implementing it in the daily life, but sometimes the people who receive the education for citizen may face cynicism when implementing what they learned in real life. For example, if youth or women try to apply their knowledge on labor and human rights after receiving education, they are facing unilaterally determined dismissal. If it is the case, what effect can the education bring about in real life? We need to check whether or not the current education is planned only for self-satisfaction of the planner or teacher. If politics cannot guarantee the implementation of knowledge in reality, then what meaning does the education for citizen have? Is there any channel that links education with politics? Programs vary in nature, but the life of human being is integrative. Community, social economy and community-based humanities are not different in nature, but even same local community is carrying out the program without any control. Is such program prepared only for the program itself? And by nature, groups which organize the program are competing each other. 396 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 397

적응하는대중, 한발늦는조직 발제 4 새로운시대의의사소통 대중들은변화된미디어환경에빠르게적응하고있지만조직들 ( 행정, 정당, 학교, 시민사회단체등 ) 의변화는더딥니다. 예전의소통방식을그대로사용해왔습니다. 대중에게알려야할일이있을때는보도자료를써서언론에배포하고전화를합니다. 언론에서선택하지않는이슈는대중에게알려질기회조차얻지못하는데말입니다. 소수의전문가들이발표하고토론하는방식의토론회와세미나, 심포지엄을엽니다. 대다수청중과참가자들은긴시간동안듣고터무니없이짧은시간동안에질문하거나의견을말할기회를얻을뿐입니다. 변화된환경에익숙해진시민은예전방식의소통에매력을느끼지못합니다. 그런방식으로말을걸어오는것에익숙하지않은세대가곧다수가될것같습니다. 이창림 _ 더체인지 세상을바꾸는방법을바꾸자 모두가소통이중요하다고말합니다. 정책을만들고집행하는행정은시민과의소통이중요하다말하고, 정당과정치인은유권자인국민과의소통이중요하다이야기합니다. 학교에서도운동단체에서도협동조합에서도소통이중요하다고이야기합니다. 소통의중요성에대해이야기하는사람은많지만, 효과적인소통은어떻게이루어지는지구체적으로이야기하는이들이많지는않습니다. 당위적으로만이야기하니원하는만큼소통이잘되지않습니다. 그렇기에늘소통에목말라하고더욱소통의중요하다고만이야기하지않았나싶습니다. 더체인지에서는 세상을바꾸는방법을바꾸자. 는문제의식을갖고, 변화된환경에서시민들에게매력적으로다가갈수있는소통의방식을찾고공유하는활동을해왔습니다. 참여자들이주제와방식등을정하는언컨퍼런스 (unconference) 형식의바캠프 (bar camp), 오픈스페이스테크놀로지 (Open Space Technology) 를소개했습니다. 나아가정해진시, 공간에서만여는컨퍼런스가아닌일정기간동안자신이원하는공간에서원하는주제로컨퍼런스를여는방식을오픈컨퍼런스를진행했습니다. 주민들이직접적인토론과숙의과정을통해핵심의제를결정하는 21세기타운홀미팅 (21century townhall meeting), 참여자들의역동을통해새로운관점을연결하고공감대를형성하는방식의대화방식인월드카페 (worldcafe) 등을소개했다. 자신의살아온이야기와경험을대화를통해공유하는휴먼라이브러리 (Human Library) 나, 재능을공유하고서로에게배우는렛츠 (Lets, Local Energy Trading System) 등만남과대화의새로운방식을알렸습니다. 그외이그나이트 (Ignite), TED 같은발표방식을소개하기도했습니다. 미디어환경의변화 다양한시도와경험 소통은인쇄매체, 전자매체, 대면접촉등여러미디어를매개로일어납니다. 그미디어환경이급격히변하고있습니다. 10년전까지만해도개인이다수의대중에게어떤메시지를전달하기어려웠습니다. 넓은공간 ( 광장등 ) 에사람을모아놓고성능좋은마이크와스피커를사용해야가능한일이었습니다. 아니면대중미디어매체인 TV나라디오에출연하는방법뿐이었습니다. 소수의사람들에게만허락된방식입니다. 하지만지금은소셜미디어를통해수십만, 수백만명의대중과직접소통이가능해진시대입니다. TV는방송국에서송출해주는시간표에맞춰서보는것보다자신이원하는시간에다시보기를통해시청할수있습니다. 뉴스는신문이나 TV를통해보기보다는친구들이추천해주고공유해주는링크를따라가서접합니다. 여러지역에서직접미디어를만드는활동을하기도합니다. 인터넷라디오인팟캐스트방송은대중화된스마트폰사용에힘입어더욱확산되고있습니다. 전통적매체로분류되는마을신문도여러곳에서만들고있습니다. 여러분야에서변화를시도하고있습니다. 학교에서교무회의를월드카페방식으로진행한다던지, 단체의총회에서사업보고와계획의발표를이그나이트방식으로한사례도있습니다. 외부강사가아닌커뮤니티 ( 마을, 지역, 단체, 학교등 ) 안의구성원들이강사가되어활동하는곳이생겨나고있습니다. 아파트커뮤니티에서는다음해공동경비의사용처를정해기위해월드카페를열어주민이함께결정하기도했습니다. 행정에서시민의견의반영을위해오픈컨퍼런스나월드카페등을열기도했습니다. 다양한소통의방식을알리고진행하면서얻은경험치를나누며마무리하려고합니다. 먼저수동적으로듣기보다는능동적으로말하고싶어하는시민을만날수있었습니다. 시민들은말할수있는공간 ( 공론장 ) 이있고자신이한말이의미있게 ( 정책결정에영향, 타인의배움에영향등 ) 쓰여질것으로기대한다면적극적으로참여합니다. 시민들은일방적인소통보다는쌍방향의소통, 수평적소통에서더욱의미와즐거움을찾습니다. 가르치는사람과배우는사람이고정된것이아니라누구나가르칠수있고누구나배울수있는환경에서자기의새로운 398 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 399

모습을발견하고임파워됩니다. 그런기회가있다면더많이참여하고깊게참여합니다. 스스로선택할수있을때역동이일어납니다. 이야기의주제나공간등을스스로결정할수있을때몰입도높아지고역동성도더욱활발해집니다. 오픈스페이스테크놀로지나오픈컨퍼런스등에서는사람이많고적음이문제가되지않습니다. 민주주의가시민 ( 인민 ) 스스로결정하는것이핵심원리라고한다면, 앞서소통의새로운방식이라고했던것은새롭다기보다는민주적이라고하는게더적확해보입니다. 