Muslim-Christian Encounter 1 ISSN 1976-8117 Muslim-Christian Encounter Folk Islam torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal volume 3, number 2, November 2010 권지윤 ( 다와의방법론적접근법으로서 ) 수피즘을통한이슬람확장과민속이슬람 김아영 말레이이슬람의민속이슬람적특징에관한소고 Caleb C. Kim Jinn Possession and Uganga(Healing)among the Swahili 조희선한국의무슬림정체성 Jung Nyun Kim Cho The Islamic Worldview in Its Formative Period Book Review 이경희아브라함종교, 기독교와이슬람의대화신학연구박성은철학자들의부조리

Muslim-Christian Encounter 1 Muslim-Christian Encounter

Muslim-Christian 2 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Encounter Falk Islam Editorial board : Chae Ok Chun, Ah Young Kim, Ahn Shin, Dudley Woodberry, Eiko Takamizawa, Young Nam Kim Researcher : Jung Nyun Kim Cho, Jee Yun Kwon, Kyung Hee Lee Hyun Kyung Lee, Sung Eun Park Design : sun mi kim 2010 All rights reserved, ISSN 1976-8117 E-mail : ttcis@ttgst.ac.kr / iis@chol.com Homepage: http://ttcis.ttgst.ac.kr Tel. : 02) 570-7563

Muslim-Christian Encounter 3 contents torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal volume 3, number 2, November 2010 Folk Islam 권두언 / 김아영 기획논문권지윤 - ( 다와의방법론적접근법으로서 ) 수피즘을통한이슬람확장과민속이슬람김아영 - 말레이이슬람의민속이슬람적특징에관한소고 Caleb C. Kim - Jinn Possession and Uganga(Healing)among the Swahili 일반논문조희선 - 한국의무슬림정체성 Jung Nyun Kim Cho - The Islamic Worldview in Its Formative Period 서평 이경희 - 아브라함종교, 기독교와이슬람의대화신학연구 박성은 - 철학자들의부조리 이슬람신간소개

4 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 권두언 하버드대학에서안네마리쉼멜 (Annemarie Schimmel), 해밀턴기브 (Sir Hamilton Gibb) 같은이슬람의대가들의지도로박사학위를받고파키스탄선교사로부임했던전풀러신학교선교대학원학장더들리우드베리 (J. Dudley Woodberry) 박사는그의논문 Power and Blessing: Keys for Relevance to a Religion as Lived J. Dudley Woodberry, Power and Blessing: Keys for Relevance to a Religion as Lived in Paradigm Shifts in Christian Witness. eds. by Charles Van Engen, Darrell Whiteman, & J. Dudley Woodberry, (New York: Orbis, 2008). 을시작하며초임선교사로그가경험했던당혹스러움을들려주고있다. 이슬람학박사학위소지자로공식이슬람의가르침과관행들에정통했던우드베리는파키스탄에도착하자마자그지역에파송된대부분의선교사들처럼지역사람들의가장중요한관심사였던민속이슬람적세계관, 혹은살아있는이슬람에대해전혀준비가되어있지않음을알고당황했었음을고백하고있다. 그중에서도특별히히브리어와아랍어로축복과능력을의미하는바라카 (baraka) 에대해무지하였는데이는현지무슬림들에게는일상의삶속에서가장큰관심사였다는것이다. 그래서사람들은꾸란모형을목이나손목에달고다니곤하는데그것들은너무작아서읽을수도없고, 또대다수가문맹이어서읽을능력도없었지만그렇게함으로써꾸란을통해불운을막고행운을얻기를기원하는행위였다는것이다. 성경이나꾸란에나타난이러한축복과능력은하나님, 혹은알라로부터오는 것이지만대부분의무슬림들은동시에이러한축복과능력이특정한사람들, 물건

Muslim-Christian Encounter 5 들, 혹은고백을통해서도얻을수있다고믿는강력한민속이슬람적세계관의지 배속에살아가고있는것이다. 이것은비단이미은퇴한선교사들이사역할당시의상황만은아니어서현재도 아시아, 아프리카를비롯한대부분의이슬람권에서강력한영향력을행사하며무 슬림들의일상생활을지배하는이슬람적인세계관이되는것이다. 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소의저널인 Muslim-Christian Encounter 의네번째호의주제는바로 민속이슬람 이다. 그동안의저널이정통이슬람을이해하기위한연구물들이었다면이번호의기획논문들은이러한민속이슬람적세계관에대한이해를돕기위한논문들로이루어졌다. 이가을한국교회는젊은그리스도인들의지나친신앙심이불러온타종교기관경내에서의 땅밟기 라는행위로또한번홍역을치르고있다. 영적전쟁에대한잘못된이해와무례한방법론이불러온결과이다. 이번저널을통하여이슬람의또다른얼굴인민속이슬람에대한이해와함께사도바울이에베소서에서강조한대로믿음안에굳건히서서, 진리를고수하고, 사랑과의를행하고, 성령의도움으로화평의복음을선포함으로써사단의죄와죽음의통치에맞서싸우는진정한영적대결, 혹은능력대결에대한이해를바로하는계기가되기를기대한다. 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소소장김아영

6 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal

Muslim-Christian Encounter 7 다와의방법론적접근법으로서 수피즘을통한이슬람확장과민속이슬람 권지윤 * Ⅰ. 서론 Ⅱ. 이슬람다와의방법론적접근으로서수피즘의이해 : 수피즘의역사 Ⅱ-1. 수피즘의역사 Ⅱ-1-1. 수피즘의기원 Ⅱ-1-2. 정통이슬람의한계를넘어선수피즘 Ⅲ. 다와의실천으로서수피즘의역할 Ⅲ-1. 특별한이들 (The band of people) Ⅲ-2. 수피즘의특성 : 수피즘을통한이슬람확장요인 Ⅲ-2-1. 경건성 : 금욕주의 Ⅲ-2-2. 대중성 : 성자 (Wali) 사상 Ⅲ-2-3. 신비성 : 수피즘의사랑개념 Ⅳ 다와의실천으로서수피즘의양태 : 민속이슬람 Ⅳ-1. 민속이슬람의영역 Ⅳ-2. 민속이슬람의성자숭배 Ⅳ-3. 민속이슬람의사당문화 Ⅴ. 나가는말 * 횃불트리니티신학대학원대학교 ICS 박사과정 / 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소총무 / 연구원

8 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal ( 다와의방법론적접근법으로서 ) 수피즘을통한이슬람확장과민속이슬람 Ⅰ. 서론 필립젠킨스는 (Philp Jekins) 는그의책 God s Continent에서영국런던시위대의한여성이 Islam-Our Religion Today, Your Religion Tomorrow. 라는피켓을들고시위대를이끄는모습을묘사하면서, 이슬람이빠른속도로유럽사회에확산되고뿌리내리고있다는사실을상기시켰다. 1 이슬람의빠른성장과확장현상은유럽에서만발견되는것은아니다. 이슬람은전세계를향하여끊임없이퍼져나가고, 자신들의공동체를견고하게유지시키고있다. 이제우리는무에진 (Mu aḏḏin) 의아잔 (azān) 소리를중동이나아시아의전통적인이슬람국가뿐만아니라세계어느곳에서도들을수있게되었다. 이러한현상이우리에게보여주는것은이슬람은다양성과그다양성을이슬람안으로통합하는역동성을지니고있다는사실이다. 이사실은이슬람이선교하는종교로서이슬람만이가지는독특성을증명하는것이다. 이슬람은선교하는종교다. 이슬람은 1400여년의역사를지나오면서, 끊임없이그들의종교가새로운역사와환경에서성장할수있도록선교하는활동을멈추지않았다. 이슬람은이슬람국가로여겨지는중동과중앙아시아, 남부아시아에국한되어있지않고, 유럽과아시아, 아프리카그리고북아메리카까지널리확장되어있다. 2 현재세계인구의약25% 정도로추산되는무슬림인구비율은끊임없는이슬람의선교적열정을잘보여주는예이다. 이슬람이라는종교의다양하고역동적인선교적에토스를설명할수있는이슬람신학적표현을무슬림들은이슬람다와라고말한다. 왜냐하면다와는내부적으로무슬림이진정한무슬림될수있도록정체성을확립하고, 외부적으로는이슬람을전세계에전파하여세계의이슬람화를추구하기때문이다. 오랜역사의흐름속에서이슬람다와는그의미가퇴색되거나, 사라지지않고다양하고, 역동적인패러다임을가지고이슬람을전세계에전파해왔다. 1. Philip Jekins, God's Continent (N.Y.: Oxford University Press,2007),p.1. 2. 김아영, 이슬람의이해 ( 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소 이스마엘우리의형제 100 호기념강좌, 2009),p.4.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 9 다와의다양하고역동적인패러다임을가장잘보여주는예가이슬람수피즘이다. 이슬람의수피즘은무슬림이정치적, 군사적힘을가지고비이슬람국가로팽창정책을활발히진행했던시기부터, 이슬람의팽창이더이상세계무대에서지속될수없게된이후에도멈추지않고, 역동적으로이슬람을비무슬림지역에전파하였다. 더나아가수피들은이슬람을전파하는가운데, 자신들의신학적성향에따라진지한무슬림이되기위해끊임없이자신을이슬람이라는종교에헌신했다고볼수있다. 따라서수피즘은다와의가장역동적인표현방법이다. 이와더불어다와의가장역동적인표현방법으로서수피즘은대중들깊숙이이슬람이뿌리내리게하는역할을하면서, 이슬람선교의다양성을잘표현하였다. 수피즘은대중들의영적갈망을채워주고, 그들삶의문제로까지이슬람의영역을확대시켜, 다와를효과적으로실천하였다. 여기서멈추지않고, 수피즘의독특한신학적성향은비이슬람국가의토속문화, 더구체적으로표현하면거주민의다양한문화와만나이슬람적이않은그들의삶과문화자체를이슬람안으로흡수할수있는촉매제역할을하였다. 즉다양한거주민의문화와종교, 역사, 관습등을융화시켜이슬람이라는틀속에서재해석하는역할을하였다. 다른말로설명하자면, 이슬람적이지않은다양한무슬림공동체들을이카테고리안에서설명할수있는새로운이슬람신앙의표현을만들어내는역할을하였다. 이러한이슬람신앙의새로운표현을민속이슬람이라한다. 본고에서는이슬람선교가다양성과역동성이라는패러다임으로진행되었다는전제를바탕으로이슬람다와의틀안에서수피즘의역할과특성을재해석하고, 수피즘을통한이슬람확장의실질적인현상으로민속이슬람을새롭게이해하고자한다.

10 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Ⅱ. 이슬람확장 ( 다와 ) 의방법론적접근으로서수피즘의이해 : 수피즘의역사 Ⅱ-1. 수피즘의역사 Ⅱ-1-1. 수피즘의기원이슬람아니더정확한표현으로는이슬람을그체제로표상하는국가공동체는이슬람의예언자무함마드사후 (632 C.E), 그의후계자들에의해급격한팽창을가진다. 무함마드시대에이미이슬람은하나의종교적공동체에서정치적, 사회적공동체로서성장하였으며, 아랍권역을이슬람화시키고자하는노력이없었다고말할수는없다. 본격적으로무함마드사후제2대칼리파 3 오마르 ( Umar b. al-khatab) 가집권하면서이슬람은이라크, 페르시아, 시리아, 팔레스타인, 이집트를정복하는등정치적정복전쟁에몰입하게된다. 4 이러한흐름은우마이야조시대 (650-750 C. E) 압둘말리크의아들이자후계자인칼리파알왈리드빈압둘말리크 (al Walid b. Abd al-malik) 5 에의해이어져중앙아시아에서북아프리카서쪽끝의모로코에이르기까지광대한대제국의터전을일궈낸다. 동으로는인도와중국변경지역까지, 서로는대서양연안과스페인에까지이른이슬람팽창은 9세기초까지거대한대장정을이루었다. 6 이러한대장정의기간동안아랍무슬림군이승리하여이슬람을전파한광활한영토들에서는 이슬람화 가진행되었다. 이슬람화과정과이슬람팽창운동의총체적표현을이슬람신학적으로다와 (Da wah) 라고설명할수있다. 이슬람다와는외부적으로비이슬람지역을온전한이슬람지역으로만들고내부적으로무슬림공동체, 또는무슬림들이진정한무슬림이되도록하는역할을하기때문에초기이슬람의팽창과정은이슬람다와실천의한방법으로해석할수있다. 이러한팽창즉신학적표현으로이슬람다와의실천은크게두 3. 손주영, 교리, 사상, 역사, 이슬람 ( 서울 : 일조각, 2005),p77. 4. 손주영, Ibid. 5. 알왈리드빈압둘말리크 (al Walid b.'abd al-malik) 는 703-715 AD. 까지통치하였다. 6. 버나드루이스, 이슬람 1400년 ( 서울 : 까치,2010),p. 24.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 11 가지방법론적특징을가진다. 그첫번째방법론은지하드를통한다와의실천이다. 두번째방법론은이슬람수피운동을통한다와의실천이다. 지하드와수피운동은그양태와방법론에있어상이함을가지고있지만현실적으로드러나는목적에있어다와의범주즉 세계의이슬람팽창, 세계의이슬람화 에주요한두지류로해석할수있다. 이부분은다와의방법론으로수피의역할에서더자세히다루어질것이다. 이슬람팽창역사의주요한지류이며, 현시대에이슬람화, 즉다와를실천하는데있어큰영향력을보여주고있는것이이슬람수피즘이라고말할수있다. 결과적으로이슬람수피즘은아이러니하게도수피운동가들이정복전쟁을통한이슬람팽창에회의를느끼고반사회적성향을강하게띄고있었음에도불구하고비이슬람지역을전쟁이나, 충돌또는비무슬림과의가시화된갈등없이이슬람화하여이슬람팽창에가장효과적으로기여한방법론이라고표현할수있다. 7 비이슬람지역의이슬람화에가장효과적인방법이라고표현할수있는수피즘이형성된역사적인시기는이슬람의팽창이가장급격하게진행되었던우마이야조왕조시대이다. 이시기에경건한신자들은세속적인정복활동에열중하고있었던당시의정복자들이표상하는이슬람에회의를느끼게되고, 이러한이슬람화를경계하고, 무함마드시대의경건한신앙운동을회상하며, 이를실천하고자했다. 이러한움직임으로인하여수피즘은무슬림내부에서자생적인욕구에의해정복전쟁으로인한무슬림의세속화와형식주의로부터벗어나교리적이기보다철학적이고체험적인신앙의체계를가지려는시도로부터출발하였다고볼수있다. 다시말해서 8세기경이슬람정복전쟁의승리가최고조에이르렀던시기에, 아랍어수프 (suf: 양모 ) 에그어원을두고있는수피즘은신비주의경향의초기무슬림고행자들이이슬람의세속화에반대하여반사회적인성향을띄고거칠게짠양털옷을입고금욕생활을하면서신비체험의길을걸은데서수피야 (sufiyyah) 라고불리웠으며, 이들을통칭수피 (sufi) 라고부르게된데서기인한다. 8 7. L, Poston. Islamic Da`wah in the West: Muslim Missionary Activity and the Dynamics of Conversion to Islam. NewYork: (Oxford University Press, 1992),p.17. 8. Fazualr Rahman을비롯한몇몇이슬람학자들은수피즘이예언자무함마드에게그기원을두고있는데, 무함마드가그의생애동안행했던전례를따라종교적의무이상을행하면서그것에영적인의미를부여한것이수피즘이라는단어로표현되었을것이라고주장하고있다. 손주영, p.376.

12 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Ⅱ-1-2. 정통이슬람의한계를넘어선수피즘 10세기에이를때까지무슬림들은규범적인종교생활에만족하였다. 신의뜻에복종하기위해신을믿고, 또신의명령과가르침으로서이슬람 신앙과실천 의길을충실히따랐다. 다시말해서, 이러한신앙과실천의길은이슬람법학자들이정교하게만든샤리아 ( 이슬람법 ) 를따르는길이었다. 그러나예배와교리와의무의실천만을강조하는모스크중심의생활이자꾸울라마들에의해형식화되고고착화되어가고, 이슬람제국이부와세력을가진거대한대제국으로번영의정점에도달하게되었을때신앙심깊은무슬림들이신앙의형식만을강조하는전통적성격의이슬람에회의를느끼게되어새로운 ( 신비주의적인 ) 방법으로이슬람신앙을표현하기시작하였는데, 이를수피즘이라고한다. 9 즉전통적인성격을가지고이슬람의정통성을주장하고있는자들을이슬람법학자들이라고보았을때수피즘은이러한이슬람법학자들의신앙의표현과는다른방법으로이슬람을표현하였다. 정통이슬람의신앙적한계를신비주의라는방법으로넘어서서이슬람을표현한것이다. 즉수피들은정통이슬람법학자들과명확히구분되는이슬람신학에대한새로운해석과이에따른실천으로서신앙을발전시켰다고볼수있다. 수피즘이정부의확장정책에반대하여독립적인길을택하였던영적운동이라는역사적사실을상기한다면, 이슬람초기부터영적권위와현세적권력은이미분리되어있었다고말할수있다. 이와관련하여마틴링 (Martin Lings) 은수피즘이곧이슬람이며, 이슬람의참영성은선택받은수피들을통해이어져왔다고주장한다. 그는첫무슬림공동체를다스렸던 4명의칼리프들역시모두높은영성을지닌수피들이었으며, 이공동체는결코이슬람신비주의에닫혀있는공동체가아니었다고설명하면서, 정통칼리프들의시기에는영적권위와현세적권력이칼리프한사람에게함께존재했으나, 그이후부터이두영역이수피들과이슬람법학자들에게로나누어지게되었다고설명한다. 10 초기수피즘을살펴보면이슬람법학자들이수피즘의이단성을문제점으로제기하고, 수피할라즈 (Hallaj) 11 를처형하기도하는등, 이슬람정통법학자들과수피들사 9. Ibid.,pp.378-379. 10. 이현경, " 이슬람의사랑개념 : 수피즘을중심으로 " ( 이화여자대학교대학원석사학위논문,2002),p.6. 11. 신양섭, 이슬람의수피즘, 중동연구 제17권 (1998),pp.326-330.,Husayn ibn Mansur, Abu'I- Mughith, 922 사망

Muslim-Christian Encounter 13 이에많은갈등이있었던것을엿볼수있다. 수피할라즈는후에사랑의순교자로유명해졌는데, 나는알라다 라는발언을통해인간과알라의하나됨을표현하였다. 12 할라즈이후수피들은수피즘이이슬람의이단이아니라정통이슬람의하나의지류라는주장을인정받기위해이슬람내에서확고한위치를차지하려는노력을하였다. 특별히가잘리 (Ghazali) 는이슬람법의외형적인 (exoteric) 모습에신비적인 (esoteric) 영적의미를부여함으로써이슬람법과수피즘을하나로통합시켰다. 13 그한예로, 그에게있어서율법에서의무로제시되고있는기도전에행하는세정의식은물로몸을씻는행위의외적의미와함께, 알라에게만집중함으로써마음을정화시키는영적의미를가지는것이라주장하였다. 14 다시말해서이러한가잘리의주장은수피즘에서제시하는영적측면은이슬람이외형적으로제시하고있는종교적의무와결코분리할수없는한종교의두측면으로이해하여야한다는것이다. 15 이러한수피즘의영적인특성으로인해마틴링은이슬람을인간의몸에비유한다면수피즘은그심장과같다고표현하기도하였다. 수피즘의영적인특성은교리주의와율법주의에매여있는이슬람법학자들로대표되는정통이슬람이줄수없는영적갈급함을대중들에게채워주었다. 수피즘을통해무슬림대중들이접하게된이슬람의알라는사랑의알라, 인류를위해예언자무함마드를보내신, 자신의피조물을사랑하는존재로서의알라였다. 16 수피즘의영적인영역으로서신비주의가보여주는사랑의개념은법률적인, 율법주의적인정통이슬람에회의를느끼고, 지쳐있던무슬림대중들의영적갈망에대한대답이되었다. 이러한이유로 13세기이후이미정치력과, 군사력을앞세워진행되었던이슬람의정복전쟁으로인한확장, 비이슬람지역의이슬람화는그세기가약화되어이러한팽창정책을통한이슬람다와의실천이어렵게되었음에도불구하고, 13세기이후수피즘의절정을이루면서, 무슬림내부뿐만아니라비이슬람지역에서도이슬람화를진행시키는결과를가져왔다. 게다가현대에는수피즘의영적영역의신비성과경건성을바탕으로 12. 신양섭, Ibid. 13. 이현경,p.11. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. 이현경, p.14.

14 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 한이슬람다와의새로운접근법이발전하기도하였다. 정통의한계를넘어선수피즘 의영향력은무슬림내부에서뿐만아니라외부에서도지속적으로표현되었다. Ⅲ. 다와의실천으로서수피즘의역할 이슬람의다와는포괄적인의미로이슬람의세계화, 또는이슬람선교를꾸란에기초하여이슬람신학적으로표현한말이라고할수있다. 이러한다와는무함마드시대부터현대에이르기까지이슬람의역사를통해신학적으로방법론적으로변화를해왔다. 마치이슬람이사라지지않고계속적으로발전되어현대에이르게된것같다. 다와의중요한방법론중후대에까지넓게그영향력을보여준것이이슬람수피즘이다. 이슬람의수피즘은전쟁이나무력을동반하지않고가장효과적인방법으로비이슬람지역에이슬람을확장시켰다. 더욱더놀라운사실은이슬람수피즘은무슬림정부의정치적군사적보호나협조없이자발적으로생성된수피개개인에의해비이슬람지역에이슬람을전파하였으며, 현재까지도이슬람선교즉다와의현대적방법론에영향력을행사하고있으며, 비이슬람권에서비무슬림들이이슬람으로회심하는데현재까지그영향력을보여주고있다는사실이다. 우리가알다시피이슬람은초기부터거의 10세기에이르기까지수많은정복전쟁으로비이슬람지역에이슬람적환경을만들어비무슬림들이무슬림이되도록정책적인패러다임을가지고있었다. 그러나 13 세기이후몽골, 또는서구열강의침입으로이러한패러다임이더이상그효과를발휘하지못한시기이후에도이슬람수피즘은더욱활성화되었고수피즘을통한이슬람확장은지속적으로진행되었다고볼수있다. 수피즘은비무슬림대중한사람한사람에게이슬람의가르침을전파하고, 그들삶속에서이슬람을실천하게하는결코간과할수없는이슬람다와활동이다. 그렇다면여기서다와의방법론적표현으로수피즘에대해두가지중요한질문을할수있다. 즉과연수피들은누구인가? 무엇때문에비무슬림들이이슬람수피즘에매력을느껴무슬림이되려고하였는가? 다시말해서이슬람확장과관련하여이슬람선교신학의총체적인표현이이슬람다와라고할때이슬람다와활동에있어수피즘이어떤역할을했는지질문하지않을수없다. 이

Muslim-Christian Encounter 15 러한질문에답하기위해필자는이슬람다와의특성을살펴보고이를통해수피즘이 갖는다와의의미론적특성을설명하려한다. Ⅲ-1. 특별한이들 (The band of people) 꾸란의다와를해석할때우리가주목해야할사실중에한가지는다와는행하는주체를명시하고있다는점이다. 다와라는단어는꾸란에서여러번반복해서사용되는것을발견할수있다. 특히사람을향한알라의부르심, 알라를향한신앙인들즉무슬림들의간구혹은기도를표현할때상호적인의미로쓰였다. 특별히수라 3:104을중심으로다와는그내용상두가지의중요한의미를가진다. There may spring from you, a nation (umma) who invite for goodness, and enjoin right conduct and forbid indecency. 17 They are successful. Let there arise out of you, a band of people (umma) inviting to all that is good enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong. They are the ones to attain felicity. 18 그럼으로너희는한공동체가되어선을촉구하고계율을지키며악을배제하라실로그들이번성하는자들이라 19 첫번째로이구절이의미하는다와의목적은선으로의초대이다. 이꾸란의구절중 inviting to all that is good 의주체가되는이들을데이비드커 (David A. Kerr) 는다음과같이두가지로해석하면서다와의중요한의미를해석하였다. 즉 선으로의초대 에서초대의주체가되어이행위에책임을지는이들은무슬림공동체전체 (Whole Community) 를의미하기도하며, 또는제한적인의미로무슬림중한그룹즉무슬림공동체안에서움마를대표하는특별한이들 (band of people) 을의미하기 17. Marmaduke Pickthall, The meaing of the Glorious Koran, p.78. 18. Yusuf Ali, The Meaning of the Holy Qur'an, p.154. 19. 꾸란 3:104

16 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 도한다. 좀더구체적으로살펴보면다와는 선으로의초대 를위해무슬림들이옳은행동을추구하고, 악한행동을금지하려는노력을말하는데이러한행위의책임과의무를무슬림공동체전체의유익을위해특정한개인이나그룹의헌신을의미하기도한다는것이다. 20 데이비드커의다와에주체에대한해석은수피즘을다와의방법으로설명할수있는토대가된다. 수피들은이슬람의세속화를염려하여세상에서얻을수있는모든것을포기하고꾸란과하디스연구에집중했던자들이라고현대의이슬람주석가들은표현하고있다. 21 수피들의헌신된삶은오랜시간의기도와철저한종교적의무의실천을통해서표현되어진다. 일반적으로라마단의마지막날에만하는특별한헌신적행위를수피들은일상생활에서실천하는자들이었다. 22 니콜슨 (Nicholson) 에의하면수피들은자신들의 철저한헌신과금욕생활, 영원한실재에대한믿음 으로인해알라의특별한선택을받은자들이라고믿고있었다고한다. 23 수피들은이슬람의가르침을실천하고, 알라의대한믿음을실천하기위해자신들의신앙의신념대로철저한종교적의무를실천하였으며, 일상생활에서도헌신적행위를했던자들이다. 철저한헌신과금욕생활을통한수피들의행위는알라에대한깊은사랑의표현으로의도하지않았어도이슬람을일상생활에서전파하여즉 선으로의초대 다시말해서 이슬람으로의초대 를위한활동을하였다고해석할수있다. 더나아가수피들은스스로를이러한행위의책임과의무를가지고있다고생각하고평생의삶을헌신하고자하는이들로서, 무슬림공동체, 전체의유익을위해헌신하는알라로부터부름을받은사람들즉데이비커가해석한꾸란의다와의주체중특별한이들 (The band of people) 로해석될수있는것이다. 따라서이러한해석은수피들이의도하지않았어도, 이슬람다와활동의주체로서다와를실천한사람들이기때문에수피즘을다와의방법론으로해석할수있는근거를제공하는것이다. 20. David A. Kerr, "Islamic Da'wah and Christian Mission: Toward a Comparative Analysis," (International Review of Mission, Vol. 89, no.353, April, 2000),pp.151. 21. 이현경,p.16. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 17 Ⅲ-2. 수피즘의특성 : 수피즘을통한이슬람확장요인 수피즘이비무슬림대중한사람한사람에게이슬람의가르침을전파하고, 그들삶속에서이슬람을실천하게하는결코간과할수없는이슬람다와활동이라고표현할때우리는다음과같이두가지질문을했다. 그렇다면과연수피들은누구인가? 무엇때문에비무슬림들이이슬람수피즘에의해무슬림이되려고하였는가? 다시말해서이슬람확장과관련하여이슬람선교신학의총체적인표현을이슬람다와라고할때이슬람다와활동에있어수피즘은어떤역할을하였는지에관한질문이었다. 이제두번째질문이슬람수피즘의어떤특성이비무슬림을무슬림이될수있는가능성을열어두는가에대하여살펴보고자한다. 수피즘은전통이슬람의한계를넘어서서, 무슬림대중들에게전통이슬람이표현해줄수없는대중들의영적갈급함을채워주고, 이를넘어서서, 이슬람정부의정치적, 행정적보호없이, 이슬람의팽창정책으로인한비무슬림지역의이슬람화가효과를거두지못하는시기에도지속적으로이슬람을전파해왔다고볼수있다. 중앙아시아, 아프리카의많은지역또는현대유럽의많은지역에서이슬람화가효과적으로이루어진것은수피들의노력이었다고도볼수있다. 그렇다면수피즘의어떠한특성이이모든활동을가능하게하였다고말할수있는가? 우리는이질문에답하기위해수피즘이가지는여러가지특성중전통이슬람과비교하여다음과같은세가지중요한요인을찾아낼수있을것이다. 즉수피즘의대표적모토로떠올려지는 경건성, 대중성, 그리고 신비주의 이다. 수피즘은이슬람이라는종교를경건성, 대중성, 그리고신비주의를통해표현하였다. 이세가지수피즘의특성은수피즘을통한이슬람다와활동즉이슬람선교활동에있어의도하지않았어도수피즘이중요한역할을했다고말할수있는근거를제공한다. Ⅲ-2-1. 경건성 : 금욕주의수피즘의경건성은수피즘이가지는특성중에가장기초적인것으로서수피활동의시작이라고볼수있다. 수피즘이가지는경건성은수피즘의금욕주의적인수행에서그뿌리를찾을수있다. 수피즘은금욕주의즉경건한삶의실천을통해서신비주의와영적수행의이론으로발전되어왔다. 수피즘의금욕주의는욕망과욕구를억제