구성원모두가참여하고자신의언어로수평적관계에서대화하고함께결정하는것, 그것을위한구체적방법을개발하고촉진하는것이민주주의를가깝게하는게아닐까합니다. Speaker 5 Ages requiring new communication method; sharing experience Chang-lim LEE _The Change Everyone talks about the importance of communication. Administration which makes and implements the policy emphasizes the communication with the citizen and the political parties and politicians stress on the value of communication with the people, the voters. Many people speak about the communication but few people can explain in detail about how we can communicate efficiently. Because people focus only on what we should do, people cannot communicate as much as they want to. I think that s why people always feel hungry for communication and talk about the importance of communication. Changes in Media Environment Communication is carried out through various media including print media, electronic media and personal contact. And now such media is rapidly changing. Ten years ago, it was not easy for an individual to deliver a message to the mass of people. People could communicate using high-functioning microphone or speakerphone at the large space (square), or people should appear on the mass media like TV or radio, which was allowed only to a few people. Nowadays, however, everybody can directly communicate with hundreds of thousands or millions of people through social media. People watch TV program whenever they want to rather than following the fixed broadcast time-table, and get the news by clicking the link recommended by or shared with their friends rather than through newspapers or TV. People are even involved in the activities creating media in a number of locations. Internet podcast is wide spreading 400 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 401

thanks to the popularized smartphone. Community newspaper, one of the traditional media, is made in several places. Adaptive public, inadaptable organization While the public rapidly adapt to the changes in the media environment, but the organizations (administration, political party, school, and civil society group, etc.) do not. The organization has stuck to the traditional communication methods. When the organization has something to inform the public, it still depends on the press by distributing the press release or calling to it. There is no possibility for any issue which fails to attract the attention from the press to be informed to the public. Communication may happen through open debate, seminar and symposium where only a few experts can present their opinion and discuss. The majority of the audience and attendances have to listen for long time but can ask questions or express opinion for unreasonably short time. Citizen who is used to the changing environment are rarely attracted by the traditional communication methods. In the near future, most of the people may not adapt to such communication methods. Let s change the way we change the world! Various attempts and experiences We try to make a difference in the various areas. For example, we have the faculty meeting at school in the manner of world café, or announce business report and plan at the general meeting of our organization in the form of ignite. More and more, member of the community (village, district, organization, school, etc.) instead of an external lecturer is playing the role of lecturer. In case of some apartment communities, residents determine the purpose of joint expenses of the following year through the world café. Administrative body often hosts open conference or world café to reflect the citizen s opinion in its policy. I would like to conclude my presentation by sharing my experience that I have obtained in the course of introducing various communication methods. First, I found out that the citizen wants to actively express its opinion rather than just passively listen to. If citizen expects that they can have space (forum) to talk and that their opinion is meaningfully used (reflected in the policy, or affect other people s learning, etc.), then the citizen will actively participate in. Citizen enjoys and is satisfied with the interactive and horizontal communication rather than with the unilateral communication. People can discover new image and be empowered under the environment where anyone can be the teacher and at the same time, be the learner. If such opportunity is allowed, more citizen will participate