18 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 하여영혼을정화시키고, 깨끗해진마음으로알라에게다가가직접적인신비체험과영지 ( 靈知 ) 를가능하게하려는일차적원리가된다. 24 금욕주의를통한수피들의경건한삶의실천은알라를위해익숙해져있던즐거움으로부터자신의영혼을떼어놓음으로써수행자가스스로극기하는훈련능력을개발하는자아수련의상태에놓이기된다. 이러한상태에놓인수피는세속적자아를버림으로써우주적자아를발견하게되는삶을선택하게되는것으로해석한다. 25 즉이러한훈련과정을통해서이슬람의정신을삶속에서표현하는것인데, 세속적인모든것으로부터벗어나알라의뜻에복종하기위해자기자신을헌신하고자하는무슬림들의이슬람적경건성표현의한면이라고볼수있다. 이러한이유로금욕주의는초기무슬림들과수피들에게서찾아볼수있는중요한이슬람사상의일면으로서, 특별히이러한정신은이슬람의정치적팽창과움마공동체의국가적발전과더불어진행된이슬람의세속화로인해전통이슬람에서발견할수없는수피들의고유한영역이되었다. 따라서이러한양상은수피즘이이슬람초기부터이슬람이라는커다란지붕아래있었다는주장을뒷받침해주기도한다. 무슬림주석가들은초기이슬람시대에무슬림들은자신들의신앙을지키기위해그당시사람들의가치관으로쉽게받아들일수없는높은수준의도덕성을요구하였고이와더불어경건하고금욕주의적삶을실천하기위해노력하였다고주장한다. 26 이러한이유로다신사상에젖어있고복수극이난무하는당시사회의지배적인세력이었던꾸라이쉬부족과마찰을겪기도하였다. 특별히무함마드전기에서는무함마드를비롯한초기무슬림들은예배와기도생활단식을철저히행하였고, 그당시사회에서누릴수있는유익을포기하고자신들의신앙을지키기위해금욕주의적이고경건주의적인삶을택했다고설명하고있다. 특히수피즘의기원과관련하여파즐러라흐만 (Fazlur Rahman) 과같은학자는무함마드가그의생애동안행했던전례를따라종교적의무이상을행하면서그것에영적인의미를부여한것이수피즘이라는단어로표현되었다고주 24. 김관영, 이슬람신비주의사상에관한연구-수피즘의본질을중심으로 한국동서철학회논문집 동서철한연구 제20호, (2000),p.277. 25. 손주영,p. 396. 26. Kenneth Cragg, The Call of the Minaret (N.Y.:Oxford University Press,2000),pp.61-70.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 19 장하기도한다. 27 헤지라전무함마드와무슬림공동체가새로운터전을얻으면서, 정치사회적공동체로성립되기전시대에무함마드와그들무슬림공동체의삶은영적, 도덕적공동체로서그들에게반대하는자들에대해경건한삶을통해투쟁하고그들의신앙을지키기위해노력하였다고전해진다. 더나아가수피즘이이슬람의확장과맞물려이슬람의세속화가본격적으로진행될때이에대한회의와반발로자생적으로활성화되었다는점도수피즘의경건주의적특성을엿볼수있게해준다. 수피즘의경건주의는이슬람팽창이가져오는이슬람의세속화와는다른방향으로이슬람을표현하고있는것이다. 즉이슬람이라는종교가가지는정치적, 군사적특성이아닌종교그자체의영성과그에대한실천이가져오는신앙의표현으로서, 수피들의도덕적삶의모습은대중들에게이슬람의영성을보여주었고, 비무슬림들에게이슬람이라는정치적으로세력화된종교가가져다주는두려움보다는경건한삶으로부터얻어지는종교적신비성을보여주었기에이슬람으로의회심이가능하지않았을까하는추측을가능하게한다. 이러한수피의활동은이슬람다와활동안에서수피즘의중요성을설명하는수피즘의특성중하나이다. Ⅲ-2-2. 대중성 : 성자 (Wali) 사상수피즘은정치적행정적, 군사적보호나협조없이단지한사람, 한사람의수피들에의해서대중속으로파고들어가, 한사람, 한사람을무슬림으로변화시키므로비무슬림지역을이슬람화하였다. 즉대중의변화를통해이슬람적환경을조성하므로다와활동을전개한것이다. 따라서수피즘이가지는가장중요한특성중에하나는대중성이다. 대중성은수피즘만이가지는고유한영역 성자 개념에서그예를찾아볼수있다. 성자개념은수피즘이무슬림대중속으로빠르게침투할수있었던주요통로가되었기때문이다. 성자는알라와인간을중재할수있는역할을하므로수피즘은무슬림대중들뿐만아니라, 비무슬림대중들에게도정통이슬람이줄수없는대중들의삶의욕구에서나오는종교적갈급함을채워주는역할을하게되었다. 이슬람세계의거의모든지역이수호성인을모시고있으며, 곳곳에성자의무덤을중심으로사당이 27. 이현경,p.5.

20 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 세워져있고, 그곳을방문하는무슬림들의발길이끊이지않고있다는사실은수피즘의고유한영역으로서성자개념이갖는대중성을잘보여준다. 수피들이이해하는성자는수피의길을통해높은영적경지에이르러알라와만나는개인적인경험을하고알라로부터오는지식을받는자들을일컫는다. 따라서성자는예언자를계승하는자로서, 알라의특별한은혜를입고수피들이갈망하는최고의경지에이른자들을일컫는다. 다시말해서전통적으로성자는알라의대리자로간주되었으며, 알라에게완전히속한자를의미하는것이다. 28 성자들은모든사람이경험할수없는최고의경지를경험한자로서알라와대중들사이에중재자 (intermediary) 의역할을하게된다. 따라서중재자로서성자는알라로부터도움을받아대중들에게도움을주는자임을의미한다. 성자들은도움을필요로하는자들에게언제나문을열어놓고있는자들로서가난한자들에게음식을주고, 절망한자들에게위로를베풀며, 알라의능력과메시지를전달하는자들의역할을한다. 따라서성자의역할은대중들의삶과밀접히관련되어있다. 즉대중들은성자를통해서일상생활속에서이슬람이라는종교를만나는것이다. 따라서수피즘의성자개념은대중들속에서이슬람다와활동을가능하게하는수피즘의주요한특징이되는것이다. Ⅲ-2-3. 신비성 : 수피즘의사랑개념꾸란에서알라는인간을위해사도들과예언자들을보내주고, 인간을바른길로인도하기위해무함마드를통해이슬람을계시한분으로서알라의자비와사랑을표현하고있다. 특히꾸란은 30:30과꾸란 57:9는알라의이러한속성을잘표현해주고있다. 그러므로그대의얼굴을확고히하고진실되게믿음으로향하라창조된인간의본성에근본을 두고이종교를두셨노라하나님의창조성은변경되지아니하매그것이진리의종교라그러나많 은사람들이알지못하더라 ( 꾸란 30:30) 28. 이현경,pp.30-32.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 21 알라께서그분의종에게말씀 ( 가이던스 ) 을보내사암흑으로부터광명으로너희를구제하고자함 이니실로알라는인자하시고자비로우시니라 ( 꾸란 57:9) 데이비드생크 (David Shenk) 는꾸란의이구절과관련하여알라는모든인간을선하게창조하였는데, 이러한인간의내재적이고본질적인선함은이슬람을인간의삶속에서실천할때만이유지가가능한것으로설명하고있다. 다른말로하면알라는인간을선한길로인도하기위해선지자들에게이슬람을계시하였는데, 이는인류가바른길로가길원하는인류를향한알라의사랑을표현한것이며, 이에대한인간의반응으로인간의삶속에서이슬람의가르침을실천하는것이알라에대한인간의사랑이라는해석이다. 29 알라의인류를향한사랑과자비의표현으로서이슬람을받아들이는것은수피즘과정통이슬람모두신학적으로동의하고있는부분이다. 하지만알라의사랑의표현이라고해석되는이슬람계시에대한인간의반응즉인간과알라가맺는관계성에대한해석은수피들과정통이슬람법학자들사이에상당한견해차이를보이고있다. 정통이슬람에서알라의사랑에대한인간의반응즉알라와인간의관계성은알라의계시에대한복종으로해석된다. 이러한복종은철저한이슬람의신앙적의무를실천하는것으로표현되어진다. 좀더구체적으로설명하면알라에명령에대한온전한복종이알라와인간의관계성에서알라에대한사랑을표현하는것인데, 온전한복종은이슬람율법을온전히지키는것을의미하며, 이러한복종을통해서이슬람이제시하는종교적평안과구원에이르게된다. 꾸란의다음구절은이를잘설명해준다. 그분께복종하면, 그분의인도함을받게될것이다. ( 꾸란 24:53) 모든인간에게는그의행위에결과에따라등급이있나니알라는그들의행위에따라그들에게 보상하시매그들은공평한대우를받으리라. ( 꾸란 46:18) 29. David Shenk W, Journeys of the Muslim Nation and the Christian Church exploring the mission of two communities. (Ontario: Herald Press, 2003), pp.58-69.

22 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 따라서이슬람율법의철저한실천을통해서인간은알라의사랑에대해반응하는것이다. 다시말해서철저한행위없이인간이알라에대한사랑을표현할수있는길은없는것이다. 이러한관점에서본다면인간이사랑하는알라는철저한율법의행위를실천할때만알아갈수있는것이다. 즉알라는인간을옳은길로인도하기원하여가이던스, 이슬람을계시해주는사랑의알라이지만, 인간들가운데임재하여전적인은혜로인간의모든것을책임지는알라는아닌것이다. 인간의철저한노력에의해서만날수있는알라는인간이직접적인관계를맺을수없는, 인간이근접할수없는초월적인속성을지닌것이다. 따라서인간을향한계시와그에대한인간의반응으로철저한행위를통한복종으로서이루어지는사랑의관계즉인간이알라와맺는관계성에있어알라의사랑은인간과상호적으로이루어질수있는것은아니다. 30 수피즘에서도인간의알라를향한사랑즉알라의사랑에대한인간의반응은복종으로부터시작한다. 그러나수피즘은정통이슬람과달리인간의알라에대한사랑의표현으로서복종은알라에대한절대적신뢰를바탕으로하는수피의무조건적인사랑에대한표현으로해석된다. 수피들은외형적인복종을통한내부인의변화를궁극적으로추구한다. 내부인의변화라는것은알라에대한사랑의표현으로서복종을통하여, 알라안에서자기자신을온전히잊고알라를경험하게되는것을말한다. 즉인간이알라의사랑에대해반응하는과정에서행하는복종은인간이알라의대한사랑을표현하는것인데, 이러한과정의결과는행위이상의결과를가져와인간이알라를경험하고, 알라와하나된상태에서알라의뜻이곧복종하는자의뜻이되는상태를말한다. 31 이러한상태를수피들은 fana 와 baqa를통해서설명한다. fana는자아가완전히사라지고, 순수한상태의절대적실재 ( 알라 ) 만이남아있어서주체 ( 알라 ) 와대상 ( 수피 ) 이따로있지않은상태이다. fana 는분명히인간이경험하는것이지만, 사실이것을경험하는것은인간이라기보다는형이상학적인실재 ( 알라 ) 자신이라고보아야할것이다. fana 의단계를지나수피는 baqa의단계에이르게되는데, 이는알라안에서 30. Annemarie Shimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina,1975),p. 53. 31. 이현경,p.77.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 23 존속 또는 머무름 이라고표현된다. 이단계에서수피는무 ( 無 ) 의상태에절대적실재 ( 알라 ) 와같이변화되어부활하며, 알라안에서영생하는삶을누리게된다. 이단계의수피는알라를통하여행동하게된다고해석한다. 32 이러한과정을통하여수피들에게알라는정통이슬람의해석과는달리이슬람을계시한초월적인존재이기는하지만인간이알라와하나됨을이룰수있는경험이가능한존재로서인간과사랑을주고받는존재로해석된다. 유명한수피시인루미 (Rumi) 는 나는알라께서우리를갈망하고있다는것을결코알지못하고있었다 고고백한다. 가잘리역시알라를사랑하는자를알라도사랑하고, 알라를갈망하는자를그분도갈망하고, 알라를바라보는자를그분도역시보고있다고말한다. 33 결국수피즘의알라는초월적이지만인간을사랑하고인간의사랑을받는알라를추구한다. 수피들의목표는인간과알라사이에존재하는베일을벗기고사랑의단계에도달하여알라와자신이온전히하나됨을이루는것이다. 인간과알라가맺는관계성에있어하나됨이가능한이유는수피즘의알라는초월적이면서내재적인속성을지녔기때문이다. 특별히꾸란은 50:16과 2:115은수피들의이러한해석의근거를제공하고있다. 우리 ( 알라 ) 는그 ( 인간 ) 의생명의혈관보다그에게더가까이있느니라 ( 꾸란 50:16) 동쪽과서쪽이알라에게있나니, 너희가어느방향에있던간에알라의앞에있다 ( 꾸란 2:115) 수피들이baqa의단계에이르렀을때알라로부터오는지식 ma rifa을경험하고이러한경험을바탕으로알라와상호간사랑의관계를가지게되어궁극적으로모든만물속에내재되어있는알라를보게된다. 좀더구체적으로설명하면최고의경지에다다른수피는이세상모든만물의본질이알라이며, 실상은알라이외에아무것도아닌것을알게되고, 만물이모두다른모습을가지고있는것처럼보이는것은베일에가려져 32. Shimmel (1975),pp.,55&142-144. 33. 이현경,p.80.

24 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 있기때문에베일을걷어내고마음의눈을통해보면, 그하나된본질, 즉알라를볼수있다고설명한다. 34 수피즘에서인간의알라를향한사랑의실천으로부터얻어지는알라와인간의관계성에대한해석은정통이슬람에서주장하고있는인간과철저히구분되는알라, 즉위협받을수없는알라의초월성을넘어서서모든만물의선한본질로서존재하는알라즉모든인간의본질속에내재하는알라의사랑을설명하려하였다. 정통이슬람법학자들로부터받아들여지지않는이러한수피즘의사랑개념은결국이슬람에서수피즘만이가지고있는신비성으로무슬림대중들에게이해되었고, 아시아와아프리카등지로이슬람이전파되는과정에서토속적인민속종교이해와연결되어민속이슬람적성격을강하게띠게되었다. 다시말해서수피즘의신비성은이슬람을전파하는이슬람다와활동에있어비무슬림지역의민속종교와이슬람이만나는접촉점역할을하므로민속이슬람으로발전하게되었으며, 의도하지않았어도비이슬람지역의이슬람적환경을조성하고이슬람이라는종교를선교하는데기여를하였다고볼수있다. 이부분에대한이해는후반부에서좀더자세히다루어질것이다. Ⅳ. 다와의실천으로서수피즘의양태 : 민속이슬람 이슬람확장의역사에서이슬람을북아프리카, 동남아시아, 그리고중앙아시아에급속도로퍼지게한것은수피들이었다. 수피들의이슬람전파는비이슬람지역의이슬람화라는측면에서볼때이슬람다와활동의예가된다는사실을우리는앞서살펴보았다. 수피즘을통해북아프리카, 동남아시아, 그리고중앙아시아로팽창된이슬람은각지역의토속적신앙, 문화와접하면서, 정통이슬람과는다른형태의이슬람으로발전하게되었는데, 이를민속이슬람이라고한다. 즉수피즘이비이슬람지역으로확장되는과정다시말해서수피즘을통한이슬람다와활동은각지역에서이슬람적신학에대한수피적해석을바탕으로민속신앙, 지역문화와접하면서, 정통이슬람과는다른이슬람의새로운양태를만들어내는촉매제역할을한것이다. 즉민속 34. Ibid.,pp.81-88.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 25 이슬람은이지역의대중들이무슬림이되면서이슬람과자신들의삶의접촉점을만들어이슬람을그들의종교로받아들이게되면서발전된양상으로서, 민속이슬람의생성에이슬람신학적인지지대역할을한것이수피즘이라고할수있다. 결국민속이슬람은수피를통한이슬람다와활동의실질적인현상중하나로서이슬람의새로운양태가된다. Ⅳ-1. 민속이슬람의영역 인도아 ( 亞 ) 대륙의무슬림중 70% 가민속이슬람을따르고있고, 파키스탄에서무함마드와그의추종자들의유물27점이전시되었는데무함마드의신발, 속옷, 띠, 지팡이, 그리고파띠마 ( 무함마드의딸 ) 가기도할때쓰는돗자리가숭배되었다고하는것은이슬람안에서민속이슬람이얼마나역동적으로발전하고있는지보여주는예이다. 35 민속이슬람은정령숭배, 신비주의, 이슬람의독특한지역별표현을융합한개념으로서정통이슬람과다른이슬람적양태를말한다. 36 이러한이유로민속이슬람에서는정통이슬람과달리, 우주적기원, 인간의운명, 사물의본성등과같은우주론적이며초월적세계의실체, 예를들어알라, 천사, 사탄, 운명등과같은것을다루기보다는약초, 주의, 속담, 민간전승, 그리고상식과민간의학으로해결될수없는일상생활의인간문제들에관심을갖는다. 따라서궁극적인삶의의미를묻기보다는일상생활에서죽음과삶에관련된현실적인물음의해답을찾는다. 개인과공동체의건강과불행의위협을예방하고극복하는방법을구하거나삶의성공과실패에대한관심때문에잘못된조상과의관계를회복하기위한방법을찾는다. 37 민속이슬람의이러한특징때문에민속이슬람의영역은진 (Jinn), 성인, 성스런동물, 사당, 흉안, 예감 ( 징조 ), 점, 부적, 마술등이포함된다. 38 이러한민속이슬람의여러가지특징중대 35. 공일주, 민속이슬람과선교신학적패러다임, 이슬람의이상과현실 : 이슬람연구2 이슬람연구소엮음 ( 서울 : 예영커뮤니케이션, 1996), p.102. 36. 키스스와들리, 인카운터이슬람 ( 서울 : 예수전도단, 2008),p.224. 37. Paul Hiebert, "Power Encounter and Folk Islam,"ed. by J. Dudley Woodberry, Muslims and Christian on the Emmaus Road (Monrovia, CA:MARC,1989),pp.45-61. 38. 공일주, p.101.

26 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 표적인성인숭배와, 사당문화는민속이슬람내에서수피즘이어떠한역할을하고있 는지를보여주는예이다. Ⅳ-2. 민속이슬람의성자숭배 민속이슬람의종교생활은성스런힘을인격화하고영적이며, 내적인경험을강조한다. 그래서알라와신자간의중개자를찾고, 실제로일어나는일을상징적으로해석한다. 수피즘의성자개념은민속이슬람의이러한종교적특성과결합하여성자숭배사상을만들어내었는데, 앞서언급하였듯이수피즘의성자개념은대중들속으로이슬람을전파하는활동즉이슬람다와에상당한기여를하였으며, 그결과나타나는현상을민속이슬람의성자숭배라할수있다. 수피즘의성자는아랍어로왈리 (Wali) 라는단어로표현된다. 이단어를해석하면보호자, 축복을주는자, 혹은친구라는뜻을담고있다. 이단어를표현한꾸란 10:62 과 56:11,12 살펴보면 실로하나님의왈리들은두려움도, 슬픔도없느니라 ( 꾸란 10:62). 가까이있는자들은축복의천국에기거하도다 ( 꾸란56:11,12). 라고하여, 알라에게는그와특별히가깝고그의왕국통치자로임명된왈리즉성자가있다는것을표현하고있다. 알라의속성을가장잘아는사람으로규정되는성자는축복의선물과기적을가져올수있는카라마트 (Karamat) 를지니고있다고무슬림대중들에게이해되고있다. 39 무슬림대중들이성자를필요로하는이유는카라마트를행하는성자의능력때문인데, 좀더구체적으로살펴보면특별히카라마트를행하는성자의능력을아랍어로는바라카 (baraka) 라고표현한다. 꾸란에서이단어는알라로부터받은축복, 자애로움, 초능력이라는뜻으로도해석된다. 이와관련해서무슬림들은무함마드가바라카를가장많이소유한사람이고무함마드이외에바라카를소유하고있는사람이나물건이있다고믿는데, 수피의성자들이바로그러한존재들이다. 40 민속이슬람에서무슬림대중들은우주론적이고, 초월적인실체에대한관심보 39. 조희선 통합과융화의이슬람문화 : 토속관행과이슬람관행. 민속이슬람: 이슬람연구5, 이슬람연구소엮음 ( 서울 : 예영커뮤니케이션 2004),p.81. 40. Nicholsen 은말하기를 수피는자신을벗어나황홀경의경지에도달했을때성자가된다. 그리고기적을행하는능력을통해자신이성자임을입증했을때성자로숭배된다 라고했다이현경,p.43.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 27 다는그들의일상생활에많은관심을두고있는것이특징이다. 따라서무슬림대중들은성자들이가지고있는바라카를나누어받기위해, 또는자신들의당면한삶의문제들을바라카의능력으로해결받기위해성자들을숭배한다. 41 무슬림대중들에게알라는가까이할수없는초월적인존재이지만, 수피의성자들은알라와자신들을중재해줄수있는대중들의삶속에함께하면서, 알라와특별한관계를가진자들로이해되고있다. 따라서무슬림대중들은살아있는성자들의기적적인능력을믿고, 그들의기도와만짐으로부터자신들의문제를해결받고축복을나누어가질수있다고생각한다. 42 수피들에게성자는자신을벗어나황홀경의경지에도달했을때성자가되지만, 무슬림대중들에게성자는기적을행하는능력을통해황홀경에도달한수피가성자임을입증했을때성자로숭배되는데, 이는무슬림대중들에게수피즘의성자는그성자들이알라로부터오는지식을가지고있는자라는사실보다, 그들이알라에게선택받은자들로서눈에보이는축복을가져다주고, 기적을행할수있다는사실즉자신들의삶에유익을줄수있다는사실에더관심을가지고있는것이다. 결과적으로수피즘의성자개념이무슬림대중들의일상적인삶속에서성자숭배라는전통이슬람적이지않은새로운민속이슬람적현상을만들어내었고, 성자숭배개념을통해서대중속으로이슬람은빠르고깊게전파되어정착되었다고볼수있다. Ⅳ-3. 민속이슬람의사당문화 민속이슬람의성자숭배개념이상으로이슬람사회에서민속이슬람의특징을가장잘표현할수있는곳은수피의사당이다. 많은무슬림국가에세워져있는사당들은성자들에대한존경심에서세워진것으로 darih, mazar, zawiya, 또는 maqam 등의다양한아랍어명칭으로표현한다. 이들사당에는반드시성자의무덤이존재하며, 많은무슬림들이이곳을방문하는것이사실이다. 43 대게잘알려진성자는그무덤위에콥바 (qubbah) 로불리는것이세워져있다. 그것은보통 4각으로된흰건물 41. 이현경,pp.40-44. 42. 공일주, p.108. 43. 이현경, p.40.

28 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 로, 편자모양의문과 8각형돔을지니고있다. 돔대신에네방향의측면에서볼때 3 각형모양을지닌뾰족한지붕을이루기도한다. 그리고원형의돌멩이나돌무덤만으로표시된성자의무덤도있고, 아무런표시도없이나무나작은숲, 돌멩이, 바위, 동물, 자체가성스런장소로간주되기도한다. 44 성자의무덤을방문하는것을아랍어로 ziyara 라는명칭을사용한다. 전통에의하면, ziyara 는원래이슬람신학의핵심사상중하나인죽음과내세를상기한다는의미라고한다. 그러나무슬림대중들에게성자의무덤을방문하는행위는단순한상기이상의의미를준다. 무슬림대중들이성자의무덤을방문하는이유는죽은성자로부터축복을축적하고, 자신들의삶에당면한문제즉질병, 부부관계, 자녀의문제등을해결하기위해서이다. 이들은무덤을방문하여자신들의소망이이루어지면죽은성자에게보답을하겠다고약속한다. 또한무덤을방문한무슬림들은무덤에직접적인신체접촉을하므로더확실하게성자의축복을받을수있다고믿는다. 민속이슬람의이러한성향은수피즘을통한이슬람대중화를잘보여주는현상이라고볼수있다. 사실이러한문화는정통이슬람적관점에서보면이슬람이라는커다란테두리안에있지만결코이슬람적이지않다. 죽은성자의무덤을찾아가그들을숭배하고그들에게신적존재가베풀수있는축복을받고일상사의문제들을해결받는다는것은, 확대하여해석하면의도하지않았어도죽은성자를신적인존재로무슬림대중들이이해하고있다는것을의미하는데, 이것은결코이슬람적이지않다는평가를할수있다. 사실무슬림들은샤하다 (Shahadah) 를외치면서, 알라에대한그들의신앙을고백할때반드시무함마드라는한사람이이슬람에서존중받을수있는절대적인당위성을표현하게된다. 즉알라가무함마드를통해서알라의계시, 이슬람의가르침을전달했다는점에서무함마드는이슬람안에서특별성과보편성지닌인물임을표현하게되는것이다. 여기서중요한것은무함마드가알라의계시를받은특별한사람이라는것이다. 따라서무슬림들에게무함마드는일반대중들이접촉할수없는신적인존재감을가질수있는인물이되는것이다. 그러나무함마드가가지는이러한특별성에대한이해가있음에도불구하고무함마드를신적인존재로승화시키지는않는다. 정 44. 조희선, p.98.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 29 통이슬람에서무함마드는기독교의예수그리스도처럼신성을지닌존재이기보다는단지알라의계시를인류에게전달하는전달자로서심오한의미를지니고있다. 45 엄밀하게말해서무함마드의모든행위는알라의충실한전달자로서이해되고있는것이지, 그이상신적인존재로이해되지않는것이정통이슬람의신학적표현이다. 하지만이슬람의오랜역사속에무함마드의모든행위와말은무슬림들에게의도적으로신성을부여하지않았어도무함마드가갖는특별성으로인해알라와같은의미는아니지만아주미묘하게신적인존재감을가지는것처럼이해되고있는것도부인할수없는사실이다. 이론적으로무함마드는신성을지니고있지않지만아마도무슬림들의삶속에서심정적으로무함마드를이해한다면신적인존재로추앙받고있다고조심스럽게말할수있다. 이러한관점에서본다면, 수피즘의성자개념, 특별히죽은성인의무덤을찾아가서신적인존재감을느끼고마치신이할수있는일을죽은성인에게기대하는민속이슬람의현상은이슬람적이지않지만이슬람이아니라고말할수는없을것이다. 이러한이유로수피의사당에반드시존재하는성자의무덤은의도하지않았어도죽은성자를통하여세상의고통과세상의여러가지문제그리고위기에서도피처를찾을수있다고무슬림대중들에게인식되는것이다. 46 즉신의영역으로인식되는축복을죽은성자가생전에신과의긴밀한관계성을통해수피의최고의경지에이르러성인이라추앙받음을통해서성자는더이상평범한사람이라기보다는무함마드처럼특별성을가진인물로평가되면서, 무슬림대중들에게심정적으로신적인존재감을주는것이다. 이러한신적인존재감은무슬림대중들의심정적인위안을줄수있는기제가되어, 이슬람이대중들의삶속으로깊이뿌리내리게하는역할을하는것이다. 따라서수피의사당문화는대중들이이슬람안으로깊이뿌리내리게하는역할을하므로이슬람다와활동에기여하는데, 더나아가이러한현상은북아프리카나아시의여러지역의토속문화적성향을이슬람안으로포용할수있는접촉점역할을하므로이슬람이비이슬람지역에깊게뿌리내리게하는결과를가져왔다. 45. Kenneth Cragg (2000),pp.61-70. 46. 이러한성자의무덤의숭배사상은북아프리카로수피즘을통해이슬람이전파되면서얻어진형상이라는 주장도있다. 공일주,p.107.

30 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Ⅴ. 나가는말 세계의주요종교중가장빨리성장, 확산되는종교는기독교와이슬람이다. 이는기독교와이슬람이끊임없이선교하는종교이기때문이다. 더나아가자연증가율까지포함하면이슬람은기독교보다더빠른성장과확산을보이고있다. 무슬림인구가비율적으로볼때세계인구의약 25% 정도로추정된다는통계학적사실은이슬람의빠른성장과확산의실질적인예가된다. 이와더불어전체세계인구의약 4분의 1 이무슬림이라는통계학적숫치는이슬람이라는종교의열정적인선교적에토스를증명하는것이다. 이슬람의선교적에토스를이슬람신학적으로가장잘표현한말을우리는이슬람다와라고한다. 이슬람다와즉이슬람선교활동은 1400여년의이슬람역사안에서내외적으로그의미가퇴색되거나사라지지않고이슬람이라는종교안으로다양한문화와민족을흡수하고통합하는과정을거쳐현재의이슬람을만들어내었다. 이러한이유로우리가현재만나는무슬림들은이슬람이라는커다란지붕아래있지만한가지패턴으로설명하기힘들만큼다양성을지니고있다. 더나아가그들이각각의나라에서표현하는신앙의모습에있어서도상당히다양한면모를엿볼수있다. 즉라마단달에대부분의무슬림들이금식을하면서무슬림으로서이슬람이라는종교아래일체감과통일성을가지고있지만그들의삶의자리에서무슬림으로서정체성을가지고살아가는모습은한마디로 이것이무슬림이다, 라고단정짓기어렵다. 예를들어검은차도르를걸치고있는여성의모습을생각할때우리는그들이무슬림여성이라고표현하지만, 그들이검은차도르를입고생활하는모습은참으로다양하다. 아프리카대륙에서도한지역은검은차도르를입고즐겁게춤을추는여성들을목격할수있지만인접한다른지역은검은차도르를입은여성이자유롭게바깥출입조차혼자할수없는모습을목격하기도한다. 현재우리가만나고있는이슬람은 이것이이슬람이다 라고한가지패턴으로규정지을수없지만 이것은이슬람이아니다 라고규정짓기도힘들다. 그러나주목할만한사실은이슬람은그들종교안에다양성을이슬람신앙이라는한가지사실로통합하고융합하면서현재의성장을멈추지않고있다는사실이다. 이것은이슬람선교

Muslim-Christian Encounter 31 가다양성과역동성을모두지니고성장해왔기때문이다. 이슬람다와는이슬람선교의다양하고역동적인패러다임의총체적의미이다. 이슬람다와는여러가지방법론을가지는데, 그방법론중가장효과적으로이슬람을전파한방법론을수피즘이라고할수있다. 수피즘은이슬람의정치적, 군사적팽창이더이상진행될수없는위기에처했을때조차전쟁이나, 불가피한무력없이이슬람을효과적으로비무슬림지역특별히대중속깊이뿌리내리게하였다. 이것은수피즘만이가지는독특함때문인데, 그독특함을우리는신비성, 경건성, 대중성이라는단어로표현할수있다. 수피즘의이러한세가지독특한신학적성향은정통이슬람이무슬림대중에게줄수없는것이었다. 수피즘의독특한신학적성향은이슬람의오랜역사속에서무슬림대중들에게더나아가이슬람에매력을느끼는비무슬림들을향해역동적으로이슬람의가르침을전달하는매개체역할을하였다. 더나아가이러한수피즘의독특한신학적성향은전혀이슬람적이지않은비무슬림세계의민속적, 문화적다양한삶의양태들을이슬람안으로포용하여융합하고이슬람신학안에서재해석해서이슬람신앙표현의새로운양상즉민속이슬람을만들어내는데촉매제역할을하였다. 즉수피즘은이슬람선교에있어서수피즘만의독특한신학적성향으로인하여역동적으로선교활동을했으며, 더나아가다양한타문화의비무슬림들을무슬림으로동화시켰다. 결과적으로수피즘안에서이슬람다와는역동적으로실현되었고, 다양하게표현되었다고볼수있다. 다른말로설명하자면, 이슬람선교를지칭하는다와라는큰틀안에서수피즘은그다양성과역동성으로민속이슬람이이슬람의중요한지류가될수있는교두보역할을하였으며, 그결과이슬람적이라고말할수없는다양함이이슬람신앙안에서융합과통합을이루어역동성을띄고이슬람을성장시키는중요한역할을하게된것이다. 따라서수피즘을통한이슬람다와활동은결과적으로민속이슬람이라는새로운방법의이슬람신앙표현을이슬람안에뿌리내릴수있게하였다. 현재민속이슬람이라는카테고리는이슬람을이해하는중요한키워드가되었다. 따라서수피즘과민속이슬람에대한이해는우리가쉽게접할수있는무슬림대중들의삶의표현이며, 더나아가이러한삶의표현에대한이해는기독교선교자가무슬림들의삶에깊이뿌린내린이슬람을만나고, 실제적으로무슬림삶속으로다가갈수있

32 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 는기회를제공할것이다. 다른말로하면, 수피즘을통한다와활동과민속이슬람에대한연구는기독교선교자들에게무슬림대중들의삶의욕구와영적갈급함에서읽어지는이슬람에대한실질적인이해를도울것이다. 이와더불어기독교선교자들이무슬림대중들을만날때기독교선교자로서무슬림들에게어떻게기독교의진리와사랑을전할수있는가하는방법론적인폭을넓혀주기때문에의미있는일이다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 33 ABSTRACT Understanding of Islamic expansion through Sufism, as a method of Da wha, and Folk Islam Jee Yun Kwon Islam is religion, which focuses on missionary and influences people with their messages in various ways. Islam has practiced passionate missionary ethos throughout over 1400 years. In fact, 25% of worldwide population believes in Islam as their religion. It is surprising that one of quarter population in the world is currently Muslim. The growing population of Muslim proves consistent missionary ethos that they have continually practiced. Da wah is used for explaining the comprehensive and complex concept of Islam missionary based on Islam theology. Da wah plays a key role in maintaining Muslim community inward. Its community has been strengthen by Da wah and has encouraged spreading the power and belief of Muslim out of the community. Moreover, they are able to deliver Islam messages to non-muslim people outward. Da wah has been developed in both theological and methodological ways throughout over 1400 years of Islamic history without distorting or fading away the religious meaning of Da wah. Throughout this long Islamic history, Dawah has been considered as the motivation of its diversity and passion of Islamic missionary. Among the methodologies of Da wah, Islam Sufism represents outstandingly diversity and passion of the Islam Mission. Sufi is considered themselves as the band of people who are chosen for the public good and better life in Muslim Umma. Even after the time that Islam stopped expanding political and military power, Sufi continued maintaining Da wah Movement and its activities without safeguard from its political or military regime. Thus, the messages of Islam by Sufi could spread smoothly throughout the whole world without particular opposition by the general public.

34 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Sufism is different than the traditional Islam in several ways. Sufism has unique characteristics, which make significant differences between Sufism and the traditional Islam. The theological characteristics of Sufism support the motivation of the movement of Islamic Da wah. There are three distinguished characteristics including pietism, popularity, and mysterious love. These three characteristics are as follows in detail. First of all, Pietism is one of significant trend of Sufism. Sufi shows their spiritualities and religious belief through devout life styles. Their devout life styles leads to religious curiosity for non-muslims rather than the fear, which political religion used to generate, leading that the religion was gradually taken away form the public. Second characteristic is popularity. The concept of the Wali of Sufism has become abridge between the belief of Islam and lives of Muslim. In other words, through Wali, the messages of Islam have delivered to the Muslim community and have been accessible to the public. Thirdly, the concept of mysterious love is stemmed from Sufism. This kind of love represents beyond the superiority of Alla. Under this concept, all creation and things are considered as kind and naive nature. In other words, this concept explains directly the love of Allah which believes that they exist in the nature of human being. The identification of human nature from this view is distinguished from one by traditional Islam. Islam Da wah Movement has a chance to contact local cultures and Folk beliefs based on a unique way of understating religions according to Sufism. As a result, New Islam is distinguished from its traditional Islam. That is called Folk Islam. In other words, people from different areas confront Muslim, are influenced by them and accept it as their religion gradually in a natural way. Thus, Folk Islam is a phenomenon, which has generated when non-islamic multi-cultures mingle with the unique theological characteristics of Sufism. In other word, Islam with a guide of Sufism has invited non-muslim to their religious world while non-muslim retain their own spirits and cultures.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 35 Furthermore, Islam Da wah has been practiced with a guide of Sufism. There are several ways to practice the principles of Da wah. However, practicing Da wah under Sufism is one of the most passionate and energetic ways to spread Islam globally. This paradigm of Sufism adds strength to Da wah and makes a significant improvement Islam missionary, which embraces all the other non-islamic cultures and spirits into their religious world. Da wah Movements based on Sufism leads to Folk Islam. Currently, the concept of the Folk Islam is one of new ways to explain the history of Islam and became an important word in order to understand Modern Islam and study about how Islam form and spread worldwide. Thus, the understanding of Sufism and Folk Islam should be obtained firstly in order to understand the life of Muslim. Practically, the study of Sufism and Folk Islam provides an opportunity for a Christian missionary to confront Muslim and their religious influences. Finally, understanding these their religious concepts will be a fundamental base that the truth, love, and belief of Christianity can be delivered to Modern Muslims in a profound way. Keyword : Islamic Da wah, Sufism, Folk Islam, Islam evengelism

36 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal REFERENCES CITED 김관영. 이슬람신비주의사상에관한연구-수피즘의본질을중심으로, 한국동서철학회논문집, 동서철한연구 제20호, 2000. 김아영. 이슬람의이해, 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소 이스마엘우리의형제 100호기념강좌, 2009. 공일주. 민속이슬람과선교신학적패러다임, 이슬람의이상과현실 : 이슬람연구 2 이슬람연구소엮음, 서울 : 예영커뮤니케이션, 1996. 이현경. 이슬람의사랑개념 : 수피즘을중심으로, 이화여자대학교대학원석사학위논문, 2002. 버나드루이스. 이슬람 1400년, 서울 : 까치, 2010. 손주영. 교리, 사상, 역사, 이슬람 서울 : 일조각, 2005. 신양섭. 이슬람의수피즘, 중동연구 제17권, 1998. 조희선. 통합과융화의이슬람문화 : 토속관행과이슬람관행. 민속이슬람: 이슬람연구5, 이슬람연구소엮음, 서울 : 예영커뮤니케이션 2004. 키스스와들리. 인카운터이슬람, 서울 : 예수전도단, 2008. Kerr, David A. Islamic Da wah and Christian Mission: Toward a Comparative Analysis, International Review of Mission, Vol. 89, no.353, April, 2000. Shimmel, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina, 1975. Shenk, W. David. Journeys of the Muslim Nation and the Christian Church exploring the mission of two communities. Ontario: Herald Press, 2003. Cragg, Kenneth. The Call of the Minaret, N.Y.:Oxford University Press, 2000. Poston, L. Islamic Da`wah in the West: Muslim Missionary Activity and the Dynamics of Conversion to Islam. NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1992. Marmaduke, Pickthall. The meaing of the Glorious Koran. Hiebert, Paul. Power Encounter and Folk Islam, ed. by J. Dudley Woodberry, Muslims and Christian on the Emmaus Road,Monrovia, CA: MARC, 1989. Jekins, Philip. God s Continent, N.Y.: Oxford University Press, 2007. Yusuf Ali. The Meaning of the Holy Qur an.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 37 말레이이슬람의민속이슬람적특징에 관한소고 김아영 * I. 서론 II. 민속종교의특징 II-1. 공식이슬람과민속이슬람 III. 동남아시아의이슬람과 Malayness III-1. 말레이이슬람에미친인도이슬람의영향 Ⅳ. 말레이이슬람에있어서아닷 (adat 관습법 ) 의역할 Ⅳ-1. 말레이이슬람에서행해지는민속이슬람적관행들 V. 말레이이슬람에미친수피즘의영향 V-1. 수피즘 V-2. 말레이이슬람에미친수피즘의영향 VI. 나가는말 : 민속이슬람에대한선교적접근 * 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소소장 / 횃불트리니티신학대학원대학교선교학교수

38 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 말레이이슬람의민속이슬람적특징에관한소고 I. 서론 기독교문화인류학자인폴히버트는 14세기가까운오랜세월동안의부단한노력에도불구하고이슬람권이여전히기독교복음을가장수용하지못하는권역으로남아있는이유를다음과같이분석하였다. 첫째는이슬람교리의단순성 (creedal simplicity) 때문이며, 두번째로는이슬람과기독교사이에있었던역사적충돌때문이며, 세번째로는그동안의기독교선교가무슬림대중들의절실한필요 (felt need) 를충분히다루어주지못했다는점을그이유로지적한다. 1 다시말해그동안의기독교선교는대중들이직면하고있는실제적문제보다는기독교이슬람간의신학적차이와영혼구원을포함한내세의문제에사역의초점을두어왔기때문에무슬림대중들의관심을불러일으키기에역부족이었다는말이다. 이와는대조적으로아시아와아프리카의대부분의무슬림대중들은정통이슬람의가르침과함께그지역의토착신앙과이슬람이습합된민속이슬람적인의례와믿음들을무슬림조상으로부터물려받아지켜가고있다. 무슬림들이창조이전에알라와함께경전의모체로존재해왔다고믿는꾸란도그내용에대한학습보다는꾸란자체를숭배하는차원에까지이르고있다. 따라서이슬람이라는종교와무슬림들의종교적심성과세계관을이해하기위해서는이들을강력하게사로잡고있는이슬람의또다른얼굴인민속이슬람에대한이해가선행되어야한다. 이러한인식을가지고본논문에서는전세계무슬림인구분포도에서가장조밀한인구분포를보이고있는말레이무슬림 2 들의이슬람신앙속에나타난민속이슬람적요소에대한이해를통하여이들에게다가가기위한효과적이고적절한선교방법론을모색하고자한다. 1. Paul Hiebert, "Power Encounter and Folk Islam,"ed. by J. Dudley Woodberry, Muslims and Christian on the Emmaus Road (Monrovia, CA:MARC,1989), p.45. 2. 말레이무슬림 (Malay Muslim) 들에대한정의는 III. 이하에서자세히설명하도록한다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 39 II. 민속종교의특징 대체로경전이없는민속종교는내적통일성을갖추지않고지역별로다양한모습을지닌다. 따라서민속종교는자기정체성을확실히보여주는경계선이불분명하며때로는상호모순의양상을지닌다른신앙내용과실천방식들까지도수용한다. 대부분의민속종교지도자들은반드시종교교육기관의전문적훈련을통하여지도자로세워지는것은아니다. 그럼에도불구하고이들은대중들로부터지도자로서의자질과능력을인정받기도한다. 대중들은정기적인예전에큰비중을두기보다자신들의행, 불행과관련된의식에만큰관심을두며공식종교에서사용하는성현들을주술적인동기로사용하기도한다히버트는구체적으로공식종교와민속종교의차이를다음과같이설명한다.: 첫째, 전자는궁극적실재에관심을가지고사물을우주적관점에서바라보지만후자는당면한실제에관심을갖기때문에개인적인관점에서사물을바라본다. 둘째, 전자는모두에게적용될수있는보편적원리를강조하나후자는국지적특성을지닌다. 셋째, 전자는공식적합리성과논리적일관성을갖춘교리성이보이지만후자는문제해결을위한능력에초점을둔실용성이완연하다. 넷째, 전자는추종자들의전적인충성을요구하지만후자는다른설명체계, 가치체계에대해서도수용적인태도를취한다. 3 이런차이로인해공식종교와민속종교사이에는다소불편한긴장이상존한다. 교리적정통성을주장하는공식종교지도자들은대중들의신앙을주술적, 미신적인성격을가졌다고폄하하곤한다. 더나아가정통교리의순수성을어지럽히는혼합주의적신앙이라고정죄하기도한다. 그러나대중들은그런공식종교지도자들을가리켜이세상현실을모른채내세의이야기만외치는철학적이론가요, 대중들의삶의현 3. Paul Hiebert, "Popular Religions" in James M. Phillips and Robert T. Coote, eds. Toward the 21st Century in Christian Mission. (Grand Rapids, Mich.:Eerdmans, 1993), p.257.

40 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 장에서들려오는탄식소리에귀를기울일줄모르는탁상공론가라고불평할수도있 는것이다. II- 1. 공식이슬람과민속이슬람 앞서언급한대로엄격해보이기만하는이슬람내에도이러한민속신앙적인요소가그출발에서부터포함되고있어서 4 공식적인이슬람을 orthodox Islam, formal Islam, 혹은 High Islam 으로, 그리고대중적인이슬람을 popular Islam, folk Islam, 혹은 low Islam으로분류한다. 히버트는공식이슬람과민속이슬람을다음과같이구체적으로비교한다. 먼저공식이슬람은보다조직적이다. 각지역의모스크와학교, 정부기관, 지역의이슬람축제, 혹은출생, 결혼, 죽음에관련된의례에이르기까지 소 ( 小 ) 전통 ( little tradition ) 에서부터좀더광범위하게는메카와카이로같은세계적인신앙의중심지, 고등신학교육기관, 선교부, 수도원제도등에이르는 대 ( 大 ) 전통 ( great tradition ) 5 에이르기까지공식이슬람은다양한제도와조직들로이루어져있다. 반면에민속이슬람은보다임시적 (ad hoc) 이라고할수있어서전통은아버지에게서아들로, 어머니에게서딸들에게로, 혹은스승으로부터제자에게구두로전승되어진다. 공식적인기관이나제도등은별로존재하지않으며수많은사당과성스러운장소, 부적과민간요법, 의례등이보편화되어있다. 이러한상황에서는샤만 (shaman) 6 들이지도력을발휘하여종교적광신상태에서영적인문제와치유, 예언등을행한다. 공식이슬람과민속이슬람은인간과관련된문제에있어서도각기다른영역에관 4. 민속이슬람적인믿음과관행들에대해비판적인무슬림들은그것을비이슬람적인요소라고이단시하지만무함마드의전기등과같은기록들을보면무함마드생존시부터이러한민속이슬람적인주술들이무함마드의부인들을비롯한초기의무슬림들에의해행해지고있었다는기록을찾아볼수가있다. 5. 소전통과대전통의구별은로버트레드필드 (Robert Redfield) 에의해제안된것으로문화인류학에서는널리받아들여지고있는개념이다 : Hiebert (1989), p.60,. 6. 말레이시아에서는이러한샤만을 " 보모 "(bomoh) 라고부르는데보모들이주술을행하는과정속에서종종강간, 살인등과같은문제가발생하여실형을선고받는일이있기도하다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 41 심을갖는다. 공식이슬람은인간의궁극적관심들에집중하여만물의기원과지속에대한문제, 우주의의미와운명에대한문제, 무슬림됨의의미에대한문제등에집중한다. 따라서공식이슬람은우주적이고타계적인실제즉알라, 천사들, 사탄, 운명등과같은존재들에관심을갖는다. 반면에민속이슬람은민간요법이나약초, 상식등으로해결할수없는인간의일상적인문제들에주로관심을갖는다. 따라서민속이슬람의영역은정령 (jinn) 이나성인들, 성스런동물들이나사당, 흉안 (evil eye), 징조, 예언, 그리고주술과마술의세계에빠져있다. 민속이슬람에서가장중요시하는질문은 도대체지금여기에서무슨일이일어나고있는것인가? ; 내삶과내가족의삶이어떠한의미를갖고있는가? 와같은일상적인삶과죽음의의미에대한것이다. 이러한세계관속에서는출생과통과의례, 결혼과장례같은의식들이인생의단계와전환을의미하는중요한의미를갖게되며천국과성인들, 영들에대한믿음이이러한것과관련된의문들을해결하는데도움을준다. 이들에게가장큰관심사는개인과집단의행복과관련된것이다. 인생에는항상위험이도사리고있어서질병과불임, 사고와익사, 화재, 가뭄, 지진등과같은모든종류의재난을설명하기위해흉안과저주, 영들과초자연적인존재들에대해이야기하게되는것이다. 이러한불행을막기위해서사람들은부적을사용하고예언, 마술과점성술, 악령사냥과퇴마제, 의례와기타많은주술들을행하게되고이들을다루기위해서왈리 (wali, 무슬림성인 ) 와샤만, 치료사와마술사, 퇴마사등을찾게된다. 공식이슬람과민속이슬람의가장큰차이는그들의주된관심사에있다. 공식이슬람은실재의궁극적본성에대한진리, 천국에이르는진리등에관심을가지며따라서계시와통찰, 이성적사유에근거한다. 반면에민속이슬람은일상사의문제를해결하는것에주된관심이있어서기본적으로실용주의적이다. 문제를해결할수만있다면어떠한방법을사용해도무방하며충돌을일으키는방법이라고할지라도문제를해결할수만있다면동시에복수의방법들을사용하기도한다. 병든아들을둔아버지가종교지도자인물라 (mullah) 를찾아가알라에게기도드려달라고청원하는동시에아들의손목에부적을매어주고현대의학이제공하는약을함께먹이는것이좋은예가된다. 이상과같은차이점들을살펴보면종종공식이슬람의지도자들이궁극적인진리에

42 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 대한추구보다는일상의문제들을해결하기위해즉흥적이고실용적인처방들을제시 하는민속이슬람의지도자들과충돌을일으키는것이당연하게여겨진다. III. 동남아시아의이슬람과 Malayness 동남아시아의말레이반도와서쪽으로는태국의남부, 동쪽으로는필리핀서남부에이르는인도네시아열도 (Indonesian Archipelago) 는세계에서가장높은이슬람인구밀도를자랑하는지역이다. 중국중부의무슬림휘족 (Hui people) 과캄보디아와베트남의참족 (Cham people) 도이지역군으로분류될수있다. Country Table 1. Muslim Population in Southeast Asia Total Population (millions) Percent Muslims Muslim Population (millions) Brunei 0.4 67.2 0.3 Cambodia 13.4 >0.1 0.1 China 1298 1.4 18.2 Indonesia 238.5 88 210 Malaysia 23.5 52.9 12.4 Singapore 4.4 14 0.6 Philippines 86.2 5 4.3 Thailand 64.9 3.8 2.5 Vietnam 82.7 >0.01 0.1 Source: Central Intelligence Agency, The World Fact BooK, 2004. Washington, DC: Centra Intelligence Agency, 2004. Intelink URL: http://www.cia.gov/references/csfo/cfactbook/ index.html. Percentages cross-referenced with Richard V. Weekes. The Muslim Peoples: An Ethnographic Survey (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1984) 인도네시아는비록 12% 의비무슬림인구를포함하고있으나세계에서가장많은무슬림인구수를기록하고있다. 말레이시아는말레이무슬림들이가까스로다수인구수를기록하고있으나무슬림말레이인들에의해정치가지배되는이슬람국가이다. 태국과필리핀에서는무슬림인구수가 4-5% 정도의소수인구를기록함에도불구하

Muslim-Christian Encounter 43 고각각의국가에서무시할수없는정치적영향력을발휘하고있다. 약 920만명의인구수를가지고있는중국의휘족들도숫자적으로무시할수없기는하나 14억에가까운중국전체인구수에비쳐볼때는 1% 미만의인구수이다. 브루나이왕국도비록소수이기는하나이거대한무슬림밀집지역의일원이며 1970년대중반만하더라도 30 만명의무슬림인구를자랑했던캄보디아의참족들은 1975년과 1979년사이에크메르루즈 (Khmer Rouge) 에의해저질러졌던대학살의여파로 10만여명정도로무슬림인구수가감소하였다. 7 일반적으로동남아시아에서 무슬림 은곧말레이인을의미한다. 말레이족은 5000 년의역사를가진독특한인종 8 으로그후예들은마다가스카르에서부터뉴질랜드와포모사에이르는광범위한지역에분포하고있다. 9 말레이족은그들만의언어와문화를발전시켜왔으며오늘날이슬람세계에서가장많은무슬림인구수를가지고있어서세계인구의 20% 를차지하는무슬림인구의 20% 가말레이무슬림들이다. 동남아시아지역에서의이슬람화는곧말레이화의과정으로간주되는데이슬람이도입되던초기에이지역의무역을관할하고있던술탄국들의공식언어로말레이어가사용되었기때문이다. 10 이러한과정은한때이지역을지배했던네덜란드의식민지정부에의해강화되었다. 오늘날인도네시아에서사용되고있는바하사인도네시아 (Bahasa Indonesia) 는말레이시아어인바하사말레이 (Bahas Malay) 의변형에불과한것이다. 이와마찬가지로태국의무슬림소수지역인파타니 (Pattani), 송클라 (Songkhla), 싸툰 (Satun), 얄라 (Yala), 나라티왓 (Narathiwat) 과필리핀서남부의무슬림밀집지역의사람들은자신들을태국인이나필리핀인으로생각하지않고말레이인으로간주한다. 캄보디아와베트남의무슬림인참족들도자신들의기원을말레이인에서찾는다. 오직중국화된휘족들만이명백한말레이족기원에도불구하고 7. Zachary Abuza, Militant Islam in Southeast Asia: Crucible of Terror. (Boulder, CO: Lynn Reinner Publishers, 2003), p.81. 8. Funston "Malaysia". In The Politics of Islamic Reassertion. ed. by Ayob Mohammed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981), p.165. 9. Robert McAmis, Day Malay Muslim, (Grand Rapids: Wn. Eerdamans Publishing Company, 2002), p.4. 10. Max L. Gross, A Muslim Archipelago: Islam and Politics in Southeast Asia. (Washington DC: National Defense Intelligence College, 2007), p.2.