in, more in depth. The Change has been engaged in a lot of activities to find out and share new communication methods which can appeal to the citizen in the changing world under the theme of Let s change the way we change the world. The Change has introduced bar camp and open space technology in the form of unconference where the attendance determine the topic and form. Furthermore, we hosted open conference where people can have conference with the topic what they choose at the time and place they want, instead of holding a conference held at the fixed time and place. The 21 century town-hall meeting whose key agenda is determined by the citizen through the discussion and deliberation, and the world café, the communication method which provides new point of view and builds consensus through the dynamic participation of the attendances were also introduced. We have introduced people a new venue for meeting and conversation such as Human Library which allow people to share their own life story and experience, and Lets (Local Energy Trading System) which enables people to share their talent and to learn each other. Besides, we introduced new presentation method like Ignite and TED. When people can make choice by themselves, they can work dynamically. In other words, when people can choose the topic and place, they can focus more and work more dynamically. The number of people is not important for the open space technology or open conference. If the key principle of the democracy is to allow the citizens (the people) to make their own decision, then we would better say that the aforementioned new communication method is nothing new but democratic. All members can participate in and horizontally communicate in its own language and make decision together. And developing a detailed mechanism and facilitating the communication further are the way to advance democracy. 402 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 403

발제 5 중간지원조직에서의시민교육활동과지역내허브역할 연구하는학자와연구자는물론현장에서발로뛰는실무자들의역량강화를위한네트워크를만들고, 지속적으로교류하는체계를만드는인프라조성에힘써야한다. 특히나요즘처럼마을단위나자치구단위에서보조금으로이루어지는교육사업에많은시민사회단체가결합되어있는상황에서자치단체평생교육과와평생교육진흥원을비롯한공공기관은기초자치구와민간영역이포괄하기어려운일을중심으로역량을집중할필요가있다. 기초단위에서나할수있는단위프로그램운영기관으로전락하거나불필요한경쟁을하고있지않은지점검해볼일이다. 시민교육의판을재구성하기위한시민교육의허브, 플랫폼기능을강화할수있는방향으로추진되어야한다. 김미란 _ 광명평생학습관 2. 지역사회시민교육허브역할, 광명시평생학습원운동사례요약 1. 개요 민주시민교육에대한논의가최근들어여기저기서봇물터지듯활발하다. 공공영역을중심으로보면, 광역자치단체보다는진보교육감이주도하는시도교육청에서의추진력이돋보인다. 광역자치단체에서는 2008년제주특별자치도에서전국최초로민주시민교육지원조례를제정하였고, 2014년서울특별시가서울시민주시민육지원조례를제정하였다. 광역자치단체및시도교육청산하에민주시민교육과혹은시민교육팀을신설및조직개편하고지역차원에서의민주시민교육협의회추진등으로요약된다. 하지만시민교육에대한접근방식과개념정의가워낙다양하다보니 이것은시민교육이고저것은시민교육이아니다 식의이분법적사고가크게존재한다. 이런상황에서독일의보이텔스바흐협약과같은사회적합의가필요하다는이야기가계속되고있다. 지속가능발전교육 10년을이끌어낸의제21을보면사회적합의를이끌어내고준비하는과정이얼마나중요한지를잘볼수있다. 전세계적으로, 국가적으로, 지역적인수준에서지속가능한삶을끌어내기위한교육관련방향과과제를정리하고있다. 민주시민교육활성화를위한각종의제가다양한수준에서채택되고이에대한노력을경주하지않은상태에서어느날불시에사회적합의를이루어내기는어렵다. 또한현재민주시민교육의주체가산발적이고, 역량도부족한것이현실이다. 광명시평생학습네트워크협의체는평생학습원이광명지역에서활동하는평생학습기관및단체들과유기적인네트워킹을통해평생학습도시를함께만들어가기위해구성됐다. 협의체에는동주민센터, 사회복지문화시설, 청소년단체및시설, 학교와시민사회단체등교육기능을수행하는 141개기관및단체가참여하고있다. 이같은협의체를통해지역별평생학습실천방안들을논의해온결과 광명마을선생육성프로젝트, 토요일에놀러가, 가정과사회가함께하는토요학교 등프로그램을운영하고있다. 광명시네트워크협의체는평생학습권역별실무위원회에서부터평생학습실무위원회, 평생교육협의회수순으로모임을가지고의사결정체계가 bottom-up으로이루어진다. 5개권역의권역별실무위원회가월 1회모임을통해마을사업전반에대한실질적참여가이루어진다. 평생학습실무위원회는권역별위원회의임원진과지역평생교육전문가가참여하며월 1회만남을통해학습도시정책과방향전반에대한심도깊은논의를하고있다. 이런논의틀에기반해주민자치와평생학습, 마을만들기의세바퀴가동시에굴러간다. 마지막으로시장및교육장, 외부전문가가참여하여연 2회중요한정책과사업예산등을결정한다. 빨리가려면혼자가고, 멀리가려면함께가라 는아프리카속담처럼천천히함께시간이걸리더라도아래에서부터모든논의가이루어지도록노력한다. 이런거버넌스체계가기반이되어권역마다일상의평생학습축제가 2주간진행되어마을전역이학습하는지역으로바뀌고있다. 최근에는내집앞의가장가까운시민학교, 느슨한학교 가런칭되어지역에서시민되기, 마을에서시민되기를위한학습과실천을연계하고있다. 지역을중심으로통합적시민교육과정이디자인되기위해서는다양한시민교육관련주체들의지속적인논의테이블이마련되어야한다. 자치단체의평생학습, 시민교육의지형을제대로파악하고, 관련사업과동향을모니터하고, 이를정책에반영하고피드백할수있는구조를마련해야한다. 그것도아주구체적인생활단위에서시민교육의판을재구성하지않으면시민교육활성화는요원할것이다. 시민교육의발전을위해고민하고 404 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 405