44 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 그와같은정체성의식이희박할뿐이다. 따라서동남아시아에서무슬림이라는의미는곧말레이라는인종적인정체성을의미하는것이다. 이슬람교는대략 13세기이후부터말레이반도주변지역의주요종교였다. 비말레이계무슬림들도상당수있기는하나이슬람은기본적으로말레이족의종교로간주된다. 그런데이슬람이말레이시아에전파된경로나역사에대해서는정확한역사적기록이많치않아아직도연구의과정중에있는주제이다. 학자들은이슬람의전래에대한역사적이고고고학적인자료가적은이유로그종교가시골 (kampung, villages) 과왕실에제한적으로전파되었기때문이었던것으로추측한다. 서구인들이말레이반도에상륙했을때이슬람은아직확고한위치에있지않았고게다가서구인들이이슬람이라고하는주제에큰관심을갖지않았기때문에이슬람이말레이시아에유입된경로와초기정착과정에대한연구성과가적은것으로평가된다. 11 파티미 (S. Q. Fatimi) 에의하면아랍상인들이최초로동남아시아와접촉하게된것은 674 C.E. 이며 878 C.E. 에는말레이반도의해안도시들에서확고한위치를갖게된다. 12 중국의자료에의하면우마야왕조의창시자인무아위야와무슬림해군이 674 C.E. 에말레이해협을침략하였으나실패로끝이난다. 또다른자료에의하면 1291년이나 1292년에북수마트라에위치한펄락이라는항구도시가이슬람으로개종하였다. 13 이렇듯단편적으로남아있는역사적증거들에기초해동남아시아에서의이슬람의수용에대해대체로두가지이론이제기되고있다. 14 첫째는무슬림상인들의역할을강조한이론으로서무슬림상인들이각지방의지배층과혼인을하였고, 해안지역의통치자들에게중요한교역에필요한전문적인지식과경험을제공하였다. 최초의개종자들이었던각지역의통치자들은개종을통하여무슬림들과의교역을시작함과동시에힌두무역상들에맞서는동맹관계를얻고자했다는것이하나의가설이다. 두번째이론은구자라트, 벵골, 아라비아출신의수피전도사들을통한전래라는이 11. 김아영 " 말레이시아이슬람의특성과그것이기독교-이슬람관계에미치는영향에대한연구 ", Muslim- Christian Encounter, Vol.3, No.1, ( 서울 : 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소, 2010), p.115. 12. Fatimi, S. Q. Islam Comes to Malaysia (Singapore, 1963). 13. McAmis, Ibid., pp.12-13. 14. 아이라라피두스, 이슬람의세계사 ( 서울 : 이산, 2008), pp. 663-664.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 45 론으로수피들은교사, 무역상, 또는외교관의신분으로술탄들의궁정이나상인들의거주지역, 혹은시골로파고들었고이지역의토착신앙과큰충돌없이이슬람신앙을전할수가있었다는것이다. 아랍의상인들이처음동남아시아에도착했을때이지역은토착생산물에대한교역을관할하고있던지역의작은왕들에의해다스려지고있었고, 이러한작은왕국이이웃왕국으로지배영역을넓혀제국을이루기도하였다. 이러한정치적지배력의확대와교역을위한유대를통하여공통의문화적유산을소유하게되었고말레이어가공용어로사용하게된것이다. 이러한지역의지배자들은세계도처 ( 아라비아, 인도, 중국등 ) 에서와서항구도시에살아가고있던사람들의종교에대해비교적관대하였다. 15 새로운엘리트세력이나타나이슬람정권을수립한중동과달리말레이시아를비롯한동남아시아에서는기존의지배계층이이슬람으로개종함으로써권력기반을강화시켰다. 지배계층의변화가없었기때문에이지역의이슬람문화에는개종이전의종교적이고문화적인전통이강하게남아있게된것이다. 16 15세기는말라카에서이슬람의전성기여서이시기에이지역은동남아시아의메카로불리웠다. 이지역은이슬람문학과신비주의, 이슬람법학을광범위하게연구하는이슬람문화의중심지가되었고이영향으로말레이군도의대부분의지역이이슬람화되었다. 이슬람화와교역을주도하게되면서말레이어는이지역을통합시키는중요한역할을하게된다. 말레이군도의이슬람문학과철학에말레이어가사용되기시작하면서이제까지말레이-인도네시아문헌에서주도권을잡고있던자바어가말레이어로대체되기시작하였다. 17 이러한과정을통하여이슬람교와말레이어는말레이족과동일시되었고이것이 1957년말라야연방헌법에그대로반영되게된것이다. 헌법 160조 2항에보면 그, 또는그녀가이슬람교신도이며말레이어를사용하며말레이관습을지키며말라야연 15.Albert Sundaraj Walters, We Believe in One God?: Reflections on the Trinity in the Malaysian Context. (Delhi: Indian Society for promoting Christian Knowledge, 2002), p.21. 16. 아이라라피두스, Ibid., p. 631. 17. Walters, Ibid., p.22.

46 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 방이나메르데카데이 ( 독립기념일 ) 이전에싱가포르에서태어났거나부모중한명이말라야연방에서태어났으면말레이족으로간주한다 고되어있다. 말라카는지리적으로전략상중요한위치에있었고, 점차동남아시아의교역중심지로부상하였다. 말라카의부상과함께말라카를거점으로이슬람도왕실간의결혼과내혼, 수피들의활동, 정치적정복과교역등을통하여동남아시아로광범위하게전파되었다. 이기간동안중요한이슬람법이확립되기도하였다. 1511년포루투갈의점령후에도말라야의이슬람화는계속되었다. 가능한한모든긍정적인포교방법들이동원되었는데교역이라든가외교력, 혹은질병의치유등이그대표적인방법이었다. 특별히순례수피승들은시골에서부터궁정에이르기까지이슬람을전파하는데중요한역할을하였다. 특히수피적인관행들이이슬람이전파되는각지역에이미존재하고있던민속신앙적인관행들과접목되면서토착민들이토착신앙의연장선상에서이슬람을거부감없이받아들이는데결정적인역할을하였다. 18 III-1. 말레이이슬람에미친인도이슬람의영향 말레이반도에서이슬람은비교적오랜역사를가지고있으며사회의다양한측면에이슬람의영향이미쳐있다. 9세기이후부터말레이반도주변지역에무슬림상인들의출입이시작되었고 15 세기에이르러는이지역의토착민들에게본격적으로이슬람이전파되기시작했다. 말레이반도에최초로이슬람을전파한사람들은인도에서온무슬림들이라고여겨진다. 인도무슬림들의영향은금식을의미하는푸아사 (puasa), 지옥을의미하는네라카 (neraka), 천국을의미하는슈르가 (syurga) 와같이이슬람의종교적단어들이아랍어에근거하지않고산스크리트에어원을두고있다는점에서쉽게발견할수있다. 19 18. Fatimi, Ibid., p.23. 19. Mohd Taib Osman "Islamization of the Malays: a transformation of culture in readings on Islam in Southeast Asia". In Ahmad Ibrahim, Sharon Siddique and Yasmin Hussain eds. Readings on Islam in Southeast Asia. (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985), p39.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 47 스탠리카나우 (Stanley Karnow) 에의하면구자라트 (Gujarat) 와벵갈 (Bengal) 에서온인도의무슬림상인들은이지역에브라만교와불교적요소, 그리고토착민속신앙적요소가혼합된형태의이슬람을전파하였는데이것은아랍의무슬림들이보았다면이슬람으로간주하기어려운형태의종교적경향을띄고있었다. 20 인도에서온무슬림상인들은그들전에이곳에도래한힌두교도와불교도들, 그리고그들후에온유럽인들과마찬가지로이지역의생산물들을차지하기위해토착민들과밀착할필요성을느꼈고그래서말라카지역의말라야타운에확고한근거지를마련하게된다. 21 무슬림역사가인마흐무드 (S. F. Mahmud) 도이지역에서의이슬람전파에인도무슬림들의역할이지대했음을강조한다. 수마트르해안지역사람들이이슬람으로개종하는데가장큰역할을한것은구자라트와벵갈출신의무슬림이다... 이들이문을연동남아시아지역에이슬람은빠른속도로확산되어갔다. 22 그에의하면이지역에서의모든해외무역이약 600여년동안무슬림상인들의수중에있었기때문이다. 아라비아와페르시아, 인도에서온무슬림상인들이유럽의생산품들과이지역의산물인실크과향신료를바꾸는무역이이루어졌다. 이러한이유로말라야반도에 14세기에최초의무슬림들이출현했고말라카는가장먼저이슬람으로개종한지역이되었다. 그리고이말라카는그후동남아시아열도에이슬람을전파하는중심지로자리매김하게된다. 23 해안지역에거주하고있던말레이인들은주로해양업에종사하고있었고이들이제일처음이슬람으로개종하는그룹이되는것이다. 그러나내지에거주하고있던부족들은애니미즘적인성향이강해서이슬람의전파에대해저항적이었다. 따라서이슬람이내지에뿌리내리는것은 17세기에이르러서야가능했다. 24 말레이시아의이슬람학자인모드타이브오스만 (Mohd Taib Osman) 에의하면인도무슬림들과함께이슬람전파초기에페르시아와아랍에서온무슬림들의영향이 20. Stanley Karnow, "South-East Asia". in Life Magazine. (Amsterdam: Time-Life International, 1964), p.12. 21. Ibid. p.32. 22. Sayyid Fayyaz Mahmud, A Short History of Islam. (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), p.281. 23. Ibid. 24. McAmis (2002), p.16.

48 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 컸다고한다. 아랍무슬림들이말레이인들에게정통이슬람의가르침을전해주었다 면페르시아에서온무슬림들은범신론적인신비주의의영향을미쳤다. 25 Ⅳ. 말레이이슬람에있어서아닷 (adat 관습법 ) 의역할 이슬람의전파이후사회적, 법적, 관념체계로서의이슬람은토속문화인소위아닷 (adat, 관습법, 전통 ) 와급속도로융화되어갔다. 아닷은아랍어로전체무슬림세계에서통용되는개념이기도하다. 이것은 적법하거나적절한, 혹은필수적인것으로간주되는개념과원칙, 그리고행동강령의총체를일컫는것 이다. 26 따라서아닷은무슬림세계에서그개념과이해에서고도로다양화된형태로나타난다. 예를들면, 성 (gender) 과관련되어서아랍무슬림들과말레이무슬림들은상당히다른가치체계를가지고있는것으로나타난다. 실제로다른이슬람지역에비해동남아시아무슬림사회에서는성차별이나남성우위가그다지강조되지는않고있다. 27 그런데동일한말레이사회속에서도아닷은다양한형태를띈다. 예를들면, 말레이사회내에서는쌍계혈족체계 (bilateral kinship system) 가존재하고있다 : 이것은쌍계적혈통구성형태 (adat temenggong) 로모계혈족체계 (adat perpatih) 가지배적이었던말레이반도에서두드러진현상이다. 시간이흐르면서모계혈족체계가약화되기는하였으나 28 이슬람과함께도래한부계혈족체계도말레이사회의모계혈족체계를완전히대체하지는못했다. 따라서말레이혈족체계와가족, 공동체관계에있어서는여전히모계혈족체계의특성들이잔존하고있는것이다. 29 말레이시아의사회인류학자인와지르자한카림은말레이여성과남성간의비교적 25. Mohd Taib Osman, Ibid. 26. Jahan Karim Wazir, Women and Culture: Between Malay Adat and Islam. (Boulder: Westview Press. 1992), p.14. 27. Clifford Geerts, Islam Observed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968) 참고. Sylvia, Frisk, Submitting to God: Women and Islam in Urban Malysia. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2009), p. 37에서재인용. 28. 이와관련되어서는 Peletz, Michael G. (1992) 참고. 29. Wazir, Ibid.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 49 동등한관계가유지되고있는것의근거는말레이아닷에나타나는쌍계적인규범에서찾아볼수있으며이것이이슬람적관념체계와법체계내에서도공존해오고있다는것이다. 남녀간의위계질서에대한이슬람의강조가말레이아닷의쌍계적규범의영향으로약화되었다는것이다. 30 토지와재산분배과정에있어서도이슬람법과말레이아닷이선택적으로적용되고있어서말레이여성들은때로는유산상속에있어서남성과동등한기회를갖기도한다는것이다. 와지르는또한식민시대이전의말레이사회에서는이슬람법과말레이아닷이성에관련된것이외에도많은영역에서상호보완적인역할을하였다고강조한다. 이슬람은공식적인정치적이념으로서채택되어진반면에말레이아닷은민중들의일상적인삶을지도하는역할을담당했다는것이다. 31 이에더하여말레이지역에이슬람이전파되던시기에이슬람은기존의신념과가치들과의혼합주의에대해서도비교적관대한편이었다는것이지배적인견해이다. 32 따라서예를들면, 이슬람의유일신관이이지역의토착신앙에나타난애니미즘적인규범들과이를다루는종교적관행들을완전히대체하지는못했다는것이다. 33 대신에이러한애니미즘적인요소들은민속이슬람적개념으로자연스럽게재해석되어졌다. 그런데이러한말레이아닷과이슬람의상호보완적인관계는역사적, 정치적변화로도전을맞게된다. 예를들면아랍에서기원한와하비개혁운동의영향으로 18세기에인도네시아-말레이지역에서이슬람종교와토착적인민속신앙의혼합주의는강력한공격을받게된다. 34 와하비주의자들은엄격한유일신신앙의회복과전이슬람시대의종교적관행과신념으로부터의완전한정화를강조하였다. 이로인해말레이시아의이슬람역시상당한영향을받은것으로평가된다. 35 30. Wazir, Ibid. p.5. 31. Ibid. 32. Sylvia Frisk, Submiting to God: women and Islam in urban Malysia.(Seattle: Universtiy of Washington Press. 2009), p. 38. 33. Mohd Taib Osman (1989), p.113. 34. Mohd Taid Osman (1985) 참고. 35. Frisk, Ibid. p.39.

50 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 말라야반도의말레이인들은본래 15세기에이슬람을받아들인사람들의후예들이다. 이슬람이도래하기전수마트라와자바섬에불교와힌두교가휩쓸고지나갈무렵말라야반도는여전히원시적인종교를숭배하고있었다. 이러한이유로오늘날에도이지역의이슬람에는정령숭배와주술에의존하는경향이뚜렷하다. 신경제개발정책이후정부의적극적인지원으로마을마다학교가세워지고그영향으로문맹이많이극복된오늘에도말레이인들은여전히이슬람에서유래하지않은초자연적인의례와주술에의존하고있는것이다. 36 말라야반도의말레인인들이무슬림인것은분명하나이곳에서행해지는이슬람의관행은근동지방의그것과는상당한거리가있다는것도분명한사실이다. 말레이시아의평범한무슬림들은알라를매우능력있는통치자나왕으로생각한다. 그러나동시에너무위대하므로자신들이다가가기에는너무먼존재라고생각한다. 그런신은시골사람들의일따위에는크게상관하지않는다는것이다. 오히려그들의삶은마치경찰과도비교될수있는정령들에대한믿음에더크게상관이된다고믿는다. 그들은부정한존재일수도있고, 때로실수도할수있지만그들이야말로무슬림개개인의일상사에가장깊은관련이있는존재들이라고믿는것이다. 따라서말레이시아무슬림들은되도록정령들의기분을상하지않게하려고노력하며다양한방식들을통하여그들을기쁘게하고자하는것이다. 37 조지맥스웰은말레이정글속에서 (In Malay Forests) 라는저서에서말레이인들의종교활동에대해다음과같이서술하고있다. 반도의말레이인들은... 의심할것도없이선지자무함마드를따르는사람들로... 여러면에있어서정통적인신앙생활을하고있다... 그러나동시에그들의종교에필수적인요소라고생각하는것들에깊이밀착되어있다. 그것은 관습법 (Hukom Adat) 이라고불리우는것으로이것은한편으로는힌두교적요소를갖고있으며또한편으로는이것과충돌을일으키는선지자의법 (Hukom Shara) 의요소를포함하고있다. 그리고그둘은언제나절충이가능한것이다. 말레이반도의일부 36.McAmis, Ibid., p.50. 37. Ibid.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 51 지역에서는전이슬람시대의관습법에기인한이자법, 토지임대법, 그리고상속법등이이슬람법 을능가하여통용되고있기도하다. 그래서때로는말레이반도의무슬림들을전이슬람시대의관 습법에종속되어있다고하여 나쁜이슬람교도 라고부르기도하는것이다. 38 비록이러한관행들이아랍세계에서실천되고있는정통이슬람의관행들과는상당한 차이를보인다하더라도아직도여전히말레이무슬림들의종교적삶의가장중요한요 소를차지하고있는것이다. Ⅳ-1. 말레이이슬람에서행해지는민속이슬람적관행들 무슬림세계의전분야에서소위 공식이슬람 과 민속이슬람 적요소들이공존하고있는데이것은말레이이슬람에서도마찬가지이다. 어떤경우에는이두가지요소가적절히섞여있어서구별하기가매우어려울때도있으나다음과같은관행들은말레이인들사이에서민속이슬람적인관행들로확실히구별되는것들이다. 말레이인들사이에서가족집단은중요하게생각되어지는데이들은처음자신들에게아닷 ( 관습 ) 을물려준조상들로인해연계되어지기때문이라는것이다. 또한말레이종교체계는일원론적으로보여지는데물질세계와영적인세계가구별되는것이아니라하나라고보기때문이다. 따라서신개념도상당히포괄적이다. 신은피조세계와동떨어져있는인격적인존재가아니라다양한모습으로나타나는모든초자연적인힘들의집합체라는것이다. 이것과연관되어크로프 (Van der Kroef) 는동남아시아지역의토착적인종교관을다음과같이서술하였다 : 이러한토착적인종교체계의우주론의기본은신과인간, 초자연과자연적인질서가계속적으로상호작용을하는일원적인집합체라고하는것이다. 39 많은말레이무슬림들은종교적가르침에대해피상적으로만알고있을뿐이다. 대 38. McAmis, Ibid., p.51. 39. Van Der Kroef, Justin M., "Problems of Dutch Mission Policy in Indonesia," Practical Anthropology 7, pp.263-272, 1960, McAmis (2002) 에서재인용.

52 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 부분의말레이무슬림들은알라는언제나용서하는분으로은혜와자비, 자선으로가득한존재라고믿는다. 그리고천사와악마, 정령 (jinn) 들에대한믿음은그들이전이슬람시대의종교적관행들을그대로유지할수있는빌미를주었다. 모든무슬림들의무기속에는선한영과악한영이공존한다는믿음이있다. 일반적인무슬림들은꾸란이알라의계시라는사실을알고이를숭배하지만그내용에대해서는잘알지못하는것이다. 40 또한말레이무슬림들은무함마드를깊이숭배하고있어서그의탄생일은가장큰경축일로지키고있다. 이시기에만들어진묵주를목에걸면특별한능력을갖게된다고믿기도한다. 또한교육받지못한무슬림들은비록그뜻을알아듣지는못해도아랍어로된꾸란을암송하면알라로부터큰축복을받아영혼이구원을받는다는믿음도있다. 41 오랜세월동안민속이슬람이라는이름하에이상한관습과신념들이지켜져왔다. 남성들에게는불신자들이입는것과같은꽉끼는바지보다는헐렁한것이더무슬림적인것으로간주되었다. 거주자들이잦은병치레를하는집은악한영들에사로잡힌것으로간주되기도하고새집을지을때는특별한의례등을통하여악령들을물리칠수있는것으로여겨진다. 살해당한남성의가장가까운혈육이피의보복을하는것은동남아시아지역의무슬림들에게는보편적인것으로여겨지는데대체로이러한보복은물질적인변상으로대체된다. 42 일몰시의살랏 ( 예배 ) 은나머지네번의예배보다더중요한것으로간주되며라마단때의예배는다른때의것보다더경건하게지켜진다. 또한해마다상당수의동남아무슬림들이메카로의순례인하지를행하는데대부분의사람들이이여행경비를마련하기위해수년씩저축을하고인도네시아에서는해마다정부가만명의순례객들의경비를지원하기도한다. 이러한순례를마친사람들 40. McAmis (2002), p. 68. 41. Kenneth W. Morgan, ed. Islam: The Straight Path. (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1953), p.404. 42. 실제로시골에서교통사고를낸선교사가가족들로부터적절한보상을하지않으면동일한신체적손실을입히겠다는위협을당하기도한사례가보고되기도한다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 53 을하지스 (hadjis) 라고부르는데말레이무슬림들사이에서이들의영향력은상당하다. 순례를마치고돌아오는길에이들은그들이메카에서보고들은것을전할선교사요, 이슬람개혁자로돌아오는것이다. 이들을통하여이지역에서광범위하게행해지는비이슬람적인관행들이제거되기도한다. 다음의열가지사항은진정한믿음에필수적인것들로간주된다 : 알라에대한사랑 ; 천사에대한사랑 ; 꾸란에대한사랑 ; 선지자들에대한사랑 ; 무슬림선생들에대한사랑 ; 알라의모든적들에대한증오 ( 알라는모든믿지않는자들을사랑하지않는다는전제와함께 ); 알라의진노에대한두려움 ; 알라의자비에대한믿음 ; 메카라는이름에대한존경과경외감 ( 메카는거룩한곳이므로 ); 알라에반대되는것들을물리치려는마음등이다. 다음의다섯가지는알라를아주기쁘게하는행위들로간주된다 : 모스크에가서아랍어로기도하는것 ; 알라의명령을가르치는것 ; 새로운무슬림들을만들기위해노력하는것 ; 덕을증가시키는것 ; 겸손을증가시키는것. 다음의열가지사항들은무슬림들사이에서알라를기쁘게하지못하는행위들로간주된다 : 부모의이름을부르지않고기도하는것 ; 기도하지않고무덤을밟는것 ; 해외여행으로모스크예배에참석하지못하는것 ; 그들의출신지역을알지못하는친구들과여행하는것 ; 계약을지키지않는것 ; 꾸란을 100절이상읽지않는것 ; 무슬림선생앞에서이야기하는것 ; 예배를목적으로하지않고모스크를방문하는것 ; 음식이풍부하면서도친구에게나누어주지않는것 ; 무슬림선생이나지도자를조롱하는것등이다. 또한다음과같은열가지사항은진정한믿음을파괴하는것으로간주된다 : 신이하나이상으로믿는것 ; 악을사랑하는것 ; 동료무슬림들에게잘못하는것 ; 동료무슬림들과다투는것 ; 진정한믿음을지키기위한열가지사항들을중요시하지않는것 ; 신앙을잃는것을두려워하지않는것 ; 불신자들을옷차림을따라하는것 ; 알라의자비를믿지않는것 ; 유럽인들이만든바지를입는것 ; 기도할때메카를향하지않는것등이다. 마지막으로다음의여덟가지는임종시에반드시하지말아야할행위들이다 : 동료무슬림들의신앙을파괴하는것 ; 아랍어로기도하지않는것 ; 영원한형벌을믿지않는

54 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 것 ; 이땅에서의부에연연하는것 ; 증오 ; 자만 ; 거짓말 ; 선생을비방하는것등이다. 시드자밧에의하면이지역의무슬림들은일상생활에서유일신알라와모든종류의초자연적인힘들과영향들을함께숭배하고있다. 그러나부인할수없는그들의종교적전제들이정통적인것에근거하건혹은혼합주의적인세계간에근거하든상관없이알라에대한믿음은절대적이라는것이다. 43 V. 말레이이슬람에미친수피즘의영향 V-1. 수피즘 예배와신앙의실천만을강조하는모스크중심의생활이울라마들에의해형식화되고고착화되어가자, 무슬림사회내부에서는자발적으로영적인삶을갈망하는신도들이생겨나게되었다. 꾸란에계시된신은초월적이고무한하며유아독존의모습이고이와는대조적으로인간은 신께서의도하시는것을제외하면아무것도할수없는무력한신의종 이라는숙명론적인신앙관을낳게하였다. 심판의날과지옥불에대한공포로신에대한경외심만강조되고사랑을통해자신을내보이시고드러내시는자애로운신의모습의부재하였다. 이러한신학자들과법학자들의가르침과철학자들의주장에만족하지못하는무슬림들이생겨났다. 이렇듯이슬람의신비주의는이슬람의생명력, 자발성, 역동성을약화시킨형식주의경향에반대하여쇄신과갱생의개혁의지로자생적으로추구된것이다. 신비주의자들이기존의샤리아에만족하지않고나름대로의신비체험의길을통해알라에게다가가려는이길을타리까 (tariqa) 라고부른다 : 이길은방법, 체계심지어는신조의뜻을내포하지만단순한길이상을의미하여같은길을걷고있는수피동지 43. Walter Bonar Sidjabat, Religious Tolerance and the Christian Faith: A Study Concerning the Concept of Divine Omnipotence in the Indonesian Constitution in the Light of Islam and Christianity. (Djakarta: Badan Penerbit Kristen, 1965), p.54 in McAmis(2002), p.70.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 55 나집단의형제애와그들간의질서체계를의미하기도한다. 그래서수피종단을따리까 ( 복수는 turuq) 라고같은이름으로부른다. 샤리아와따리까가둘다길을의미하지만샤리아가예배행위같은종교의식과공동체생활의규범, 규칙을담고있는신성한법체계로서무슬림이면누구나지켜야하는외형적인길 을의미한다면타리까는무슬림신앙내부에존재하는 내적인길 을말한다. 수피들은이둘이상호보완적이라고주장하나엄밀한의미에서샤리아가우선한다. 수피들의궁극적목표는알라와의합일에있으며이길은멀고험난하다. 여러영적상승단계와다양한영적심리상태를체득하며목적지를향해나아가는데이과정속에서거치는각단계를마깜 (maqam) 이라고부른다. 마깜은영적성취의상승단계를의미하며이마깜의수는가변적이고다양하여학자, 혹은종단에따라다르다. 공통되는것은대개회개와참회, 단념과포기, 금욕, 인내, 신탁, 영지, 사랑, 만족, 자기소멸같은것들이다. 대개는 7-8개또는 10-20개의마깜들로이루어지며대개마지막은영지마깜에이르고자기소멸을거쳐알라와의합일 (fana) 이라는최종단계에이른다. 타위드 (tawhid) 속에몰입되어자신을전혀의식하지못하는황홀경과몰아의상태속에놓이게되는것이다. 이러한상승단계중신의은총으로느끼게되는영적심리상태를할 (hal) 이라고한다. 수피들의수행방법중대표적인것이디크르 (dhikr) 이다. 이는염송, 염신을의미하는데알라를기억하면서알라의이름이나샤하다 (shahada 이슬람의신앙고백 ) 의전반부를반복하여암송하는것이다. 이것은일종의반복적인기도로서수피주의자들에게이것은예배의중심수단이되며이러한디크르를반복함으로써일종의최면에이르게된다. 디크르는자발적으로실행하는일반적디크르와특별한종단에서무아경의기술로서전수하는특별디크르로나뉜다. 두번째수행방법은싸마 (sama) 로음악과춤동작을통한방법이다. 순니 (sunni) 와보수수피에서는음악과춤을금하나다른수피들은싸마, 즉음악과춤동작을통해종교적감정의분출과영성체험을권장하기도한다. 수피의가장발달한춤사위는잘랄알딘알루미가세운마울라비야종단의것이오늘까지도가장유명하다.

56 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal V-2. 말레이이슬람에미친수피즘의영향 동남아시아에이슬람이전파되는데중요한또다른요소는바로수피즘으로알려진이슬람신비주의운동이다. 이슬람역사속에서수피즘은줄곧법학자들의비판과경멸의대상이되어왔지만동시에아프리카와동남아시아에이슬람이전파되는가장큰역할이한것이수피선교사들이었다. 그래서루이매시뇽 (Louis Massignon) 은 수피즘덕분에이슬람이세계적이고보편적인종교가되었다 고말하기도하였다. 44 말레이족에대한이슬람의전파는무슬림압바스왕조의패망이후에이루어졌다. 이슬람은어떠한외부적인권력의도움없이오로지자신들이해석한이슬람을이종족가운데전파하고자한수피신비주의자들에의해이지역에전파된것이다. 아디슨 (James Thayer Addison) 은이지역에전파된수피즘이인도무슬림들의가장큰특징중의하나였다고분석하였다. 수피즘, 혹은신비주의는특별히범신론적인신비주의로서인도네시아의영적이고감정적인영역에뿌리내리고있는데이는오래된힌두교와불교의영향때문이다. 게다가인도네시아에서이슬람은인도인들에의해전래되었다. 45 예를들면이들은힌두교의오래된서사시인라마야나 (Ramayana) 를재해석하여이슬람적인내용들로채우기도하였다. 이러한문화동화의과정을통하여동남아시아일대의많은말레이족들이이슬람으로개종하게된다 : 13세기의후반기에전세계에걸쳐수피들의이슬람전파운동이급격히확산되었고이것이말레이시아에이슬람이전파되게된중요한요소였던것이다. 46 알아타도 ( 말레이 ) 사람들사이에이슬람을전파하고이종교가실제로뿌리내릴수있도록한사람들은수피들이라는것을확신한다. 47 고주장하였다. 이슬람과신비주의를연계시킴으로써이슬람으로개종한이들은이슬람의가르침 44. Muhammad Saleem Ahmad "Islam in Southeast Asia: A Study of the Emergence and Growth in Malaysia and Indonesia," Islamic Studies 19, no.2 (Summer): (1980), pp.135-138. 45. Morgan (1953), p. 395 in McAmis (2002) p.63. 46. Fatimi (1963), p.23. 47. Syed Naguib Al-Attas, Some Aspects of Sufism as Understood and Practised among the Malays. Ed. by Shirle Gordon. (Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute Ltd.,1963), p.21.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 57 과가치들을수용함과동시에힌두교와불교적요소가가미된전통적인애니미즘적관행들을여전히유지할수있었다. 그결과이지역의이슬람은전이슬람시대의종교적실천들이혼합된혼합적이고관용적인관점이포함된독특한이슬람신앙을갖게되었다. 영국의문화인류학자인기어츠 (Clifford Geertz) 는 1960년자바를방문하여행한참여관찰을통하여이러한혼합주의의사례들을발견할수있었다. 자바인들이드리는전통적인기도는부엌에있는가족들의수호천사, 모든손님들의조상신, 들판과강과근처화산의정령들과같은그지역의수호신들에게제사를드리는것에서시작되었다. 그러나그러한기도는 알라외에다른신은없으며무함마드는알라의사도이다 를무슬림들의전통적인샤하다 (shahada 신앙고백 ) 를고백하는것으로극적으로마무리되었다. 48 수피교리는 16세기와 17세기에걸쳐수마트라북부에서전파되었고일부수피교사들은지대한영향을미치기도하였으며이지역에수피종단을세운수도승과교사들은추종자들에게신적인추앙과숭배를받기도하였다. 이시기에대표적인수피철학자이며수피즘을정통이슬람의길로돌이킨알가잘리 (al-ghazali) 의저서들이말레이어를통해알려지기시작했다. 수마트라의일부수피교사들은의례와법을초월하여알라와연합하여살아가는무슬림들에게이슬람전통과법이더이상필요하지않다고까지가르쳤다. 그들은알라와의일치가창조주와피조물과의구별을뛰어넘게했다고믿었던것이다. 이러한수피교사들은무슬림들의사회적이고도덕적인삶에지대한영향을미쳐서정통적이고이단적인이슬람신비주의가인도네시아의무슬림들의삶에강력한영향을남기게된다. 정통적인수피즘이이지역에알려지게된이후에도이단적이고범신론적인수피즘은여전히남아있게된다. 윈슈테트 (Winstedt, R. C.) 는인도네시아이슬람에미친인도수피즘의영향을다음과같이분석하였다 : 48. Geerts(1960), pp.40-41.

58 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 초기인도의 ( 수피 ) 교사들과같이말레이무슬림들은비록그들이정통적인샤피학파에속한수니무슬리들이라하여도살아있거나죽은성인들을숭배하는범신론을받아들였는데이것은아랍에서는소수의무슬림들사이에서찾아볼수있는것으로인도의시장과모스크에서행해지던숭배였다. 성인숭배는조상들과통치자들, 교사들의무덤에제사를드리는관행으로이어졌다. 힌두의범신들은, 이슬람의관점에서보면실제적으로불신자들로분류될수있으나이슬람의영이되어연인들과전사들을위한부적이나기도문에서오래도록사라지지않았다. 49 또한유명한수피성인들의무덤을찾는말레이무슬림들을쉽게발견할수있는데이들은그들의기도가이루어지기를바라면서무덤에헌물을바친다. 그리고무덤근처의나무에는그성인의영에게기도의내용을상기시키기위해천조각을매어두기도한다. 꾸란의구절역시마술적인능력을발휘할수있다고믿어져서환자들이종이에쓴꾸란의구절들을삼키기도한다. 인도네시아에미친수피즘의영향은후에아라비아와이집트에서온정통이슬람과의접촉을통해다소감소되기도하였으나정통이슬람의교사들조차도무슬림대중들의마음을잡기위해서신비주의적인요소들을활용하기도하였다. 50 수피들의의례중의하나인디크르 (dhikr, 암송 ) 는말레이무슬림들사이에서대중화되었다. 수피즘은비록그러한신념과관행이수피즘에서기인한다는사실이인지되지않은채지금도계속해서동남아열도의무슬림들의생활의모든면에영향을미치고있다. 51 VI. 나가는말 : 민속이슬람에대한선교적접근 이제까지살펴본대로오늘날말레이이슬람에서보여지는혼합주의적모습은이 슬람이이지역에전래되던때부터이루어진이슬람신비주의와토착전통인아닷을 49. R. C. Winstedt. "Indian Influence in the Malay World", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (London, 1944), p.191. 50. McAmis (2002), p.64. 51. Ibid.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 59 혼합시켜토착말레이인들이이슬람에쉽게다가가게하기위한수피선교사들의전략의산물로볼수있다. 또한이러한민속이슬람은초경험계의존재나힘을동원하여현세적복을구하는데궁극적관심을두고있음을알게되었다. 민속종교인들은초경험계에대한두려움을갖고있으며, 본능적으로자신을보호하려는안전장치를강구한다. 이런민속종교인들을쉽게판단하고정죄해서는않되며도리어그들의고통을이해하고해결해주려는긍휼의마음이사역자에게우선되어야한다. 특히, 악령이나주술의공격을받고있다고확신하는사람들에게잘못된미신에서벗어나라고다그칠것이아니라, 초경험계까지도주관하시는능력의하나님을소개하며그들의회복을돕기위해구체적인사역을전개할수있어야한다. 이러한상황속에서관심을갖게되는개념이소위 능력대결 (power encounter) 인데히버트는민속이슬람과관련되어두가지다른차원의파워앤카운터에대해언급한다. 첫째는우리가흔히알고있는것으로사람들앞에서공공연하게행해지는초자연적능력의대결로서의그것이고, 두번째의것은기독교인이되고자하는무슬림들의마음속에서일어나는대결이다. 첫번째의가장대표적인예는바알종교에대항했던엘리야를들수있으며이러한능력의과시는사들에게복음의우월함을나타내어개종에이르게한다. 그런데대부분의경우에이것은더큰반대에직면하게하며그것은다시더큰박해로이어져죽음에까지이르게하기도한다. 엘리야의경우를보아도바알의선지자들을죽이고하나님의능력을나타낸후목숨을부지하기위해광야로도망쳐심한절망을체험하게된다. 그리고그사건후에도이스라엘에서신앙의부흥의흔적을찾아볼수는없었다. 이사벨은새로운바알제사장들을임명하고하나님의백성들에대한박해를계속해간다. 두번째의능력대결은새로운개종자들이그들의과거의신들을파괴하고자할때발생한다. 여기서대결은선교사와선교지사람들사이에서일어나는것이아니라개종하고자하는사람들과그렇지않은사람들사이에서발생하며동시에그리스도에대한믿음과과거의신들과주술적처방들에대한두려움사이에서갈등하는개인들사이에서일어난다. 종교적경험은하나의관점에서만분석할수없고, 인간의질병도한분야의설명체계로다분석해낼수없다. 통전적접근을통해더온전한분석과진단을내려야한

60 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 다. 가령, 민속종교인이악령의공격을받아쓰러졌다고판단될때, 정확한진단을위해심리상담가나의사등다양한분야의전문가들과동역하는것이필요하다. 참으로성경에서말하는귀신의공격을받은것인지, 단순한정신질환인지, 혹은빈혈과같은생체적증세인지, 아니면몇가지의원인이함께작용한것인지전문가들의진단을참조해야한다. 또한전인적회복을위해서도통전적사역방법을써야한다. 즉기도, 상담, 의학적수단을함께사용함으로축소주의에빠지지않아야한다는것이다. 더들리우드베리 (Dudley Woodberry) 는누가복음 10장에기록된예수의사역을근거로하여이러한민속종교인들을다룰때에는사역자들이팀, 또는파트너쉽을이루는것이바람직함을제안한다. 52 민속종교인들을사로잡고있는세계가강력해서분별함과지원이필요하기때문이라는것이다. 또한회복의역사가일어났을때, 사역자개인이아니라하나님께영광을돌리기위한최소한의안전장치이다. 초자연적인방법으로민속종교인이회복되었을때, 흔히사역자개인이신격화될수있기때문이기도하다. 비비안스테이시도파키스탄에서의사역의경험을예로들어가르침과영적분별, 그리고상담의은사를가지고있는사역자들의파트너쉽이이러한사역에서는가장효과적임을강조하였다. 53 민속종교의배경을가진사람들은개종하면궁극적충성의대상이바뀌었다고고백한다. 하지만실존적삶에있어서는과거의세계관에서자유롭지못하다. 다시말하여과거의세계관속에서기독교를해석할수있다는말이다. 특별히이슬람의경우기독론을제외하고는중심적교리와경전에등장하는예언자들등과같이공통의요소들을가지고있어개종을하였다고는하나많은경우과거신앙의관습과지식의세계속에서자유하지못한경우를많이발견하게된다. 가령민속종교는신비스런물건이나자연, 인간의몸짓이나소리등에초자연력이내재해있다고믿는경향이있다. 개종 52. J. Dudley Woodberry. "Power and Blessing: Keys for Relevance to a Religion as Lived", in. Paradigm Shifts in Christian Witness. Charles Van Engen, Darrell Whiteman, J. Dudley Woodberry eds. (New York: Orbis, 2008), p. 100. 53.Vivienne Stacey. "The Practice of Exorcism and Healing." In Muslims and Christians on the Emmaus Road: Crucial Issues in Witness among Muslims. ed. by Dudley Woodberry, pp.291-303. (California, Monrovia: MARC, 1989), pp. 296-297.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 61 이후사역자들이사용하는상징들은한편으로민속종교인의마음을열어놓는도구가될수있지만, 반대로주술적도구로오해될수도있다. 개종자들은성경자체나십자가, 찬송가나기도, 안수행위, 성찬식에서사용하는포도주, 세례식의물, 심지어예배당건물등에소위기독교적초자연력이내재해있다고해석할수있다는것이다. 무슬림개종자들그중에서도기독교목회자로사역하고있는이들을만나보면대부분의경우이러한경향을보이고있어민속이슬람과기독교신앙의경계선에서있는모습을종종만나게된다. 이때문에상징물이나상징적행위가사용될때반드시납득할만한바른설명이병행되어야한다. 대부분의평범한무슬림들에게있어서민속이슬람의세계는그들일상의가장중요한부분이며따라서우리가그들에게진정으로복음을증거하기를원한다면우리는그들이가직있는문제들과질문들에대한성서적응답을준비해야만할것이다. 히버트는이러한질문들을무시하는것은무슬림전도의가장효과적인문들을닫아버리는것이라고단언한다. 54 민속종교적인요소는비단이슬람에만국한된것이아니라말레이인들, 혹은동남아시아인들의종교적영성속에깊이뿌리박혀있는요소이기도하여서이지역의힌두교, 개신교, 카톨릭, 종족종교등의구별없이강력하게대중들의영적인세계와일상사를지배하고있는요소이다. 이슬람에대한단편적이고고정된지식을가지고서는도저히이해하기어려운세계인것이다. 말레인인들의언어와문화에대한진지한연구와민속이슬람에대한깊이있는이해를통해 14세기동안서구선교사들이간과했던이지역사람들의 felt need와 spiritual need 에대한이해를통해실제적이고효과적인선교사역이이루어지기를소망해본다. 54. Hiebert(1989), pp.53-54.

62 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal ABSTRACT Understanding of Folk Islamic Aspects in Malay Islam Ah Young Kim Paul Hiebert, a Christian cultural anthropologist analyzed that one of the main reasons that Islam still remains the most resistant religious group to the gospel despite centuries of Christian mission is that Christians too often have not dealt with the felt needs of the common people addressed by folk Islam. Folk Islam concerns itself more with everyday human problems that cannot be solved by folk science with its herbs, medicines, proverbs, local lore and common sense knowledge. The domain of folk Islam includes such things as jinn, saints, sacred animals and shrines, evil eyes, omens, dinination, amulets and magic. Folk Islam is also a dominant tendency among the malay Islam which encompasses the Malay peninsula and Indonesian archipelago of southeast Asia, extending from southern Thailand in the west and the southwestern portions of the Philippines in the east. Today, the Malays are the largest ethnic group in the Muslim world. They represent almost 20 percent of the entire Muslim population who are almost 20 percent of the entire world s population. The pre-islamic period in Southeast Asia accounts for the Buddhist and Hindu influence in the islands. Hindu and Buddhists merchants and priests came to Malaya and Indonesia from India and a mixture of Hinduism and Buddhism thus resulted, which blended with animistic and practices of the masses, adat. Another factor to consider in the spread of Islam in this area is the Muslim mystical movement known as Sufism. Sufism has often opposed by the legalists in Islam, yet it has supplied Islam s greatest missionaries to win converts in many parts of the world. It has also provided for a measure of spiritual care for the masses in traditional muslim areas such as southeast asia.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 63 Facing the challenges by the beliefs and traditions of folk Islam, Hiebert suggested two types of confrontations which are frequently referred to as power encounters. One of these has to do with public demonstrations of supernatural power, the other with the battle that takes place in the hearts of those wanting to become Christians. The second type of power encounter takes place where new converts destroy their old gods. The confrontation is not between the missionary and the people, but between those who want convert and those who do not; and, whithin individuals, between faith in Christ and fear if the old fetishes and medicines. For most ordinary Muslims, folk Islam is a vital part of their lives, and if we want to work with them, we need to develop a biblical response to the questions they face. To ignore these questions is to close door to effective witness. Key words: Folk Islam, Adat, Sufism, Malay Islam

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Muslim-Christian Encounter 67 Jinn Possession and Uganga (Healing) among the Swahili : A Phenomenological Exploration of Swahili Experiences of Jinn Caleb C. Kim.* I. INTRODUCTION II. THE SWAHILI EXPERIENCE OF JINN POSSESSION IN HEALING RITUAL III. THE CENTRALITY OF THE HEALING (UGANGA) MOTIF IN JINN-POSSEEEION RITUAL IV. KUPUNGA AS A CENTRAL ELEMENT IN UGANGA IV-1. Swahili Concept of Kupunga in the Ritual Context IV-2. Kupung as Adocism, not Exorcism V. ISLAMIC PRECONDITIONING OF JINN POSSESSION VI. CONCLUSION * Caleb Chul-Soo Kim is associate professor and director of the program of Ph.D. in Intercultural Studies at Nairobi Evangelical Graduate School of Theology in Africa International University. He holds a Ph.D. from Fuller Theological Seminary (2001).

68 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Jinn Possession and Uganga (Healing) among the Swahili : A Phenomenological Exploration of Swahili Experiences of Jinn I. INTRODUCTION Non-Muslims often categorize a great number of Islamic religious practices and cultural customs as folk Islam in contrast to official Islam, which appears to them to be orthodox, not syncretistic. However, they are usually surprised to discover that Muslim canonical traditions actually permit or even encourage many of the so-called folk beliefs and practices. Rather than interpret them through the canonical traditions, non-muslims tend to interpret many Islamic practices in terms of their home cultural perspectives, which give them incorrect or inaccurate understandings of Islamic religiosity or the Muslim worldview. 1 The Qur an and the Hadith literature provide official grounds for different sorts of jinn beliefs and practices throughout the Muslim world, but non- Muslims?particularly Christians?usually find the beliefs and practices difficult to grasp. Although the cultural costume differs from society to society, most Muslims carry a strong sense of close relationship to species of jinn in their ordinary life, thus they conduct various rituals to deal with them. The case that I present in this paper may seem more traditional (African) than Islamic; however, it will help the reader see how official Islamic teachings on jinn can lead a Muslim community to an extreme case of jinn practice. This study is 1. Many of the so-called folk Islamic beliefs and practices are in fact part of Islamic orthodoxy. The technical term folk Islam (or popular Islam in similar cases) should be understood as an expedient term that outsiders use to distinguish between what could be classified as folk religious beliefs and practices and what could be classified as official ones. For detailed discussions on folk religions, see Paul Hiebert, Daniel Shaw, and Tite Tienou s Understanding Folk Religion. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. 1999.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 69 thus an attempt to explore the phenomenon of jinn possession that is easily observed in the therapeutic ritualistic context among Swahili Muslims on the Tanzanian coast, including the island of Zanzibar. Hopefully the presented perspective of the insider s experiences and explanations 2 will sensitize readers to the significance of jinn beliefs and practices in the lives of Muslims and their spiritual felt-needs. II. THE SWAHILI EXPERIENCE OF JINN POSSESSION IN HEALING RITUAL Swahili Muslims seek help for healing from various practitioners, 3 who diagnose many pathological symptoms (maradh in the Swahili language) as the result of an attack by jinn. What anthropologists or psychologists often refer to as spirit possession is quite common among both Swahili practitioners and their clients (or patients). 4 Swahili people do not consider spirit possession (or jinn possession in the Swahili context) abnormal, because it occurs frequently 2. This study is primarily descriptive based on my fieldwork in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar, Tanzania, in 1997-1998 and also in 2010. 3. A Swahili can be defined as a person who was born and grew up in one of the subcultures of Swahilitraditional Muslim settlements of the East African coast or one who is Swahilized to the extent that his/her lifestyle conforms to that Swahili cultural zone. See Kim s Islam among the Swahili in East Africa (Nairobi: Acton Publishers, 2004, pp.39-44) and James de Vere Allen s Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and Shungwaya Phenomenon (London: James Currey, 1993, p.259) for more detailed definitions of the Swahili. 4. A number of anthropologists view spirit possession as a culturally patterned behavior. According to Bourguignon, the altered state of consciousness (spirit possession) is in institutionalized, culturally patterned forms in ninety percent of the sample of four hundred eighty-eight societies that was drawn from a worldwide universe of adequately described cultures. See her Religion, Altered States of Consciousness, and Social Change (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University, 1973), pp. 9-11. In the context of ritualistic spirit possession, spirit possession is more than an individual, psychopathological problem; rather, it is a phenomenon culturally induced, patterned, and oriented. Michael Lambek views spirit possession to be a sort of potential propensity biologically inherent in human nature. Its behaviors vary cross-culturally yet are standardized within cultures. See his work Human Spirits: A Cultural Account of Trance in Mayotte (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 5.

70 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal and they use it in many cultural activities, particularly healing rites. They even take possession for granted as a usual part of their culture, 5 and thus they do not consider it to be a behavior as culturally deviant as would be conversion to other religions (especially to Christianity). The Swahili perceive it to be something that can happen to any member in their society, just like any other physical problem can. Even mental problems that result from spirit possession (or spirit attack) are not viewed as shameful as they would be in other societies, such as Europe and North America. Furthermore, jinn possession is desired to effect cures in healing rituals. In the therapeutic context, therefore, jinn possession is apprehended to be an expression of the culturally constituted reality rather than a distortion of it (Walker 1972:128). Such a practice of spirit possession for cure generally allows Swahili Muslims to assume a permissive, even affirmative, attitude toward therapeutic jinn possession despite its well-known painful experiences. Consequently, the healing ritual of jinn possession is not considered clandestine, and the ritual place is usually unconcealed. However, many analytical studies on spirit possession have attempted to interpret its phenomenon mostly from psychiatric perspectives or similar viewpoints, only to leave an impression that a sympathetic understanding has been absent. Particularly, Western traditions (both secular and Christian) tend to overlook the paramount issues embedded within the insider s experiences, 5. It should be noted here that the idea of normality of spirit possession is based on the emic perception, not from the outsider s analytical perspective. In other words, the normal behavior is what the majority of the members of a given society have accepted as part of their culture, so it is usually expected to occur. Therefore, the abnormal behavior can be defined as culturally unacceptable within the given society. It is interesting to note that Islamic psychiatrists, such as Fakhr El-Islam, M. Z. Azhar and S. L. Varma, M. H. Mubbashar, Jawahil Al-Abdul-Jabbar and Ihsan Al-Issa, and Al-Issa, take seriously into account emic cultural understandings in their diagnosing of mental problems in the Muslim societies. See Ihsan Al-Issa (editor) s Al-Junun: Mental Illness in the Islamic World (Madison, CO: International Universities Press, 2000).

Muslim-Christian Encounter 71 knowledge, and emotions. These might have been too elusive for the outsider s ethnocentric mind to grasp. 6 Budden points out, as borrowing Csordas statement, that there has been a tendency, especially in the Western paradigm of ethnopsychiatry, to over-medicalize it [possession] (2003:41). However, it is the depth of experiences that one can have with respect to beliefs in the sacred (Budden 2003:40, emphasis mine), such as spirit possession, that the outsider needs to pay profound attention to. A sympathetic understanding and appreciation of the insider s raw experiences would enable even a professional ethnographer to reconstruct and translate the insider s reality (emic view) in a way that is the closest to the actual world in which the insiders live. In the Swahili context, the ritualistic jinn possession both the practitioner s voluntary possession and the client s passive, ritualistic possession?serves as a therapeutic vehicle that has been culturally shaped and employed to cure routine problems?physical, mental, and relational. For example, Salim Nzagu, a Swahili informant during my fieldwork of 1997-9, indicated that the trance state of possession (anthropologically labeled as the altered state of consciousness ) is a cultural vehicle for healing (uganga in Swahili), which I will explore later. 7 This possession state is hardly viewed as a pathological result. Nzagu, the practitioner, lends his body to the spirit (voluntary possession), so that the Muslim jinni called ruhani can do the things that Nzagu desires to happen 6. It is generally observed that traditional scholarly approaches to the phenomenon of spirit possession are based primarily upon the western positivistic tradition in which only scientifically proven facts are reckoned as true knowledge or reality, thus giving little credit to local experiences for academic analysis. Even secular anthropologists such as Fiona Bowie express a similar concern; see her work The Anthropology of Religion (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2000), p. 199. 7. The trance induced by Nzagu s voluntary possession seems to be a type of trance possession according to Bourguignon s labels. See her works: Forward, in Felicitas Goodman, Jeannette Henney, and Esther Pressel, Trance, Healing and Hallucination (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1974), p. ix. Cf. See also her other works as well: Dreams and Altered States of Consciousness in Anthropological research, in Francis L. K. Hsu, ed., Psychological Anthropology (Morristown, NJ: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1972), p. 403-434; Possession (San Francisco, CA: Chandler and Sharp Publishers, 1976), p. 42-49. The Swahili emic term for the trance state of spirit possession is hali ya usingisi (sleepy state), while anthropologists label it as the altered states of consciousness. See Kim, op. cit., p. 107.