Speaker 5 The Activity of Citizenship Education as the Middle Support Organization and the Role of Hub in the Region Mi-ran KIM_Gwangmyeong City Lifelong Learning Community Center for democratic citizen. Furthermore, it is true that we are suffering from distracted theme of the education for democratic citizen and the lack of capacity. In order to design the integrated education for citizen led by the local community, various venue for continued discussion related to education for citizen should be provided. We need to establish a structure that we can receive lifelong education provided by the self-governing body, understand the reality in education for citizen, monitor the trend in the relevant project, reflect the result in the policy and give feedback. If we do not reform the paradigm of education for citizen at a very specific unit, promotion of education for citizen will be an unachievable target. We should build the network to strengthen the capacity of researchers and scholars who are worrying about the development of education for citizen and the working level officer who is working at the field, and at the same time we need to establish infrastructures which enable continued exchanges. 1. Summary Surge of discussion about education for democratic citizen is unleashed these days. In the public sector, for example, the regional education office which elect the liberal education superintendent has seen more progress than the metropolitan government. In 2008, Jeju Special Sel-governing Province enacted a municipal regulation on supporting education for democratic citizen for the first time in the country, and in 2014, Seoul Metropolitan government also enacted the regulation on supporting education for democratic Seoul citizen. Metropolitan government and the regional education office create and reorganize the team which provides education for democratic citizen or the team providing education for citizen, and the community council for education for democratic citizen has been formed. However, various approach to and definitions of education for citizen bring about dichotomical thought This is education for citizen but that is not. In this situation, voices over the social consensus such as Beutelsbacher Konsens of Germany are on the rise. Agenda 21 which supported the 10-year sustainable development education shows how much it is important to reach social consensus and to prepare for it. Global, national and local communities are determining the initiatives and challenges that we should take in the educational sector for the sustainable life. It is impossible to reach social consensus all of the sudden without making any efforts to adopt agenda in various level to facilitate the education In particular, in a situation where a lot of civic groups are linked to an education program which receives subsidies from the rural community or autonomous district, public agencies including lifelong education division of the self-government body and the National institute for lifelong education need to invest its capacity focusing on the works that the municipal government and the private sector cannot be engaged in. We should check whether or not the public agencies just play the role of agency operating unit program or unnecessarily compete with the municipal governments. We should carry out an education program which can strengthen the hub and platform for civic education to reshuffle the paradigm. 2. Role of Hub for Education for Citizen in the Community: Summary of Campaign in Gwangmyeong City Lifelong Learning Community Center A consultative body of Gwangmyeong City Lifelong Learning Network was formed by the Lifelong learning community center to create a lifelong learning city through the organic networking activity with the lifelong learning institute and other groups. The consultative body consists of 141 institutes and groups which play educational role such as Dong community service center, social welfare and culture facility, youth organization and facility, schools and civil society group. And discussion about the ways to implement regional lifelong learning plan through such consultative body enabled Gwangmyeong city to operate various programs including 4050 Project to nurture teacher in the Gwangmyeong area. Hang out on Saturday, and Network between community and school etc. 406 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 407

A consultative body of Gwangmyeong city network boasts bottom-up decision-making system to which decision is made by the regional working committee on lifelong learning, the working committee on lifelong learning, and lifelong learning council in order. Five regional working committees hold a meeting once a month and substantially engage in the community project. And executive officers of the working committee on lifelong learning and the regional experts in lifelong learning have monthly meeting and have in depth discussion about the policy and directions that the city should take. 발제 6 지역사회시민교육과공교육의만남 Based on such consultation and discussion, the tricycle of citizen autonomy, lifelong learning and community business rolls. Lastly, mayor, chief of education office and external expert have meeting twice a year to make a decision for important policy and budget. As the African proverb says if you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together, the city tries to make bottom up decision even it takes a lot of time. Such governance is changing whole community to the learning place through the two-week festival for lifelong learning which takes place in every region. Recently, Relaxing school, the closest citizen school from my house, was launched and it connects the learning with the implementation to make people a citizen in the area and the rural community. 조정림 _ 마산 YMCA 1. 배경 경남의정치지형한계를극복하는방법중하나로청소년대상의학교안에서의민주시민교육과지역시민을대상으로하는시민정치교육은중요한관심영역이었다. 지역내에서다양하게민주시민교육이진행되어지역사회에참여와관심을높이면시민사회영역이확대될것이란생각을하였고, 이를통해지역정치에대한관심이확대되결국, 시민참여방식의정치변화의물꼬를트는계기가될것이란기대가있었다. 하지만지역사회에서민주시민교육의필요성과중요성에대한합의까지는만들어졌으나이를이끌지도력과재정의한계로당위성논의에서늘제자리걸음이었다. 이러한현실에서논의의진척을가져다준계기는지난해진보교육감이당선되면서부터이다. 교육감당선이후경남지역YMCA협의회는민주시민교육을제도권교육안에서시도해보기로결정하고구체적인정책제안을하였다. 정책제안의핵심내용은학교가중심이되고, 학교가교육의권한과기능을독점하는것이 20세기교육이었다면 21세기교육은교육에대한권한과기능을사회의모든단위 ( 마을, 가정, 지역사회 ) 에내재되었던교육적기능을살려내고생활속의교육, 삶과학습이일치되는교육, 가정과마을에서거치는사회화과정의중요성을살리는지역사회교육으로패러다임의전환이필요하다는것이다. 결국온마을이학교 ( 배움터 ) 가되는사회통합적교육운동의출발점으로서, 지역사회와학교가하나되어고착된교육체계를깨고미래세대가바르게성장할수있는새로운가치와방식을생산하고확장하는시민교육이학교교육에자리잡아야한다는것이다. 2. 진행과정 1) 한국 YMCA 경남협의회주요정책사업으로채택 408 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 409

: 민주시민교육을학교교육안에서시도를추진하기로결의함. 3) 준비모임펀드조성 2) 경남도교육청과의 MOU 체결, 실무위원회구성 - 각지역 YMCA 분담금및강사비로기초펀드를조성키로함. - 경기지역사례를참고하여경남도교육청에 MOU체결을제안하였고, 교육감공약인민주시민육성과연결되어 MOU 체결하기로합의함. - 하지만, 교육관료들의인식부족으로담당부서를찾는과정에서만많은시간을소비하게됨. - 결국체결완료후에도실무위원회조차개최하지못한채몇달을보낸후한차례실무위원회를가까스로열고, 이를통해시범교육을 2개의학교에서진행하기로함. 3) 경남협의회내민주시민교육실무단구성 - 각지역YMCA 2명이상실무자를배치하고 2차례의워크숍을통해민주시민교육의의미와필요성을대해공유, 시범교육추진을위한매뉴얼작업을추진함. - 학교단위별로소그룹을구성하여교육준비모임진행함. 4) 시범교육및교사연수진행 - 고등학교대상으로 학생참여 라는주제로 8차시교육진행을완료한상태이며, 학생만족도가매우높았음. - 중학교자율학기제운영일환으로 16차시교육진행중임. - 교과교실제담당교사연수에민주시민교육을소개하였고, 교사들과장학사의호응을얻음. 학교내교육및교사연수를진행하기로한상황임. 4. 한계와방향 가만있어라 는말은현재한국사회의자화상을보여주는상징적인언어이기도하다. 그렇다면가만있지않는사회는어떤사회일까? 교육기본법제2조를보면 민주시민으로서필요한자질을갖추게함 을교육의근본적인목적으로천명하고있고, 평생교육법은성인교육의 6가지영역중하나로 시민참여교육 을명시하고있다. 하지만과거권위주의적국가체제와인적자원개발을위한입시위주교육정책으로인해대부분의시민들은민주주의에관해학습하고훈련할기회조차거의없다. 또한우리사회에서이루어지고있는평생교육은직업교육, 취미교육에과도하게편중돼있어민주시민교육은그중요성과필요에비해매우열악한실정이다. 현재도전국곳곳에서학교안과밖에서다양한방식으로민주시민교육이시도되고있다. 경남지역의실험역시현재로선한계가분명하다. 일부학교를대상으로훈련받은실무자중심으로민주시민교육을진행하는정도이다. 민주시민교육의지속성을위해무엇보다우선되어야할것은전문강사를양성하는것이다. 또한제도권교육내에서민주시민교육이일상적으로진행될수있도록교사를대상으로한직무연수를지속적으로추진하는것이필요하다. 경남지역에서도이를위한준비를하고있다. 학교를중심으로마을과연결하고지역으로확대되는민주시민교육의새로운실험을시도하고이를위한기반을어떻게구축할것인가를구체적으로고민하고실천할때이다. 3. 향후계획 1) 2 회시범교육기록정리 - 교육진행방법및교안, 그리고영상물을포함하여기록을정리하기로함. 2) 민주시민교육담당실무모임정례회 - 활성화방안마련및교안연구와학습을위한모임추진 - 진주, 마산, 김해, 창원, 거창, 거제총 12명으로구성함. 410 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 411