72 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal for his client. The mutually beneficial results for the practitioner and client indicate that the spirit/jinn possession induced through the possession ritual is a cultural form that has been socio-culturally structured and accepted and thus has been practiced as a culturally normal behavior. It should be noted, however, that the ritualistic jinn possession in the seance context is generally differentiated from other types of spirit possession that occur outside the ritual context (or outside the context of kilinge, the Swahili shamanic-ritual place). The latter is usually regarded as an illness that calls for a possession ritual to cease pathological symptoms, as it was in the following example from my fieldwork. The shamans of a woman who suffered from a mental problem for a long period of time explained to me that her mental problem was a result of an attack by spirits (about ninety-three jinn according to them) and was a sickness, the kind of sickness that could be removed only through the ceremony of reconciliation (Saunders 1977:184). So she was brought to the Swahili shamans and put under their care. They treated her with a spiritual cure (uganga) that controlled and tranquilized the mind (akili) of the jinn possessing her. This possession ritual, in which the experts of jinn (waganga) called out the possessing jinn to human attention through the possessed woman s embodiment, was considered the only way to make the therapy effective. Importantly, most of the possessed are not psychotic, though admittedly some are. The possessed live an entirely normal life only excepting the ritual sessions. Their cultural behaviors are as normal and as usual as other healthy people and do not seem to be bothersome to the people around them. Both mentally healthy and psychotic people experience almost the same thing when they enter the state of possession. In other words, spirit possession is not only experienced by people with some degree of dissociation disorder but also by mentally healthy people in the Swahili society. The manner of the spirit pos-

Muslim-Christian Encounter 73 session is also almost the same among both mentally healthy and unhealthy people. I regard this as another piece of evidence that spirit possession is an experience of the other world, that is, the supernatural realm, rather than an experience of a dissociated self. To sum up, I want to emphasize the significance of the insider s ontological experience, particularly by explaining the phenomenon of jinn possession among Swahili Muslims. My term ontological experience points to the reality that the members of a given society live in; it is the realm of the real that all members share as their experiential truth. Spirits are always real to the Swahili; they are not just a delusion or hallucinated experience as a result of psychopathological problems. To the Swahili, the jinn are a kind of personal entity or species that can be experienced daily by social members in their cultural ways. Their experience of spirits is thus authentic. The embodiment of spirits or spirit possession actually occurs in their bodily sensors, 8 and there is little evidence that can dismiss their experiences. 9 In order for any outsider to understand the deep level of the insider people s inner experiences, the outsider must heed their experiences and explanations. Only then can the outsider, whether a missionary or community development worker, appropriately grasp and reconstruct the psychological and spiritual world in which the people actually live and encounter evil powers. 8. Ashwin Budden brings up the embodiment theory as an alternative approach to spirit possession, which helps to infer what actually occurs inside the human mind during the state of spirit possession. See his work Pathologizing Possession: An Essay on Mind, Self, and Experience in Dissociation, Anthropology of Consciousness, Vol. 14 No. 2 (2003). 9. As a foreigner and western anthropologist, Kjersti Larsen underwent the state of possession by the local sprits known as Kibuki spirits in the Swahili town where she conducted her fieldwork. See her dissertation Where Humans and Spirits Meet: Incorporating Difference and Experiencing Otherness in Zanzibar Town, (The University of Oslo, 1995), pp. 14-16. Her own experience of the possession state shows that possession experience is not limited to the local people but is also open to outsiders.

74 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal III. THE CENTRALITY OF THE HEALING (UGANGA) MOTIF IN JINN- POSSEEEION RITUAL Many anthropologists widely accept that the ritualistic spirit possession serves as a coping strategy (Bourguignon 2004:571) by which the possessed can express their unconscious, forbidden thoughts and feelings, particularly in situations of social subordination (Bourguignon 2004:558). Partially in agreement with this view, I have, however, arrived at a careful conclusion, based upon my vigilant observations and interviews among the Swahili, that the jinn possession recurring in the Swahili seance is to be understood as a cultural method for healing per se. Particularly in the Swahili context, the weight of their wish to be freed or healed from the problems they have been suffering problems not only physio-psychotic but also relational is much heavier than their inner desire to express unconscious thoughts and feelings or to become temporarily powerful through the possession trance, as Lewis and others contend. 10 The primary motivation is a fervent desire for as much release from the maradhi or symptoms that afflict them as possible. Thus, I put more stress on the pragmatic and realistic dimension of the need for healing felt among those involved in jinn-possession rituals than on their psychological need for release from socio-political predicament. This is evident when we observe many priv- 10. I. M. Lewis interprets the Somali sa ritual from a socio-political perspective. He views the sar possession cult as being marginal or peripheral to the Somali society. In his view, the sar cult offered a means of escape and cure in the associated cathartic rituals. See Ecstatic Religion: A Study of Shamanism and Spirit Possession (London: Routledge, 1989), p. 91. It provides an oblique strategy of attack against the people with power to afflict (ibid., p. 105). So the cult members constitute a secret guild where they are endowed with a culturally authorized time and space to express their protest and resistance against social injustice or unjust treatment from the powerful people. However, a number of anthropologists have refuted his view, especially his idea of the peripheral nature of the possession cult. See Janice Boddy, Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men, and Zar Cult in Northern Sudan (Madison: WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1989); Marja-Liisa Swants, Ritual and Symbol in Transitional Zaramo Society (Motala, Sweden: Motala Grafiska, 1986); Kjersti Larsen, op. cit.; Linda Giles, Spirit Possession on the Swahili Coast: Peripheral Cults or Primary Texts? (Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Texas, 1989). Especially, Giles affirms, Swahili possession cults are not only central to Swahili coastal society but are, in fact, one of its most illuminating expressions (ibid., p. 1).

Muslim-Christian Encounter 75 ileged people, such as men and the rich, involved in jinn-possession rituals. Jinn are real and threatening to all members of Swahili societies, not only to those unprivileged or downtrodden, as Lewis contends (1989:105), but also to those in socially high positions with power to afflict others. Jinn are perceived to be actively involved in almost all aspects of Swahili life, particularly in the negative affairs of life. Most Swahili Muslims are keenly aware of the possible presence of jinn and their potential danger. Even people in a higher position often strive to domesticate jinn by employing an mganga (a Swahili traditional practitioner) so as to protect their properties and wealth. In general, the Swahili are always inclined to employ uganga or a traditional healing method in order to maintain their life in peace with these invisible and prospectively dangerous neighbors. Thus, the ritual of jinn possession has been culturally developed and structured for the purpose of dealing with the hostile, supernatural environments around the Swahili; it is to keep the individuals, as well as the whole society, at peace with jinn. In this sense, the Swahili idiom of spirit possession reflects the most characteristically predominant theme of the survival of the fittest on the earth. Jinn are a group of nonhuman beings that need rigorous attention for the sake of a peaceful relationship a relationship that preserves life?both individually and collectively. To retain a good relationship with them is what the Swahili refer to as uganga or healing. The meaning of uganga in the Swahili context (or even in various East African contexts) thus should be understood based on the Swahili s ontological experience. The Swahili word uganga has been translated as healing or therapy, but none of the English translations equates to the original Swahili word. English words for uganga only lend an image of medical treatment and physical or psychological cure, whereas uganga deals with human predicaments more comprehensively than just addressing medical problems. So the Swahili word uganga should be understood to mean more than a pathological

76 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal solution. While it is very difficult to find an exact translation for uganga, I keep using the English word healing in this paper as I assign the relational dimension to it. In the Swahili idea of uganga, even physio-psychological problems are interpreted as a relational breakdown between Self and Other (including the spirit world). The notion of relationship thus must not be underestimated in the discourse of healing among the Swahili, which is frequently solicited through the ritual of spirit possession. It is in this context that spirit possession needs to be addressed afresh. IV. KUPUNGA AS A CENTRAL ELEMENT IN UGANGA One of the traditional Swahili healing rituals is called ngoma ya kupunga majini (or mashetani) in the Swahili language, literally rendered as dance/ ritual for reducing jinn (or satans). Among many different types of rituals that are intended to heal problems caused by different jinn, this ngoma ritual seems to reflect the Swahili Muslim worldview more comprehensively than the other types. For this reason, we will take a closer look at the ritual and analyze its characteristics to help us grasp the Swahili view of healing. IV-1. Swahili Concept of Kupunga in the Ritual Context The ritual of jinn possession called ngoma ya kupunga majin is usually roughly divided into two parts. The first is called zinguo, in which ostensibly Islamic rituals are performed, such as the recitation of the Qur an and Muslim prayers (called kisomo cha korani). Zinguo is usually followed immediately by the second part, known as ngoma ya kupunga majini (or masheitani), 11 after 11. It should also be noted that there are many different types of ngomas on the coastal regions and Zanzibar Island. In Zanzibar Island alone, several types of ngoma have been discovered, such as ngoma ya ruhani, ngoma ya rubamba, ngoma ya kibuki, ngoma ya habeshia, ngoma ya kizungu, ngoma ya nyangi, and so forth. For the detailed descriptions of those rituals, see Giles (op. cit.) and Larsen (op. cit.).

Muslim-Christian Encounter 77 which the whole ritual is named. This part includes a number of ceremonial songs and dances and is quite traditionally African. The ngoma is actually characteristic of the whole process of the healing ritual. Ngoma refers to African traditional music consisting of drum and dance. 12 Both zinguo and ngoma rituals aim at making what is called kupunga to occur. From attentive observations, I have come to conclude that the Swahili cultural idea of kupunga is central to understanding the technique of uganga in the Swahili context. Before describing the part of kupunga in the ritual, it is important to know how the Swahili people understand the word kupunga in the ritual context. The Swahili word (the infinitive form of the root verb punga) originally means to reduce. J. W. T. Allen views that the object of the verb in this context is the possessed patient rather than the possessing spirit (jinni). Commenting on the famous Swahili scholar Bakari s work on the Swahili traditions, he states, The patient is reduced, not to his or her original condition, which can never be restored, but to a satisfactory condition in which he or she can resume everyday life. 13 Allen s view has at least two serious defects. The first problem is that Allen seems to overlook the roles that jinn spirits play in the Swahili s daily life. This deficiency is probably due to the influence of the western positivistic paradigm on his interpretation of the phenomenon of spirit possession. Despite the clear usage of the verbal word, he has arbitrarily seen the human condition as its grammatical object, thus focusing on the symptoms of the possessed. 12. It is important to notice that the ngoma represents African orientation in contrast to Islamic inclination. The Swahili Muslims who are more African-traditional tend to use drums, while those who identify themselves with more orthodoxy of Islam tend not to use drums but to utilize Islamic forms such as Sufi dhikri or kisomo cha korani, even though they sing and dance during their rituals. In our context, the term ngoma is used to refer to any type of ceremony or ritual performed with music. 13. Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari, The Customs of the Swahili People, translated by J. W. T. Allen (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), p. 283. Allen agrees that there is no exact equivalent English word for kupunga.

78 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal To him, spirit possession is a psychotic symptom rather than a result of the human encounter with another species, that is, the spirits. The other problem is closely related to the first; Allen does not take the insider s view. The Swahili explanations of their experiences do not deserve a good place in his interpretation. I thus view his interpretation to be not quite fair in presenting the Swahili ontological experiences. Rather, Swahili Muslims view that the action of kupunga is intended to make the spirit cool down and leave the patients. 14 This naturally matches the grammatical usage of the verb kupunga; its object is clearly majini or mashetani, referring to the jinn spirits. 15 Then, the idiom kupunga majini or mashetani can be rendered to mean making jinn spirits leave the patient (or the possessed) safely by reducing their power through satisfying them. IV-2. Kupung as Adocism, not Exorcism The ritual of kupunga majin is not an exorcist activity. Exorcism refers to a religious practice to drive out evil spirits by ritual prayers, incantation, and so forth. It usually implicates the enmity between the exorcising and the exorcised. However, such enmity is hardly detected in the context of ngoma ya kupunga majini. 16 Allen also correctly points out that many Western scholars mistakenly use words such as entering a person or being driven out of a person to describe the spirit during ritual possession. 17 Even some practices that appear to be a kind of exorcism need very attentive observation to avoid confusing them with a Western notion of exorcism. For example, devout Islamic sheikhs command jinn to leave the possessed, which is more often 14. Kim, op. cit., p. 187. 15. The verb kupunga also means to wave and to decrease. 16. I believe that Marja-Liisa Swantz is mistaken when she describes the Zaramo ritual of jinn possession as exorcism. See her work (op. cit.). 17. Bakari, op. cit., pp. 282-283.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 79 observed in kisomo cha koraani (recitation of the Qur an) than in ngoma or African-traditional rituals. One of my research informants in Zanzibar who claims to practice healing (uganga) in the Islamic orthodox way told me that sheiks heal people afflicted with jinn attack by punishing jinn with the recitation of the Qur an in order to make the jinn leave. 18 However, it was difficult to notice any strong animosity against the spirits as can be found in Christian exorcism; rather, they were perceived to be, in a sense, supernatural rascals that live with humans as a social nuisance like disruptive gangsters in their society. Thus, in order to heal the jinn possessed, Swahili Muslim healers perform what Luc de Heusch calls adorcism. 19 In my book, I have explained the phenomenon of adorcism by using de Heusch s definition of it as follows: According to de Heusch, adorcism refers to the phenomenon of the voluntary possession of spirit for the purpose of therapy as well as of the return of the soul taking place in shamanism (1981:154). In adorcism, it is desirable that spirits possess either the sick person or the healer (shaman), whereas exorcism seeks to expel unwanted spirits from the sick person by using spiritual force or threat against spirits. Adorcism is thus a desired spirit possession for healing. However, I must qualify the adjective desired with an adverb reluctantly because in order to receive cure, the possessed feel obligated to enter the trance state of possession that brings little pleasure to the patient. 20 18. This information was obtained from my fieldwork in Zanzibar in June 2010. 19. Luc de Heusch, Why Marry Her?: Society and Symbolic Structures (Janet Lloyd, trans. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 156. Similar to Heusch, the French psychopathologist and psychiatrist Jean-Michel Oughourlian defines adorcism as the voluntary, desired, and curative possessions (The Puppet of Desire: The Psychology of Hysteria, Possession, and Hypnosis [Eugene Webb, trans. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991], p. 97). However, Oughourlian admits of no existence of spirits; thus, spirit possession is merely a psychopathological symptom like others, such as hypnosis and hysteria. In his view, the devil is nothing other than rivalrous desire and perverse imitation: envy, jealousy, pride, and so on (ibid., p. 24). 20. Kim, op. cit., p. 220.

80 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Put differently, the Swahili rituals for healing the jinn-possessed, both the Quranic recitation (kisomo cha koraani) method and the African-traditional ngoma method, are primarily for spirits rather than for people, and they are definitely not against the spirits. Thus, the rituals should be understood as adorcisms. In other words, their primary goal is to tame and domesticate the spirits for the purpose of healing. 21 Although the Swahili admit that spirits are a great nuisance and are even a threat to their peaceful life, they can hardly envisage that they could ever eradicate the spirits from society. Rather, their task is to maintain peace with the spirits all the time, and this is the core concept of uganga in the context of spirit possession ritual. Appreciating the importance of the healing (uganga) motif in the spirit possession ritual among Swahili Muslims, we see that the psychoanalytic or psychopathological view of spirit possession as dissociation?as understood in the Western traditions?hardly matches with the Swahili idea of spirit possession. [N]o matter how bizarre and irrational it appears from the Western point of view, 22 the culturally developed bodily behavior and affective mind (emotion) in the therapeutic ritual of jinn possession should not be considered only pathological or psychotic in a medical sense. Rather, such a phenomenon deserves multidisciplinary examinations, without underestimating the insider s experiences and cultural logic. Our understanding of spirit possession among Swahili Muslims must integrate their cultural, religious, and even theological assumptions. Among the possible causes for such a cultural pattern as spirit possession is an Islamic idea about the spirit world?particularly the folk understanding of the jinn world?that is based upon the canonical accounts of jinn in Islam. In the next section, I will briefly explore this religious element 21. Cf. Lewis, op. cit. p. 26. 22. I quote Hollan s words as quoted in Ashwin Budden s article: Pathologizing Possession: An Essay on Mind, Self, and Experience in Dissociation, in Anthropology of Consciousness, Vol. 14, No. 2 (2003), p. 34.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 81 in terms of its relationship with the occurrence of spirit possession. V. ISLAMIC PRECONDITIONING OF JINN POSSESSION We must consider ritualistic spirit possession among the Swahili in light of the Islamic context. In doing so, we can recognize that the seance itself is more than a therapeutic ritual; it comprises many socio-religious elements that would satisfy the religiously oriented minds of Swahili Muslims. The Swahili seance is saliently characteristic of what I have called the Domain of Total Synthesis. 23 This domain represents the integration of Islamic elements and traditional assumptions; it can be called the real face of Swahili Islam, where African traditions, Arabo-Persian cultural elements, and Islamic ideology blend together to create a peculiar type of local Islam for the Swahili. I would assert that one of the most typical examples of this domain is the ritual of jinn possession, the ngoma ya kupunga majini/masheitani. This ceremony is always syncretistic in that it embraces both Islamic official or orthodox elements and African consciousness of the spirit world altogether. Non-Swahili outsiders might well wonder how these elements can be compatible, yet they incorporate harmoniously into one whole cultural system that looks seamless: the jinn-possession ritual always begins with adhan (Muslim call for prayers) and is followed by Quranic recitation before going into the actual performance of spirit possession (the ngoma part). At this point, it is important to note that the possession by spirits is an accepted fact even among orthodox Muslims. Abu Ameenah Bilal Philips, as a leading Sunni scholar, clarifies that jinn possession is an orthodox view. He states: 23. Kim, op. cit. p. 67.

82 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal According to the Islamic conception of the world of created spiritual beings, the conclusion drawn from the evidence presented in the previous chapters was that the only possible source which could be involved in the spirit-possession of humans would be the jinn. This is the view held by the majority of Sunnee scholars, past and present. 24 In his work, Philips also refutes the view that spirit possession is impossible, a view held by some Muslim scholars mostly those of the deviant Mu tazille philosophical school of thought. 25 Myriad accounts of jinn and shaitan (a devil) exist in Islamic Scripture and traditions (both the Qur an and Hadith). 26 Therefore, although the rigid orthodoxy of Islam, like Christianity, claims that spirit possession is a religiously abnormal and deviant behavior, its canonical teachings provide vast leeway for the ordinary Muslim mind to believe in the possibility of spirit possession. For this reason, the Swahili find little conflict between the Islamic components (zinguo and kisomo cha korani) and the African traditional part (ngoma) of the ritual of jinn possession. Through such a religious preconditioning at the unconscious level, many Swahili Muslims anticipate what they doctrinally believe (usually with fear); namely, that jinn possession could happen to them. The following example will help us see this point more clearly. Common belief holds that children, particularly girls, may be caught by spirits when they reach about age sixteen or after they experience puberty. Thus many Swahili girls generally fear attending the ritual of jinn possession in Zanzibar. 27 Due to irresistible curiosity, however, some of them attended the ritual, where 24. Philips, Abu Ameenah Bilal, The Exorcist Tradition in Islam (Sharjah, UAE: Dar Al Fatah, 1997), p. 77. 25. Ibid., p. 83. 26. See the fifth chapter of Kim s work (op. cit.). 27. It appears that girls are more psychologically susceptible to spirits than boys in the Swahili society.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 83 one of them was eventually possessed by a spirit invoked by the ritual leader (mganga). As a Muslim girl, she had known about the jinn and believed with fear that they could possess her. After that incident, the Swahili girl continued to experience her spirit even without a ritual or without calling it out; the spirit s manifestation was beyond her control. For this reason she had to ask a ritual leader or healer (mganga that conducts uganga) to perform kupunga majini/masheitani for her, pacifying the spirit. 28 As seen here, it seems that the Islamic teachings on the existence of jinn and their activities, which are unquestionable among Muslims, have already through enculturation conditioned the Muslim s psychological receptivity to spiritual forces. In this religious milieu, they do not view their experience of spirit possession as abnormal, but as a nuisance to their ordinary life. VI. CONCLUSION In this short essay, I have attempted to unearth one extremely important dimension of the ritualistic jinn possession among Swahili Muslims; that is, the paramount motif of uganga in the ritual of spirit possession. The Swahili concept of uganga cannot be depreciated in understanding the Swahili mind and heart. Unfortunately, the conventional Western concept of healing tends to denote solely the medical dimension without giving adequate attention to relational issues that the possession ritual implies. Instead, the reader should keep in mind that healing in the Swahili therapeutic context insinuates the relational dimension, particularly between the human and jinn worlds. This essay also addresses two important religio-cultural presuppositions: one is the 28. See Larsen s dissertation (op. cit.) for more cases like this.

84 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Islamic preconditioning of jinn possession as a socio-religious psychological foundation for Muslim life, as briefly discussed above, and the other is the causality issue. The latter is so important as well for better understanding the Swahili view of uganga that it deserves at least one separate chapter. However, due to limited space in this paper, I will only mention its significance in the following few words as a recommendation for further studies. Close observations and ethnographic interviews indicate that Swahili Muslims are also Africans who share a common African view of causality with their fellow Africans. Looking deeply into the system of their causal ontology, we can see that it is primarily interpersonal, which reflects the African cultural assumption that personal agents bring or cause life problems, such as sickness and death. 29 It is because of this causal ontology that the uganga usually begins with divination or a search for the causes of problems. In most cases of non-shamanic spirit possession (or cases of non-ritualistic possession by spirit attack), the Swahili uganga generally sees two kinds of jinn in focus: the jinn that attack people because of the people s unwitting offense against the spirits and the jinn that have been sent by people due to their envy or wrath against their enemies. The first presents a mix of two causal ontologies; namely, interpersonal and moral causalities, while the latter is solely a type of interpersonal causal ontology. As briefly introduced above, both uganga and causality are closely interrelated in the Swahili therapeutic context. So it is also critical to discuss the Swahili causal ontology in dealing with the phenomenology of the Swahili uganga. I believe that such a phenomenological study as this is fundamental 29. See Steve Rasmussen s doctoral dissertation and his recent article for detailed discussions on the issues of causal ontology with special reference with the Sukuma society in Northwestern Tanzania. Especially see his article A Case Study of Christian Response to Sickness, Death, and Witchcraft in Northwestern Tanzania, in Caleb Kim, ed., African Missiology: Contributions of Contemporary Thought (Nairobi: Uzima Publishing House, 2009), pp. 105-108

Muslim-Christian Encounter 85 for any further applied efforts, such as community development, missionary ministry, and the like. Without knowing the insider s cultural logic about the matter of cause and effect, the outsider s effort for any development in the insider s land will not produce desirable fruit. To know the Swahili s beliefs about causality and their cultural concept of healing is an extremely important starting point for any healthy ministry among the Swahili, who are both Muslims and Africans.

86 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal REFERENCES CITED Al-Abdul-Jabbar, Jawahir, and Ihsan Al-Issa. Psychotherapy in Islamic Society, in Ihsan Al-Issa, ed., Al-Junun: Mental Illness in the Islamic World. Madison, CO: International Universities Press. 2000, pp. 277-293. Al-Issa, Ihsan. Mental Illness in Medieval Islamic Society, in Ihsan Al-Issa, ed.,.al-junun: Mental Illness in the Islamic World. Madison, CO: International Universities Press. 2000a, pp. 43-70.. Does the Muslim Religion Make a Difference in Psychopathology? in Ihsan Al-Issa, ed.,.al-junun: Mental Illness in the Islamic World. Madison, CO: International Universities Press. 2000b, pp. 315-353. Allen, James de Vere. Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and Shungwaya Phenomenon. London: James Currey, 1993. Al-Subaie, Abdullah, and Abdulrazzak Alhamad. Psychiatry in Saudi Arabia, in Ihsan Al-Issa, ed., Al-Junun: Mental Illness in the Islamic World. Madison, CO: International Universities Press, 2000, pp. 205-233. Azhar, M. Z. and S. L. Varma. Mental Illness and Its Treatment in Malaysia, in Ihsan Al-Issa, ed., Al-Junun: Mental Illness in the Islamic World. Madison, CO: International Universities Press, 2000, pp. 163-186. Bakari, Mtoro bin Mwinyi. The Customs of the Swahili People. J.W.T.Allen, trans. and ed., Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 1981. Boddy, Janice Patricia. Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men, and Zar Cult in Northern Sudan. Madison: WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1989. Bourguignon, Erika. Dreams and Altered States of Consciousness in Anthropological Research, in Francis L. K. Hsu, ed., Psychological Anthropology. Morristown, NJ: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1972, pp. 403-434.. Forward, in Felicitas Goodman, Jeannette Henney, and Esther Pressel, Trance, Healing and Hallucination. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1974, pp. v-xvi.. Possession. San Francisco, CA: Chandler and Sharp Publishers, 1976.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 87. Suffering and Healing, Subordination and Power: Women and Possession Trance. Ethos Vol. 32 No. 4 (2004), pp. 557-574. Bourguignon, Erika, ed. Religion, Altered States of Consciousness, and Social Change. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University, 1973. Bowie, Fiona. The Anthropology of Religion. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2000. Budden, Ashwin. Pathologizing Possession: An Essay on Mind, Self, and Experience in Dissociation, Anthropology of Consciousness, Vol. 14 No. 2 (2003), pp. 27-59. De Heusch, Luc. Why Marry Her?: Society and Symbolic Structures. Janet Lloyd, trans. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981. El-Islam, M. Fakhr. Mental Illness in Kuwait and Qatar, in Ihsan Al-Issa, ed., Al-Junun: Mental Illness in the Islamic World. Madison, CO: International Universities Press. 2000, pp. 121-137. Giles, Linda Lavina. Spirit Possession on the Swahili Coast: Peripheral Cults or Primary Texts? Ph.D. Dissertation, The University of Texas, 1989. Hiebert, Paul, Daniel Shaw, and Tite Tienou. Understanding Folk Religion: A Christian Response to Popular Beliefs and Practices. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1999. Kim, Caleb Chul-Soo. Islam among the Swahili in East Africa. Nairobi, Kenya: Acton Publishers, 2004. Lambek, Michael. Human Spirits: A Cultural Account of Trance in Mayotte. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981. Larsen, Kjersti. Where Humans and Spirits Meet: Incorporating Difference and Experiencing Otherness in Zanzibar Town. Dissertation of Doctor Politicarum, The University of Oslo, 1995. Lewis, Ioan M. Ecstatic Religion: A Study of Shamanism and Spirit Possession. London: Routledge, 1989.. Religion in Context: Cults and Charisma. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996 (1st edition: Cambridge University Press, 1986). Mubbashar, M. H. Mental Illness in Pakistan, in Ihsan Al-Issa, ed., Al-Junun: Mental Illness in the Islamic World. Madison, CO: International Universities Press, 2000, pp. 187-203.

88 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Oughourlian, Jean-Michel. The Puppet of Desire: The Psychology of Hysteria, Possession, and Hypnosis. Eugene Webb, trans. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991. Philips, Abu Ameenah Bilal, The Exorcist Tradition in Islam. Sharjah, UAE: Dar Al Fatah, 1997. Rasmussen, Steve. Illness and Death Experiences in Northwestern Tanzania: An Investigation of Discourses, Practices, Beliefs, and Social Outcomes, Especially Related to Witchcraft, Used in a Critical Contextualization and Education Process with Pentecostal Ministers, Ph.D. dissertation, Trinity International University, 2009.. A Case Study of Christian Response to Sickness, Death, and Witchcraft in Northwestern Tanzania, in Caleb C. Kim, ed., African Missiology: Contributions of Contemporary Thought (Nairobi: Uzima Publishing House, 2009), pp. 104-130. Saunders, Lucie Wood. Variants in Zar Experience in an Egyptian Village, in Vincent Crapanzano and Vivian Garrison, eds. Case Studies in Spirit Possession. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1977, pp. 177-191. Swantz, Marja-Liisa. Ritual and Symbol in Transitional Zaramo Society. Motala, Sweden: Motala Grafiska, 1986 (First published in 1970). Walker, Sheila S. Ceremonial Spirit Possession in Africa and Afro-America: Forms, Meanings and Functional Significance for Individuals and Social Groups. Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1972.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 89 ABSTRACT Jinn Possession and Uganga (Healing) among the Swahili 김철수 민속이슬람 이라고불리는이슬람의현상은이슬람종교의비정통적인모습이아니라처음부터이슬람이라는종교안에내재해있는이슬람의한종교적특징이다. 특별히 진 에대한무슬림들의믿음은이슬람의경전이꾸란과하디스를통해서뒷받침되고있으며따라서이와관련된의식들은무슬림세계에편만하다. 본고는이러한진현상을탄자니아동해안에위치한잔지바섬의주민들인스와힐리무슬림들의경험에기초하여기술하고또이들에게매우중요한치유 (uganga) 개념을분석하여스와힐리사람들이경험하고있는초자연적세계속을들여다보고자한다. 특별히내부인의내면세계를이해하기위해서인류학적인접근을시도함에있어서필자는내부자의 존재론적경험 (ontological experience) 의중요성을강조하고자한다. 먼저스와힐리무슬림들에게있어서질병은많은경우에진이공격하거나해를입힌결과로이해된다. 따라서스와힐리무슬림문화권에서치유는진을다루는의식을통해서이루어지는것을볼수있다. 진치유의식에서볼수있는진들림 (jinn possession) 현상은치유의한과정으로서치유의식밖에서경험되는진의공격으로서의진들림현상과는구별된다. 치유의식을행하는전통의사들은진들림을오히려조장하고진이환자의몸을빌어인간세계에그모습을드러내게하여, 병을일으켰다고믿는진들과의대화와타협을통해서병을치료한다고믿는다. 이러한정황에서진들림은증세가아니라치료의과정으로인식된다. 특별히전통의사들의자발적진들림은진의도움을받기위한치유과정에서매우중요한부분으로여겨진다. 따라서치유를목적으로하는이러한진들림현상은스와힐리이슬람권에서는보편적인문화적현상이된다. 진들림의치료의식을통해서우리는스와힐리사람들의치유개념이서구사회의의료적치료개념과매우다른것을알수있다. 스와힐리무슬림들은대다수질병이나개인적재난이진의공격으로부터왔다고믿기때문에진과의평화로운관계를통해

90 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 서병을치료하고문제를해결하려고한다. 따라서치유는관계적개념이다. 치료과정의핵심을보여주는 풍가 (-punga) 라는말도병을가져온진의힘을약화시킨다는뜻으로서기독교의축귀 (exorcism) 와는아주다른개념이다. 전통의사들은진들이병을도로가져가고또더해하지못하도록진을달래주고교묘히어름으로써진의활동을억제시키고자하는데, 이는 de Heusch가말한 adorcism 의한양태를보여준다. 이러한진들림현상이주축이되는치유의식은필자가명명한 총체적혼합영역 (Domain of Total Synthesis) 의대표적인예로서스와힐리이슬람의혼합주의적성격을잘보여준다. 즉, 공식혹은 정통 이슬람의가르침과아랍문화가아프리카의토속문화와잘융합된모습으로서, 사하라이남아프리카이슬람의혼합적양상을잘나타내주고있는것이다. 튿별히여기서주목할것은진에들릴수있다는문화적믿음이정통이슬람의교의에근거해있다는사실이다. 따라서스와힐리무슬림들은일상적인삶가운데서진에게공격당할수있다는가능성을언제나염두에두고있다. 이러한진에관련된종교적내지는신학적전제조건으로말미암아스와힐리무슬림들의심리는이미진이라는어두운영의세계에이미처음부터노출되어있는것이다. 신의피조물로인식되는진은이처럼이슬람문화권에서는사람들의일상에서뗄래야뗄수없는그사회의구성원으로서사람들의삶을괴롭히는숙명적인이웃인것이다. 따라서스와힐리무슬림들가운데서일하고자하는외부인들은그들의내면의세계에대한현상학적인깊은이해를가져야, 현지에적합한좋은결과들을산출해낼수있을것이다. Key words : 민속이슬람, 치유 (Healing), 진 (Jinn), 진들림 (Jinn possession), 스와힐리 (Swahili), 치료의식 (Therapeutic ritual), 치유개념 (Uganga)

Muslim-Christian Encounter 91 한국의무슬림정체성 1 조희선 * Ⅰ. 서론 Ⅱ. 한국의무슬림현황과유입형태 Ⅱ-1. 한국의무슬림현황 Ⅱ-2. 한국의무슬림유입형태 Ⅲ. 한국의무슬림정체성 Ⅲ-1. 종교생활 Ⅲ-2. 이슬람식생활방식 Ⅲ-2-1. 의생활 Ⅲ-2-2. 식생활 Ⅳ. 나가는말 1. 본논문은 2007-2009 년정부 ( 교육인적자원부 ) 의재원으로학술진흥재단 ( 현한국연구재단 ) 의지원을받아 수행된연구임 (KRF-2007-A00062). * 명지대학교아랍지역학과교수 / 현재, 한국아랍어아랍문학회회장, 한국이슬람학회부회장

92 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 한국의무슬림정체성 Ⅰ. 서론 사회학전반에사용되는정체성이란개인의신념, 개인의특성이나집단적소속감의표현을의미하는포괄적인용어이다. 일반적으로무슬림의정체성을한마디로정의하기가쉽지않다. 이슬람각국에서살고있는무슬림들의개인적신념, 혹은무슬림으로서의집단적소속감을나타내는표현이다양한모습을갖고있기때문이다. 예컨대파키스탄출신의무슬림이사우디아라비아출신의무슬림과같은정체성을가지고있다고간주하기어렵다. 이슬람은종파에따라혹은전통적으로각지역에적용되는법학파에따라조금씩차이가날뿐만아니라오늘날이슬람각국의정치, 경제, 사회적개방화정도, 토착관습등에따라다른모습을띠고있다. 그럼에도불구하고이슬람, 혹은무슬림은다른종교집단과는구별되는공통의정체성을가지고있는것도사실이다. 이슬람이 함께 이면서도 따로 인특징을가지는것은이슬람이라는종교의독특한속성과무슬림들이간주하는종교적원천의다양성에기인한다. 우선이슬람이라는종교는태생부터기독교를비롯한다른종교와는달리聖과俗을아우르는정교일치의색체를띠고있었다. 이슬람의창시자무함마드는이슬람의계시를받은예언자였을뿐만아니라주변이교도들과의전쟁을통해이슬람공동체를건설한정치, 군사지도자였다. 이슬람의경전꾸란역시신과인간간의관계뿐만아니라인간이세상을살면서겪게되는인간과인간간의관계, 즉혼인, 이혼, 상속, 양육등의세상적인문제에관한규범을제시하고있다. 무슬림들이신앙의원천으로간주하는것은꾸란외에도예언자의언행록하디스 (Hadith) 가있다. 예언자사망후이슬람이광범위한지역으로전파되면서이슬람공동체는꾸란에서해답을얻을수없는사안에대해예언자의언행록을수집하여이를이슬람공동체운용의근거로삼았다. 예언자사후 100년이지나서야집대성된예언자의하디스모음집에는하디스를전하거나기록한사람들의생각이나이념, 혹은당대의사상이나관습등이흘러들어갈수밖에없었다. 예언자사후 200여년이지나서

Muslim-Christian Encounter 93 는지리적으로광범위한지역에걸쳐건설된이슬람제국을위한이슬람법, 즉샤리아 (Shari ah) 가여러이슬람법학자들에의해만들어졌다. 이슬람법샤리아는꾸란과하디스뿐만아니라각지역의토속관행및관습을토대로제정되었다. 무슬림들의신념혹은신앙의표현이나집단적소속감의표현은바로이러한꾸란과하디스, 그리고이슬람법에근거하고있다. 그러나하디스가운데는서로상충되는내용이존재하는가하면, 지역마다다르게적용되는법학파역시차이가나기때문에국가나지역에따라무슬림의정체성이조금씩다를수있다. 더군다나오늘날이슬람국가는 57개국에달하며무슬림들은서쪽의아프리카부터동쪽의필리핀에이르기까지지리적, 문화적, 정치적, 경제적, 인종적으로다른다양한지역에걸쳐살고있다. 따라서생활종교를따르는무슬림들의정체성은한마디로정의할수없을정도로다양하다고할수있다. 한편, 세계도처의무슬림들은자신들이이슬람적정체성을가지고살아가고있다고믿고있다. 그러나이슬람적관행혹은이슬람적정체성이라는것은매우불분명한개념으로무슬림조차자신들이행하는관행이꾸란에언급되어있는지혹은하디스에나와있는것인지, 혹은그것이이슬람법샤리아에만존재하는것인지구별하지못하는경우도많다. 이슬람의이러한다중적특성때문에학자들은무슬림을문화적동질성을가진집단으로간주하여그들의동질적인정체성을연구하려는시도를하는가하면, 무슬림을동질적인집단으로보는것에반대하며출신국가나지역에따른다양한무슬림집단을연구하기도한다. 사무엘헌팅턴 (Samuel Huntington) 이나버나드루이스 (Bernard Lewis) 와같은학자들은이슬람문화의동질성을주장하고있다. 한편, 다른많은학자들은이슬람을해석하고적용하는데특정한사회적문화적상황에따라이슬람의변종이생겨날수있다고보고무슬림을각집단별로연구하는데초점을맞추고있다. 2 그러나 9.11 사태이후유럽에서는무슬림의에스니스티 (ethnicity) 연구보다는무슬림을동질의정체성을가진집단으로간주하여연구하는경향이두드러지고있는것이사실이다. 2. Chouki El Hamel, 2002), Muslim Diaspora in Western Europe: The Islamic Headscarf (Hijab), the Media and Muslims' Integration in France, Citizenship Studies, Vol. 6 No. 3(2002), p.294.

94 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 우리학계에서도무슬림을동질의정체성을가진집단으로간주하는연구가주류를이루는가운데우리나라에대거이주하여살고있는방글라데시, 파키스탄무슬림들을개별집단으로인식하여연구하는시도도있어왔다. 한국의무슬림정체성이라는본연구역시제목에서나타나듯무슬림을동질의집단으로간주하는데서출발하고있다. 이러한출발은우리사회에서이주민의문제가주요한사회문제로등장한것에서비롯되었다. 우리나라이주민가운데가장큰다수를이루고있는아시아계의상당수는방글라데시, 파키스탄, 인도네시아등의이슬람국가출신이다. 그럼에도불구하고아시아계이주민의자녀들은코시안 (Kosian) 이라고통칭되고있다. 같은아시아계이면서도필리핀이나태국출신의이주민은분명방글라데시나파키스탄출신의이주민과사뭇다른문화적, 종교적정체성을가지고있다. 우리나라에이주민의수가증가되는상황에서전세계이슬람각국출신의무슬림이주민의수도증가할것으로예상된다. 이러한시점에서국가나지역이아닌종교를변수로이주민집단을분석하는것은유의미한일이될것이다. 유럽의사례에서와마찬가지로우리나라에도무슬림인구가증가하고이들이사회적으로주변화될경우에스니시티가아닌종교를구심점으로한거대집단이될수있기때문이다. 이에본연구의제2장에서는이슬람지역을권역별로나누어각권역별무슬림의현황을점검해보고이들이한국사회에유입된경로나동기등을살펴보고자한다. 제3 장에서는무슬림정체성의기본이되는신앙생활, 의생활및식생활을권역별로나누어그공통점과차이점을연구하고자한다. 한국에유입된무슬림들의현황및정체성에관한연구는향후다문화사회로가고있는우리사회의한단면을예측해볼수있다는점에서유의미한연구가될수있을것이다. 9.11 사태이후서구에서사회적문제로부각되고있는무슬림이주민들의문제는오늘날기독교계를중심으로우리사회에서도서서히부각되고있는것이현실이다. 서구사회의담론에전도된혹은일부기독교인들에의한이슬라모포비아 (Islamo Phobia) 의조장을경계하고아울러향후우리사회의한단면을그려낼무슬림이주민들을포용하고이해하기위한것이본연구의목적이다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 95 Ⅱ. 한국의무슬림현황과유입형태 Ⅱ-1. 한국의무슬림현황 그동안한국이슬람교중앙회에서는국내무슬림 3만여명을포함하여한국내무슬림숫자가 10만정도에이를것이라고밝혀왔다. 반면, 일부기독교계에서는국내에서 15만명에달하는무슬림들이 활동 중에있다는주장을내놓고있다. 이렇듯국내에체류하는무슬림이주민의숫자는그동안정확한공식적인통계가없었던것이사실이다. 국민인구에대해서는종교를변수로한인구조사를실시하는반면, 국내체류외국인에대해서는종교를변수로한통계를제공하지않는데그이유가있다. 출입국 외국인정책본부에서매년발행하는외국인체류관리현황은국적별현황만을제공하고있어국내체류무슬림이주민의수를정확하게파악하기쉽지않다. 다만이슬람회의기구 (OIC국가) 3 57개국및동남ㆍ남아시아 4 의일부국가를포함한총 65개국출신의합법및불법체류자들가운데해당국가의무슬림비율을적용해서국내총무슬림숫자를추정할따름이다. 국내에체류하고있는외국인들가운데무슬림일것으로추정되는사람들의출신국가및그국가의무슬림인구비율은표1) 5 과같다. 권역별 국가별 동남아시아 인도네시아 (86.1%), 말레이시아 (60.4%), 필리핀 ( 비OIC, 5%)), 타이 (OIC옵서버, 4.6%)), 싱가포르 ( 비OIC,14.9%), 캄보디아 ( 비OIC, 2.1%), 미얀마 ( 비OIC, 4%) 중앙아시아계 우즈베키스탄 (88%), 키르기스탄 (75%), 카자흐스탄 (47%), 아프가니스탄 (99%), 타지크스탄 (90%) 등 남아시아 파키스탄 (95%), 방글라데시 (83%), 스리랑카 (7.6%) 인도 (13.4%), 네팔 (4.2%) 비아랍중동 이란 (98%), 터키 (99.8%) 아랍 이집트 (90%), 사우디아라비아 (100%), 요르단 (94%), 이라크 (97%), 리비아 (97%), 모로코 (98.7%), 시리아 (90%), 수단 (70%), 알제리 (99%) 기타 OIC국가 나이지리아 (50%) 표1) 이슬람권역별국가및무슬림비율 3. Organization of the Islamic Conference 4. 동남아국가가운데서도베트남이나라오스는무슬림이거의없기때문에통계에서제외시키는것이합리적이다. 5. 국가별무슬림비율은 CIA The World Factbook의자료를기준으로한것임. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/index.html.

96 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 표1) 에나타난국가출신의국내체류자의수에해당국가의무슬림비율을적용하여합산하면국내체류무슬림숫자를추정해볼수있다. 가장최근의통계인 2009년 10월통계월보에나타난국적별한국체류외국인현황을중심으로해당국가별무슬림비율을적용한국내무슬림의추정수치는표2) 와같다. 권역별 남성여성소계수비율 % 수비율 % 수비율 % 동남아시아계 24,836 83.7 4,841 16.3 29,677 37.4 중앙아시아계 16,639 76.2 5,191 23.8 21,831 27.5 남아시아계 20,065 94.1 1,260 5.9 21,325 26.9 비아랍중동계 1,865 83.4 373 16.6 2,238 2.8 아랍계 2,555 81.9 565 18.1 3,119 3.9 기타 OIC 출신 953 79.5 245 20.5 1,198 1.5 총계 66,913 83.13 12,475 16.87 79,388 100 국내총외국인체류자 65,7015 56.4 507,151 43.6 1,164,166 표 ) 2009년 10월국내체류무슬림현황 ( 귀화및국적취득자제외 )-통계정리안정국 표2) 에서보듯동남아시아계가국내체류전체무슬림인구의 37.4%, 중앙아시아계가 27.5%, 남아시아계가 26.9% 로국내체류무슬림인구의 91.8% 를차지하고있다. 그밖의기타지역에서온무슬림들은 8.2% 에불과하다. 지리적으로가까운동남아시아, 중앙아시아, 남아시아출신의무슬림들이상대적으로거리가먼이란이나터키, 아랍국가출신의무슬림보다국내에더많이이주한것은이주의일반적인패턴을생각해볼때자연스런결과이다. 게다가외국인유입초기한국정부가동남아시아, 중앙아시아, 남아시아국가와산업연수생제도를체결함으로써이들국가로부터노동자들이대거이주한것이한국내무슬림유입에큰역할을했던것으로보인다. 표2) 에나타나듯권역별무슬림총수는 79,388명에이른다. 여기에 2008년도까지의누적무슬림귀화자수 1,288명을더할경우국내체류무슬림총수는 80,676명으로추산해볼수있다. 2009년국내외국인체류자가총 1,164,166명인점을감안하면국내무슬림인구는총외국인의 6.82% 에달한다. 6 6. 조희선, 영국, 프랑스, 독일무슬림의이주와정착및갈등에관한연구 - 한국이주무슬림과의비교를 위하여 -, 국제지역연구, 제 31 권 1 호 (2010), p.119.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 97 국내체류무슬림이주민의총수가 8만명정도라는추정치는한국이슬람중앙회에서발표한추정치와근사하다. 그러나무슬림이주민의숫자는국내의경제상황이나외국인노동자에대한우리정부의정책에따라증감을지속하고있다. 2008년경제위기위기이후무슬림의인구유입도주춤하고있는실정이다. 그러나유럽의사례에서보듯무슬림의유입은가족이나친지의초청을중심으로하는연쇄이주의특성을보이고있어향후국내의무슬림의수는증가할가능성이크다. Ⅱ-2. 한국의무슬림유입형태 한국의무슬림유입은앞서언급하였듯이우리나라외국인이주노동자의유입과맥을같이하고있다. 1980년대말부터중소기업의부족한일손을메우기위해산업연수생제도가도입되면서우리나라의외국인노동자이주는시작되었다. 산업연수생으로유입된많은무슬림들은계약기간이종결된이후에도귀국하지않고수도권이나경남권의공장에서일자리를찾아불법체류하였다. 그결과이슬람국가에서온많은이주노동자들은불법체류자의신분으로우리나라에거주하고있는것으로나타났다. 2008년우리나라의국가별평균불법체류율은 20.9% 인데비해방글라데시, 키르기스탄, 이란의불법체류율은 70% 이상을기록하고있다. 7 그리고표3) 에서와같이불법체류비율상위 11개국가가운데 7개국가가이슬람국가라는사실은국내의무슬림들이대부분열악한환경에서불법노동자로체류하고있다는것을의미한다. 순위 총체류자합법체류자불법체류자불법체류율대한민국총계 1,094,712 866,208 228,504 20.9% 1 방글라데시 13,016 2,671 10,345 79.5% 2 키르기스탄 2,537 680 1,857 73.2% 3 이란 1,556 445 1,111 71.4% 6 이집트 807 325 482 59.7% 9 우즈베키스탄 19,095 10,363 8,732 45.7% 10 카자흐스탄 2,224 1,222 1,002 45.1% 11 파키스탄 10,408 5,909 4,499 43.2% 표3) 2008년 2월현재불법체류비율상위 11개국-통계정리오종진 7. 조희선, 김대성, 안정국, 오종진, 김효정, 한국사회이주무슬림커뮤니티에관한연구, 중동연구, 제 27 권 2 호 (2008), p.90.

98 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 국내에체류하는무슬림이주노동자와더불어 2000년대이후에는결혼이주무슬림여성의수가증가하는양상이나타났다. 이는국내의결혼이주증가현상과맥을같이한다. 노동자신분으로유입된상당수의무슬림역시한국에서의정착을위한수단으로한국여성과의결혼을선호하고있다. 우리나라전체국제혼에서무슬림과한국인과의혼인은아직낮은비율로나타나지만권역별로많게는전체체류자의 9 10%, 적게는 2 3% 정도의무슬림이주자들이한국남성, 혹은한국여성과혼인하여다문화가정을이루고있다. 노동자계층이주류를이루는남아시아계의경우에는주로이주민남성과한국여성과의결혼이대부분이고, 동남아시아계나중앙아시아계의경우한국남성과무슬림이주여성과의혼인이대부분을차지하고있다. 무슬림과한국인과의혼인은무슬림 2세, 즉코슬림 (Koslim) 8 을생산함으로써한국무슬림공동체의기초를형성한다는점에서중요한의미를지닌다. 2004년고용허가제의도입으로이주자들이혼인이외의방법으로한국에정착할수있는길이어느정도열리긴하였다. 그러나단순직노동자들이대부분인국내체류무슬림들은한국정착을위한유일한수단으로혼인을통한거주비자획득및귀화에의존하고있다. 결혼이주자들의숫자를파악할수있는권역별무슬림의귀화및국적취득현황을보면 2007년도에표4) 와같이총 1,067명에달한다. 이는전체귀화및국적취득자 47,914명가운데 2.2% 정도에해당된다. 무슬림집단가운데한국국적을가장많이취득한사람들은남아시아계와중앙아시아계이다. 동남아시아계, 아랍계, 비아랍중동계출신이그뒤를잇고있다. 동남아시아계는우리나라체류무슬림가운데가장많은숫자를차지하고있으나귀화및국적취득비율은상대적으로낮은것으로나타났다. 국적별로는파키스탄, 우즈베키스탄, 방글라데시순으로한국국적을가장많이취득한것으로나타났다. 8. 한국에거주하는무슬림들과한국인들사이에태어난자녀, 즉이주무슬림 2세와이주무슬림 1.5세를의미하는것으로필자를비롯한본연구팀에서만든용어이다. 1990년대후반에등장하여이미널리알려진 코시안 이라는용어가지역적개념에근거한반면, 코슬림 이라는용어는이주자의종교를중심으로한종교- 문화적개념의용어이다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 99 권역별 국가별 소계 우즈베키스탄 234 363 중앙아시아계 카지흐스탄 49 키르기스탄 83 기타 7 남아시아계 파키스탄 376 512 방글라데시 136 동남아시아계 인도네시아 86 98 말레이시아 12 아랍계 모로코 24 54 기타 30 비아랍중동계 터키 12 40 이란 28 총계 1,067 ( 총귀화자수 47,914명의 2.2%) 표4) 무슬림집단별귀화및국적취득현황 (2007) 다음표5) 는배우자사증 (F-2) 의소지여부를통해좀더직접적으로무슬림결혼이주자집단을파악한통계분석자료이다. 무슬림결혼이주자집단은 3,594명으로한국의전체결혼이주자집단중약 2.92% 에해당된다. 이들결혼이주자가운데 88% 가여성으로대부분의무슬림결혼이주자들은여성임을알수있다. 한편, 이슬람법샤리아는원칙적으로여성들이이교도와결혼하는것을엄격하게금지하고있어무슬림여성보다는무슬림남성이외국인과결혼하는사례가일반적이다. 표 5) 의분석결과를살펴보아도중앙아시아와동남아시아계무슬림집단을제외한대부분의무슬림결혼이주자들이남성임을알수있다. 아랍계, 비아랍중동계, 남아시아계모두약 80-90% 가남성결혼이주자들이다. 중앙아시아계와동남아아시아계무슬림집단에서만여성결혼이주자들이각각 97% 와 88% 를차지하고있어통상적인무슬림집단의혼인양상과는거리가있음을보여주고있다. 9 9. 조희선, 김대성, 안정국, 오종진, 김효정, 한국이주무슬림의혼인현황과정착과정연구, 지중해지역연구, 11-3 호 (2009), pp.89-91.

100 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 권역별 국가별 남성 여성 소계 중앙아시아계 우즈베키스탄 45 1339 1384 카지흐스탄 8 162 170 키르기스탄 2 271 273 기타 1 12 13 남아시아계 파키스탄 605 22 627 방글라데시 417 39 456 동남아시아계 인도네시아 51 362 413 말레이시아 7 47 54 아랍계 모로코 22 13 35 이집트 21 1 22 기타 18 4 22 비아랍중동계 터키 28 5 33 이란 78 4 82 무슬림총계 1,303 2,281 3,584 전체외국인총계 14,753 107,799 122,552 표5) 이슬람국가출신결혼이주자국적별 성별현황 (2007) 중앙아시아는소비에트통치기간동안이슬람적가치가퇴색되고여성의사회적참여가확대되었다. 현대적교육을받고대도시생활에익숙한대부분의중앙아시아계여성들의경우현지에서도이민족과의결혼이비교적자유롭게이루어지는경향이있어한국인과의혼인에도걸림돌이없는것으로해석할수있다. 10 동남아시아계여성의경우는문화적, 지리적으로가까울뿐만아니라외모면에서도다른지역출신의여성에비해거부감이적어한국인남성들사이에서선호되고있다. 안정국에따르면인도네시아이주남성의경우한국인여성에게인기가별로없지만여성의경우많은한국인남성으로부터구애를받는다 11 는것이다. 중앙아시아계를연구한오종진과인도네시아계연구자안정국의인터뷰조사에따르면중앙아시아여성의경우결혼중매업체를통해한국남성과결혼하는반면, 동남아시아여성의경우에는국내이주노동자 10. 오종진, 한국사회에서의중앙아시아이주무슬림들의혼인과정착, 한국중동학회논총, 제 30권 1호 (2009), pp.267-268. 11. 안정국, 한국이주인도네시아여성무슬림의혼인과정착, 한국중동학회논총, 제 30권 1호 (2009), p.232.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 101 로들어와한국남성과연애를통해혼인하는사례가대부분인것으로나타났다. 그러나중앙아시아계나동남아시아계에비해보수적인성향을가지고있는남아시아계, 아랍계, 비아랍중동계의경우여성들에비해남성들이한국여성과혼인하는비율이더높게나타났다. 이슬람법에는무슬림여성이이교도남성과혼인하는것이금지되어있지만, 오늘날이슬람각국의세속화나개방화정도에따라이슬람법에서규정하고있는바가현실속에서는그대로적용되지않는다는사실을보여주고있다. Ⅲ. 한국의무슬림정체성 서론에서밝혔듯이무슬림의정체성을정확하게정의하기는어렵다. 다만이슬람은성과속을아우르는종교라는점에서종교생활과이슬람식생활방식의실천이라는두가지양상을통해정체성이구현된다고할수있다. 종교생활로는개인일일예배의준수와금요집단예배의참석을, 그리고이슬람식생활방식으로는의생활과식생활에서나타나는특징을살펴볼수있다. Ⅲ-1. 종교생활 무슬림들이자신의신앙을나타내는가장중요한요소는이슬람의다섯기둥 12 가운데서도예배라할수있다. 무슬림들이하루에수행해야하는다섯차례의예배가운데정오예배와오후예배는우리사회에서일반적으로근무시간과겹친다는점에서문화적충돌이발생한다. 정오예배와오후예배를밤예배시한꺼번에수행하는것이허용되지만무슬림들은제시간에각각의예배를수행하길선호한다. 또한대부분의이슬람세계에서공휴일이자집단예배가이루어지는금요일이우리나라에서는공휴일이아니라는점에서무슬림들은이슬람적정체성유지에어려움을느낀다. 오늘날전세계의무슬림들은지역이나국가에따라, 계층에따라, 교육수준에따 12. 무슬림들이반드시지켜야하는다섯가지종교적실천으로증언, 예배, 단식, 희사, 순례가있다.