Speaker 6 The Meeting of the Regional Citizenship Education and Public Education community can play pivotal role in education so that the education can be provided in the daily life, that there is no discrepancy between the life and learning, and that family and village can provide opportunity for socialization. Ultimately, as a starting point of socially integrated education campaign to which all the rural community can be the school (learning place), the local community and the school should break the stereotyped education system and create and expand the new value and approach that allow future generation to follow. Such education for citizen should be rooted within the formal school education. 2. Progress Jeong-lim Jo_The Masan YMCA 1) Gyeongnam provincial council of YMCA Korea adopted it as major policy project. - resolved to conduct education for democratic citizen within the regular school education program. 1. Background As one of the ways to overcome the limit that South Gyeongsang province (Gyeongnam) has in terms of political landscape, Gyeongnam has paid attention to the education for democratic citizen for youth within the schools and political education for the local citizen. The idea was based on the expectation that if various educational program for democratic citizen raise public participation and interests in the local community, it may expand the arena of civil society and the public s interests in the local politics, and ultimately pave the way for political change which allows political participation of citizen. However, despite the agreement on the necessity and importance of education for democratic citizen in the local area, there had been no progress in the discussion on the legitimacy due to the limit in the leadership and budget. But, after the liberal education superintendent was elected last year, the discussion started to make progress. Since the election of new education superintendent, YMCA in Gyeongnam decided to include the education for democratic citizen in the formal education program, and made detailed policy proposal for it. Main idea of the policy proposal is that if it was the school which led the education and monopolized the power and functions in the educational sector in the 20th century, then in the 21st century, such power and functions should be exercised and played by every social units (village, family and local community) in order to induce a paradigm shift under which the local 2) Entered into MOU with Gyeongsang Nam-do Office of Education, and formed the steering committee. - Proposed Gyeongsang Nam-do Office of Education to execute MOU referring to the cases of Gyeonggi province, and decided to execute MOU in line with the plan for nurturing democratic citizen, which was one of the election promises of the education superintendent. - However, it wasted a lot of time in determining a department in charge due to the lack of awareness of the educational public officers. - Consequently, it barely managed to hold steering committee meeting after a few months have passed since the execution of MOU, and decided to conduct pilot program at two schools. 3) Form working group for education for democratic citizen within the provincial council. - Allocate 2 working-level officers to each local YMCA branch, share the meaning and necessary of education for democratic citizen through two rounds of workshop, and prepare a manual for the pilot education program. - Form a small group at each school, and prepare for the education program. 412 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 413

4) Conduct pilot education program and training for teachers - 8 batches of education program for high school student have been completed under the theme of Student engagement, and student satisfaction with the program is high. - 16 batches of education program are underway as part of the free-learning semester system. - Introduced the education for democratic citizen during the training for teachers about subject classroom system, and received positive feedback from teachers and school inspectors. It decided to provide education and training for teachers within the school. 3. Future plan 1 Prepare an archive about two rounds of pilot education program - Decided to make an archive related to teaching method, plan and video clips. human resources did provide few opportunity to the citizens to learn democracy. In addition, lifelong education which is conducted in our society is excessively focusing on vocational training and training for hobby, which means opportunity for education for democratic citizen is rarely given despite its importance and necessity. Now, various types of education for democratic citizens are tested inside or outside the school nationwide. Clearly, there is a limitation in the pilot education program that Gyeongnam is conducting. Currently, Gyeongnam just provides education for democratic citizens only to the person who has received training at some schools. Most important thing is to nurture professional lecturer who can provide sustainable education for democratic citizen. In addition, it is required to provide job training to the teachers so that they can render the education for democratic citizen within the formal educational framework. Gyeongnam province is also preparing for this. It is time for us to try new experiment and to think how we can lay the foundation of education for democratic citizen which link the school with the local community. 2) Hold working group meeting between the person in charge of education for democratic citizen regularly - Have meeting to set up a promotion plan and to conduct research on education plan and teaching. - Formed with 12 people from Jinju, Masan, Kimhae, Changwon, Geochang and Geoje. 3) Raise fund required for preparation - Decided to raise fund through contributions from each local YMCA branch and lecture fee. 4. Limit and Direction Words of Don t do anything symbolically show the current status of Korean society. What kind of society will it be if people refuse to standstill? Article 2 of Framework Act on Education of Korea stipulates that the basic purpose of education is to make people have necessary qualities as a democratic citizen, and the Lifelong Education Act includes Citizen s participation education as one of 6 types of lifelong education. However, the past authoritarian national system and the examination-oriented education policy to develop 414 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 415

한국민주주의전당은이를위해 민주화운동기념사업회는 한국민주주의발전의핵심동력이었던민주화운동정신을국가적으로계승 발전시켜야 한다는사회적합의에따라제정된민주화운동기념사업회법에의해설립되었습니다. 민주화운동기념사업회는 민주화운동을기념하고그정신을계승하기위한사업을수행함으 로써민주주의발전에이바지함을목적 ( 민주화운동기념사업회법제1조 ) 으로설립된공공법인으로국민과더불어민주화운동기념사업을수행하는조직입니다. 민주화운동기념사업회는 < 아시아를대표하는민주주의 R&D 통합서비스기관 > 을지향합니다 민주주의 R&D : 민주주의발전을위한지식정보, 콘텐츠, 정책과대안, 민주주의제도, 유 무형의각종민주발전기반인프라를연구개발하고, 교육하는기관을지향합니다. 통합서비스제공 : 민주주의발전을실질적으로견인하고지원하기위해민주주의지식 정보, 역사문화콘텐츠, 연구개발성과, 민주시민교육프로그램, 유 무형의기반시설을통합적으로서비스하는기관을지향합니다. 민주화운동기념사업회는지속적인민주주의발전을위해다음과같은일을하고있습니다 한국민주주의전당건립사업한국민주주의전당은지난역사에대한성찰을통해한국민주주의의미래를적극적으로개 척해나가는일입니다. 전당은민주주의에대해좀더깊이배우고체험하는공간이며, 이를통해과거를딛고보다나은내일로나아가는꿈이창조되는곳입니다. 민주화이룩한국민적 역사적성취를성찰하고기념하는민주화운동기념역사관 청소년 시민을대상으로민주시민의식을함양하는민주주의교육센터 민주주의와인권을통해아시아평화구축에기여하는국제민주센터 민주주의연구소, 민주화운동사료관등으로구성하고자합니다. 기념사업 6월민주항쟁등한국현대사의분수령이되었던민주화운동사의정신을기념하고계승하는사업을통해민주화운동을역사적으로재정립하고그성과를체계화하는미래지향적인기념사업을전개하고있습니다. 민주화운동기념행사, 추모행사를개최하고지원합니다. 사진, 영상물, 민중가요, 민중미술등민주화운동의문화콘텐츠를수집 개발하여체계적으로관리합니다. 민주화운동관련한문화프로그램을제작 보급하고, 문화행사를개최합니다. 민주화운동기념 계승단체와네트워크를구축하고협력사업을진행합니다. 국제협력사업민주화운동기념사업회는민주발전 인권신장 평화실현을위해활동하는전세계모든이들과함께하며민주주의와인권 평화를확산하는다양한국제협력사업을통해한국과아시아, 세계민주주의의발전을위한연대활동을펼칩니다. 민주주의관련해외단체와네트워크를구축하고, 아시아민주주의발전을위한허브를구축해나갑니다. 세계민주주의발전을위한국제포럼, 교류협력사업을진행합니다. 제3세계민주화운동활동가와지도자양성을지원프로그램을운영합니다. 시민사회의국제교류협력사업강화를위한연수, 지원프로그램을운영합니다. 민주주의대안모델을개발하고, 구현하기위한프로젝트를운영합니다. 416 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 417

교육사업민주주의교육의전문기관으로성장하기위해민주주의교육관련조사, 연구, 교재발간, 프로그램개발등을해나가는민주주의교육센터기능을갖추고, 민주시민으로서의자질향상을위해청소년과시민이참여하는교육 연수프로그램을운영합니다. 민주주의교육의틀과방향을정립하기위한조사, 연구를실시합니다. 민주시민교육을위한교재와프로그램을개발합니다. 청소년, 교사, 시민이참여하는연수프로그램을운영합니다. 민주주의의가치를체험할수있는현장체험교육을운영합니다. 초 중등학교와시민 사회단체에서실행하고있는민주주의교육활동을지원합니다. 연구사업한국민주화운동의역사와이론적논의들을연구하고, 한국민주주의의현주소를밝혀내어향후새로운민주주의의모습과발전방안을제시하고자합니다. 이를통해아시아의대표적인민주주의연구소로발전해나갈것입니다. 민주화운동, 민주주의와관련제반연구사업을수행합니다. 민주화운동사를편찬하고, 민주화운동관련자료집을간행합니다. 민주주의와관련학술지를발간하고, 학술대회, 포럼등을개최합니다. 한국민주화운동의경험을세계에알리기위한번역서를발간합니다. 민주주의관련연구자네트워크를형성하고, 관련연구를지원합니다. 사료관한국민주화운동과관련된사료를수집 정리 보존하고누구나열람하고활용할수있도록온라인과오프라인 ( 열람실 ) 을통해서비스를제공합니다. 민주화운동사료와관련된지역및단체와네트워크를구축하고, 한국민주주의종합정보센터를만들어갑니다. 민주화운동과관련된문건, 사진, 음성과영상, 박물류의사료를수집합니다. 수집된사료를목록화하고정리, 기술하여사료정보시스템을통한열람서비스를제공합니다. 다양한사료콘텐츠를개발하여기록을통한한국민주화운동의역사상을제공합니다. 사료를소장하고있는각단체들과의네트워크를통해관리방법, 목록, 활용방안을공유합니다. 민주화운동사건과인물에대한구술을채록합니다. 418 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 419

Korea Democracy Foundation KDF was established to contribute to the development of democracy by carrying out projects to memorialize the democratization movement and inherit its spirit in accordance with the Korea Democracy Foundation Act (Act 6495) passed into legislation on June 28, 2001. KDF carries out support projects and arranges events to develop democracy movement, such as the establishment and operation of the Korean Democracy Memorial Hall. It also collects, digitizes, manages, and researches documents for the historical organization of the democratization movement as well as the democratization movement artifacts preservation, management, and publication. Construction of the Korean Democracy Memorial Hall The Korean Democracy Memorial Hall is a location to look back at the past when hardships were tread upon and dreams were achieved. It is also a place filled with the passion to fulfill dreams not yet achieved, a site for learning to expand democracy and planting its roots, and a point of solidarity where many nations and peoples from around the globe can strive for democracy together. collaboration activities for Korean, Asian and world democracy and meeting more global citizens who are still suffering. Democratic Civic Education The strengthening of democratic citizen s capability to promote democracy through a change of consciousness and practice is the heart of democracy development. We are building a democratic civic education center which helps to create a vision of democratic citizens, develops programs, and offers various opportunities to citizens. Academic Research Projects Through researching the democratization movement we will inherit and develop its spirit, study the present state of democracy, and strengthen a research database of Korean democracy. We intend to contribute to the development of domestic and overseas democracy research through international cooperation, exchange in democracy research and internationalizing the Korean democratization movement experience. Memorial Efforts Memorialization of the democratization movement is necessary for the sake of passing on the precious experiences and assets of the democratization movement to future generations, to refine all challenges and achievements for democracy into the pride of the people. This kind of pride is the basic power that will continuously deepen and expand our society s democracy. Archives We will create an archive consisting of the collection, organization and preservation of records and memories of the democratization movement, including a viewing room and online archives able to be accessed by the public. We are making a democracy information center that provides open content and basic historic information on the democratization movement. International Cooperation Efforts We work together with all those around the world working to develop democracy, expand human rights and spread peace. We are expanding diverse Contact Address 6th F1 Twin Tree 'A' Bldg, 6Yulgok-ro, Jonro-gu, Seoul, Korea Phone +82-(0)2-3709-7500 E-mail kdf@kdemo.or.kr 420 2015 _ _, 2015 Seoul Democracy Forum_ The Reflection on Democracy in Asia_ Crisis or New Trajectory 421