102 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 라, 그리고성별에따라일일예배를준수하거나금요예배에참석하는정도가다르다. 우선이슬람에서금요집단예배는남성들에게는의무이지만, 여성들에게는종교적인의무사항이아니다. 지역이나국가에따라서도일일예배준수정도에는커다란차이가난다. 가장극단적인경우는사우디아라비아로근무중이라도예배시간이되면직장인들은직장안에있는모스크에서예배를드린다. 심지어상점이나슈퍼마켓, 커피숍등은예배시간이되면가게문을아예닫아버리거나매장안의손님을밖으로쫒아내기도한다. 반면, 튀니지와같은이슬람국가에서는이슬람근본주의의확산을우려한정부가금요일을근무일로지정함으로써일반인들의금요집단예배참여를근본적으로차단하였다. 국내무슬림이주노동자들의경우개인일일예배가운데근무시간에걸쳐있는정오예배와오후예배를드릴경우사업주가이를싫어할수밖에없다. 무슬림들이근무시간에예배를드리기때문에근무태만으로비춰져다른집단에비해고용의차별을받는다는것이무슬림노동자들의불만이다. 금요일은공휴일이아니기때문에무슬림이주노동자들이금요집단예배를지키는것은거의불가능하다. 그뿐만아니라대부분의무슬림이주노동자들은불법체류의신분으로살아가기때문에자신들이일하는지역을벗어나모스크를방문하기가쉽지않다. 많은경우이들은한국정부의단속이두려워거처나일터, 혹은일터에마련된숙소를떠나지못하고있다. 2007년 12월부터 2008년 4월까지약 5개월간서울, 안산, 용인, 동두천, 의정부, 수원등의수도권지역과부산, 김해등경남지역의무슬림들 13 을대상으로설문조사 14 가실시되었다. 설문조사가운데개인예배를준수하는지여부를묻는문항에서 72.1% 의응답자들이개인예배를실천한다고응답하였다. 즉대다수의한국거주무슬림들이개인예배를수행하는것으로나타났다. 권역별로는아랍계, 동남아시아계, 남아시아계의 80% 이상이개인예배를실천하는것으로응답하여이들이다른권역 13. 설문대상가운데는아랍계가 179명, 터키와이란과같은비아랍중동계 114명, 중앙아시아계 112명, 방글라데시, 파키스탄출신의남아시아계가 89명, 인도네시아와말레이시아출신의동남아시아계가 220명이포함되어있다. 14. 2007년-2010년학술진흥재단기초연구과제지원을받아 한국사회이주무슬림의문화변이에관한연구 : 다문화속코슬림 (Koslim) 과의공존과상생을위하여 라는주제로 3년에걸쳐연구를진행하는과정에서이루어진설문조사

Muslim-Christian Encounter 103 의무슬림들에비해종교적정체성이강한것으로드러났다. 반면, 중앙아시아와비아랍중동계는개인예배를실천하는비율이다른권역의무슬림들에비해낮은것으로나타났다. 개인예배수행여부 전체 예 아니오 아랍 비아랍중동 중앙아시아 남아시아 동남아시아 전체 156 37 44 74 186 497 90.7% 33.6% 41.5% 86.0% 86.5% 72.1% 16 73 62 12 29 192 9.3% 66.4% 58.5% 14.0% 13.5% 27.9% 172 110 106 86 215 689 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 금요집단예배의참석여부를묻는문항에서는 40% 의사람들이전혀참석하지않는다고반응하였다. 앞서설명하였듯이개인예배보다공휴일이아닌금요일에모스크에참석하여집단예배를드리는것이한국거주이주무슬림들에게는현실적으로쉽지않은일이기때문이다. 권역별로는개인예배와마찬가지로비아랍중동계와중앙아시아계의무슬림들이다른권역출신의무슬림들에비해모스크집단예배에참석하는비율이낮은것으로드러났다. 금요예배월별참석횟수 전체 1회 2회 3회매주참석안함 아랍 비아랍중동 중앙아시아 남아시아 동남아시아 전체 13 14 7 11 20 65 7.6% 12.7% 6.6% 12.8% 9.8% 9.6% 25 19 13 6 17 80 14.7% 17.3% 12.3% 7.0% 8.3% 11.8% 9 11 14 2 8 44 5.3% 10.0% 13.2% 2.3% 3.9% 6.5% 78 7 26 36 70 217 45.9% 6.4% 24.5% 41.9% 34.1% 32.1% 45 59 46 31 90 271 26.5% 53.6% 43.4% 36.0% 43.9% 40.0% 170 110 106 86 205 677 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 이러한유형의설문조사는표본의대표성이얼마만큼보장되는가에따라그신뢰도

104 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 가달라질수있어그결과를일반화시키기어려운것이사실이다. 그러나일반적으로아랍계, 남아시아계, 동남아시아계무슬림들이중앙아시아계나비아랍중동계무슬림들에비해종교생활을보다충실하게수행함으로써자신들의종교적정체성을유지하는것으로나타났다. 설문조사외에각권역별표본과개인적인인터뷰를진행한결과, 남아시아계무슬림노동자의경우개인예배는작업중쉬는시간을이용하여틈틈이한다는응답이가장많았고유학생의경우수업을마친후밤예배시에한꺼번에하거나점심시간에한다는응답이많았다. 15 모스크집단예배참석이저조한것은과도한업무혹은미등록외국인신분으로불시에잡힐가능성에대한두려움으로직장이외에외출을삼가기때문이라고응답하였다. 16 금요예배와관련하여화이트칼라에속하는아랍계한피면접자는 부평에큰모스크가있으나나는그곳에가질않는다. 금요예배는일을해야하기때문에참석할수없다. 그러나일요일이면이태원에가서예배도드리고놀기도한다. 바쁘기때문에매주갈수는없다. 고응답하였다. 이렇듯대부분의노동자들은우리사회에서금요예배를지키기가어렵고, 대신에휴일인일요일에모스크를찾아예배를하는경우가많은것으로드러났다. 17 한국사회에서가장큰무슬림공동체를형성하고있는동남아시아출신의무슬림들은인천, 안산등의수도권과부산등지의영남지역을중심으로자신들만의조직망을형성하고있는특징을보이고있다. 이러한조직망은소규모무살라 (musalla) 18 에서시작하여좀더큰인도네시아커뮤니티로확대되는경향을보이고있다. 19 15. 김효정, 한국이주남아시아무슬림의현황과집단화, 한국이슬람학회논총, 18-3호 (2008), p.127. 16. 한국에거주하는방글라데시인은대부분이불법체류자이다. 그러니그들이외부에드러나서활동하는것을꺼리게된다. 따라서사원에도자주나오지않는다. 김해의경우 100명정도가거주하고있는데그중 25명정도만이무살라에나와예배에참석한다. ( 부산성원이맘인터뷰중 ), 위의글, p.127. 17. 조희선, 한국이주아랍무슬림의현황과조직화, 한국중동학회논총, 29-1호 (2008), pp.57-58. 18. 모스크보다규모가작은예배소 19. ICC (Indonesian Community in Corea 혹은 Islamic Community in Corea) 는인천, 안산등수도권지역을중심으로한인도네시아이주민그룹의연합단체이다. 부산에서도자생적인인도네시아무슬림단체 PUMITA(Persaudaraan Umat Muslim Indonesia Al-Fatah 알파타인도네시아무슬림우정공동체 ) 가만들어져부산을중심으로한영남지역의인도네시아무슬림커뮤니티의중심역할을하고있다. 안정국, 한국이주동남아시아무슬림의현황과사회적연결망, 한국중동학회논총, 29-1호 (2008), pp.82-83.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 105 중앙아시아계무슬림들가운데카자흐스탄과키르기스스탄, 투르크메니스탄의도시출신으로소비에트교육을받은고학력자들의경우개인예배가무엇인지조차모르는경우도많았으나이슬람적정체성에대한인식은가지고있는것으로나타났다. 그러나소비에트시기동안의탈종교정책의영향으로이들은한국에거주하면서도모스크집단예배에참석한다든지, 혹은자신들만의조직을만드는데매우소극적인것으로드러났다. 20 이렇듯한국에거주하는이주무슬림들은자신들의정체성을드러내는종교적실천에서차이는있을지언정무슬림으로서의최소한의정체성은모두지키고있는것으로나타났다. 개인예배의비율이높으면서모스크집단예배에참석하지않는것은유럽의초기이주무슬림들과매우유사하다. 유럽이주무슬림들은이주초기단신으로정착하면서집이나가게뒷방등에서개인예배를드렸다. 후에가족들이합류하면서이들은이슬람적정체성을보다적극적으로드러내었다. 우리나라의현재상황에서무슬림이주노동자들은직장에서쉬는시간을활용하여, 혹은가정에서예배를드리고있다. 그러나무슬림유학생들의경우에는다른종교서클과마찬가지로무슬림학생들을위한무살라를학교당국에서마련해주어야한다고요구하고있다. 즉우리나라의경우에도이주의역사가깊어지고노동자들의단신이주가가족의연쇄이주로이어질경우모스크나무살라의수는더욱증가하고이를통한무슬림들의종교적정체성도더욱강화될것으로보인다. Ⅲ-2. 이슬람식생활방식 Ⅲ-2-1. 의생활이슬람의경전꾸란에는여성의복장을규제하는여러개의구절이있다. 그가운데서가장대표적인구절은 믿는여성들에게일러가로되그녀들의시선을낮추고순결을지키며밖으로나타내는것외에는유혹하는어떤것도보여서는아니되니라그리고가슴을가리는머리수건을써서... ( 꾸란 24:31) 이다. 후대법학자들은이구절 20. 오종진, 한국이주중앙아시아무슬림의현황과조직화, 한국이슬람학회논총, 18-3 집, (2008), p.84.

106 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 가운데 밖으로나타나는것 을얼굴과손으로해석하였다. 그결과여성의얼굴과손을제외하고온몸을가리는것, 특히가슴을가리는것이이슬람식복장의기본코드가되었다. 그러나여성의히잡 (hijab, 가리개 ) 역시개인의취향에따라, 국가에따라, 그리고시대에따라그착용의방법이나범위가천차만별이다. 사우디아라비아와이란과같은이슬람국가에서는외국인여성들도온몸을가리는아바야 ( abayah) 나차도르를착용해야할정도로엄격한규제가가해지는반면, 모로코나튀니지등의국가에서는우리와다르지않는현대식복장을착용한다. 유럽, 특히프랑스와같은국가에서는공화주의이념의성소로간주되는학교에서무슬림여학생들의히잡착용을금지하는법안을채택하였다. 다른유럽국가에서도무슬림여성의히잡착용을둘러싼여러문제가발생하고있다. 무슬림여성의히잡은마치이슬람의상징, 혹은이슬람적정체성의표현과같은함의를지니게되어유럽에서는이슬람식히잡에대한부정적인이미지가널리확산되어있다. 우리나라의경우 2009년대학생들을대상으로한설문조사 21 에서무슬림여성의히잡에대해부정적이라는응답이 25.1%, 긍정적이라는응답이 35.8% 로긍정적이라는응답이부정적이라는응답에비해높게나타났다. 타인의의상선택과같은개인적인생활에개입과판단을선호하지않는젊은대학생들의성향이반영된것으로할수있다. 22 그러나이주무슬림여성을직접인터뷰한결과에따르면고용주가직장에서히잡을쓰는것을싫어하기때문에혹은시댁에서시댁식구들이거부감을나타내기때문에직장이나시댁에갈때는히잡대신에모자로대체하고모스크나이태원을나올때는히잡을쓴다고응답한것을보면우리사회에서도히잡에대한인식이긍정적이지않음을알수있다. 무슬림여성의의상과는달리무슬림남성의경우특정한종교적의상코드가존재하지않는다. 지역이나국가에따라독특한전통의상을착용함으로써자기가속한집단의정체성을드러내기도한다. 그러나모든이슬람국가에서남성들이전통의상을 21. 2009년전국에있는 9개대학캠퍼스에서 1200여명을대상으로실시되었다. 설문조사결과는 코슬림 (Koslim: 한국이주무슬림 2세 ) 에대한한국인의인식과태도에관한연구 : 대학생설문조사를중심으로 의논문으로발표되었다. 22. 조희선, 김대성, 안정국, 오종진, 김효정, 유왕종,, 코슬림 (Koslim: 한국이주무슬림 2세 ) 에대한한국인의인식과태도에관한연구 : 대학생설문조사를중심으로, 국제지역연구, 14-호 (2010), p.299.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 107 착용하는것은아니다. 대부분의이슬람국가에서는우리와마찬가지로남성들이현대식복장을착용한다. 그러나걸프지역의아랍인들이나남아시아계무슬림들은자신들만의독특한전통의상을착용하는경우가많다. 설문조사에따르면이미세속화가많이진행되어본국에서도남성들이현대식복장을착용하는비아랍중동계와중앙아시아계의경우히잡이나전통의상을전혀착용하지않는다는비율이높게나타났다. 여성의히잡이나남성의전통복장착용여부는남녀간의통계를구별하여살펴볼필요가있다. 남성의경우이집트인들이다수를차 히잡이나전통복장착용횟수 성별 남성 여성 항상자주보통가끔입지않음전체항상자주보통가끔입지않음전체 지역별분류아랍비아랍중동중앙아시아남아시아동남아시아 전체 17 4 7 10 11 49 11.2% 4.1% 9.3% 14.1% 6.0% 8.5% 4 9 0 9 22 44 2.6% 9.2%.0% 12.7% 12.0% 7.6% 6 5 4 8 32 55 3.9% 5.1% 5.3% 11.3% 17.5% 9.5% 43 20 20 39 75 197 28.3% 20.4% 26.7% 54.9% 41.0% 34.0% 82 60 44 5 43 234 53.9% 61.2% 58.7% 7.0% 23.5% 40.4% 152 98 75 71 183 579 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 5 1 3 4 14 27 45.5% 6.7% 8.8% 40.0% 42.4% 26.2% 0 0 1 0 1 2.0%.0% 2.9%.0% 3.0% 1.9% 1 2 9 4 8 24 9.1% 13.3% 26.5% 40.0% 24.2% 23.3% 1 1 2 2 10 16 9.1% 6.7% 5.9% 20.0% 30.3% 15.5% 4 11 19 0 0 34 36.4% 73.3% 55.9%.0%.0% 33.0% 11 15 34 10 33 103 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

108 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 지하고있는아랍계, 터키와이란출신의비아랍중동계및중앙아시아계의 50% 이상이전통복장을전혀착용하지않는다고응답하였다. 이러한권역의경우본국에서조차신앙심의정도와관계없이대부분의남성들은현대식복장을주로착용하기때문이다. 본국에서도전통복장의착용비율이높은남아시아계와동남아시아계무슬림들의경우이주지인한국에와서도전통복장을즐겨착용하는것으로나타났다. 여성의경우샘플의수가적기는하지만역시개방화된사회출신의비아랍중동계와중앙아시계여성들은한국에서도히잡을착용하지않는것으로나타났다. 여성이주자비율이높은동남아시아계여성의경우는히잡착용하는비율이다른권역에비해훨씬높은것으로조사되었다. 설문조사에참여한많은응답자들은일하는데불편하기때문에혹은한국인고용주가전통복장을싫어하기때문을전통복장을착용하지않는다고밝혔다. 사실남성보다여성의경우에는한국사회에서히잡을착용하는데더많은용기가필요할지모른다. 한국사회에아직은무슬림여성이주자의수가적기때문에히잡의문제는사회적으로이슈화되고있지않다. 그러나이주민의수가증가하고코슬림세대가성장하게되면코슬림의정체성문제와더불어한국사회에도유럽의사례에서처럼히잡의문제가부각될가능성은있다. Ⅲ-2-2. 식생활꾸란에는 죽은고기와피와돼지고기를먹지말라또한하나님의이름으로도살되지아니한고기를먹지말라 23 ( 꾸란 2장 173절 ) 고금기음식이규정되어있다. 또다른장에는 술과도박과우상숭배와점술은사탄이행하는불결한것들이거늘그것들을피하라... 사탄은너희가운데적의와증오를유발시키려하니술과도박으로써하나님을염원하고예배하려함을방해하려하도다... ( 꾸란 5장 90-91절 ) 라며술을금기시하고있다. 이렇듯무슬림들에게식생활은단지먹는행위가아닌종교적실천이자더나아가자신들의정체성의표현이라고할수있다. 이슬람의금기음식가운데특히돼지고기와술은한국사회의사회생활과밀접한관련이있다. 우리나라에서돼지 23. 최영길역, 성꾸란의미의한국어번역, 파하드국왕꾸란출판청, 메디나, 1417 년

Muslim-Christian Encounter 109 고기가들어가지않는음식을골라먹는다는것은쉽지않은일이며원만한사회생활을위해서술을마시는것은어쩌면당연한일인지도모른다. 인터뷰에서만난무슬림노동자들은자신들이다른집단의사람들과달리단체회식에서주로나오는돼지고기나술을거부하기때문에직장생활에어려움이있다고토로하였다. 즉무슬림들의식생활은한국의정서및문화와충돌하는또다른무슬림의정체성이라할수있다. 가정에서주로먹는음식을묻는설문조사에서응답자들의약 50% 정도가모국음식을먹는것으로드러났다. 무슬림들에게모국음식이란돼지고기가들어가있지않은, 그리고이슬람식도살법으로잡은고기로요리한할랄 (halal) 24 음식을의미한다. 한국이주무슬림들은음식이입맛에맞고맞지않고를떠나우선식당에서제공되는음식이할랄음식인가를점검해야하는의무를가지고있다. 따라서이들이모국음식에집착하는것은당연한결과이다. 종교적으로보수적인성향을지닌남아시아계, 아랍계, 동남아시아계무슬림들이모국음식에더욱집착하는것으로드러났다. 반면, 가정에서주로먹는음식 전체 한식 모국음식 패스트푸드 기타 한식 + 모국음식 한식 + 패스트푸드 아랍비아랍중동중앙아시아남아시아동남아시아전체 15 51 43 7 75 191 8.5% 45.5% 38.7% 8.0% 34.9% 27.2% 109 31 38 73 94 345 61.6% 27.7% 34.2% 83.0% 43.7% 49.1% 25 10 11 0 25 71 14.1% 8.9% 9.9%.0% 11.6% 10.1% 13 3 0 5 10 31 7.3% 2.7%.0% 5.7% 4.7% 4.4% 11 17 14 2 7 51 6.2% 15.2% 12.6% 2.3% 3.3% 7.3% 0 0 3 0 0 3.0%.0% 2.7%.0%.0%.4% 모국음식 + 패스트푸드 3 0 1 1 4 9 1.7%.0%.9% 1.1% 1.9% 1.3% 177 112 111 88 215 703 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 24. 이슬람에서허용하는음식을의미

110 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 세속적인성향의비아랍중동계와중앙아시아계무슬림들의경우모국음식을선호하는비율이다른집단에비해낮게나타났다. 식자재구입처를묻는또다른문항에서도남아시아계의 49.4%, 그리고동남아시아계의 32.4% 가외국인식자재전문상점, 즉무슬림들을상대하는전문상점에서식자재를구입한다고응답하여이들의이슬람적정체성이다른집단에비해강한것으로드러났다. 사실돼지고기는종교적인금기에서출발해서문화적인금기가되어버린듯하다. 이슬람에서기독교로개종하였다는한아랍계피면접자는개종을하였음에도불구하고돼지고기는여전히먹을수없다고응답하였다 ; 돼지고기문제가정말피곤해요. 종교적인것은아니에요. 단지익숙하지않기때문이에요. 술은마시고돼지고기를먹지않는경우는많은무슬림들이그래요. 선생님은원숭이고기를먹을수있겠어요? 어려서부터돼지고기는병을가져오는더러운것이라고배웠어요. 종교적인거아니에요. 문화적인거예요. 25 인터뷰에응한많은무슬림남성이주자들이돼지고기는먹지않지만술은가끔친구들과즐긴다고응답하였다. 무슬림들에게돼지고기는 못먹는것, 그리고술은 안먹는것 26 으로인식되고있는듯하다. 한편, 중앙아시아계무슬림들은예배의실천이나의생활과마찬가지로음식문화에서도비교적자유로운특성을보이고있다. 많은중앙아시아계무슬림들은어느정도술을즐기며, 음식또한이슬람의금기음식을민감하게고려하지않고있어다른권역의무슬림들과차이를보이고있다. Ⅳ. 나가는말 국내의이주무슬림은다양한권역으로부터유입되었다. 유입경로역시노동이주 자를비롯하여결혼이주자, 유학생, 투자이민등다양한형태를보이고있다. 다양한 지역으로부터유입되어다양한모습으로살고가고있는한국이주무슬림의정체성은 25. 조희선, 한국이주아랍무슬림의혼인과정착, 그리고문화적응에관한연구, 한국중동학회논총, 30-1 호 (2009), p.204. 26. 안정국, 한국이주인도네시아여성무슬림의혼인과정착, 한국중동학회논총, 30-1 호 (2009), p.247.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 111 한마디로정의하기어렵다. 그러나이들은앞서살펴본바대로개인에따라혹은지역에따라약간씩차이가나기는하지만개인예배와집단예배를통해종교생활을실천하려고노력하고있으며, 종교가금기하는음식은가능한먹지않고, 여성들의경우정숙한옷차림의상징인히잡을착용하려는공통의정체성을지니고있다. 이렇듯 따로 이면서 함께 인무슬림들은우리사회에서각기다른무살라나모스크에서예배를보며직장이나학교등의생활터전을중심으로생활하고있다. 한국이주무슬림들은서구무슬림공동체가거친네가지발전단계 27 가운데 1단계인초기개척자단계와 2단계인연쇄이주단계의전환기를지니고있다고할수있다. 연쇄이주가본격화되고이주민이가정을이루어코슬림들이양산될경우유럽의사례에서와마찬가지로이슬람적정체성이강화될가능성은매우크다고할수있다. 우리나라미래이슬람공동체의실질적인근간이될무슬림결혼이주자는현재귀화자를합칠경우약 5천명정도에이르고있다. 그리고이들사이에서태어난코슬림의수는정확에서파악하기어려우나약 3천명정도에이르는것으로추산된다. 코슬림들가운데나이가많은경우가성년의문턱에들어서고있는상황이며아직대부분이초등학생이하의연령대를이루고있다. 28 코슬림들의수가증가하고이들이성장하여청년기에이르게되면자신들의정체성을둘러싼혼란을겪을수있다. 특히이들이열악한환경에서제대로교육을받지못하고장차사회에서주변화될경우우리사회에도무슬림을둘러싼사회문제가발생할가능성이있다. 어머니이든아버지이든부모가운데한명이무슬림일경우그자녀들은부모로부터이슬람적정체성을주입받으며코슬림으로성장하기때문이다. 따라서우리사회의한단면을그리게될무슬림들의문화와정체성에대한이해는다문화사회를표방하는한국사회에서필수한사안이되었다. 아시아계비무슬림집단과섞여이들의문화적인특수성이간과될경우주변화와소외, 그에따른집단화로 27. 1단계가초기개척자 (pioneer) 단계, 2단계가연쇄이주 (chain migration) 단계, 3단계가가족이주단계, 마지막이서구에서자란무슬림신세대의출현단계이다. Lewis, Philip. "Christians and Muslims in the West: From isolation to shared citizenship?". International journal for the Study of the Christian Church. Vol.3 No.2(2003), pp. 82-83. 28. 안정국, 이주무슬림 2세-코슬림의생활세계와실천원리-인도네시아이주무슬림 2세를중심으로, 한국중동학회춘계학술대회자료집 (2010), pp.182.

112 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 이어질가능성이있기때문에이에대한예방을위해서도무슬림들의종교적, 문화적정체성에대한이해가요구된다. 공립학교에서철저한세속주의를표방하고있는프랑스에서조차특정한종교를가진학생들에게해당종교의금기음식을뺀학교급식을제공하는배려를하고있다. 우리나라에아직코슬림학생의수가적어사회적문제가되고있지않지만, 이들의수가증가할경우무슬림학생들을위한할랄급식의제공은인도주의적인차원에서도필요하다. 이러한문화적, 종교적인배려없이는우리사회가진정한다문화사회로나아가기어려울것으로보인다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 113 REFERENCES CITED 김대성, 한국사회내터키인무슬림이주자의현황및사회적조직, 한국이슬람학회논총, 18-3호, 2008, pp.27-64. 김대성, 한국이주터키인과이란인의국제혼과문화적응에관한연구, 2009. 김효정, 한국이주남아시아무슬림의현황과집단화, 한국이슬람학회논총, 18-3호, 2008, pp.105-146. 김효정, 한국이주남아시아남성무슬림근로자의문화적응모델연구 : 혼인을통한문화정체성형성의패턴분석을중심으로, 한국이슬람학회논총, 19-2호, 2009, pp.113-137. 안정국, 한국이주동남아시아무슬림의현황과사회적연결망, 한국중동학회논총, 29-1호, 2008, pp.67-91. 안정국, 한국이주인도네시아여성무슬림의혼인과정착, 한국중동학회논총, 30-1호2009, pp.217-256. 안정국, 이주무슬림 2세-코슬림의생활세계와실천원리-인도네시아이주무슬림 2세를중심으로, 한국중동학회춘계학술대회자료집,2010, pp.175-188. 오종진, 한국이주중앙아시아무슬림의현황과조직화, 한국이슬람학회논총, 18-3집, 2008, pp.65-103. 오종진, 한국사회에서의중앙아시아이주무슬림들의혼인과정착 : 카자흐스탄, 우즈베키스탄, 키르기스스탄, 타지키스탄, 투르크메니스탄, 아제르바이잔출신무슬림들을중심으로, 한국중동학회논총, 30-1호, 2009, pp.257-293. 오종진, 중앙아시아코슬림 ( 한국이주무슬림 2세 ) 들의정체성과생활세계에대한연구, 중동연구, 29-1호, 2010, pp. 91-120. 유왕종, 김효정, 안정국, 남아시아출신코슬림 (Koslim) 의한국사회정착및정체성형성에관한연구, 중동연구, 29-1호, 2010, pp.151-186. 정진경, 양계민, 문화적응이론의전개와현황, 한국심리학회지, 23-1호, 2001, pp.101-136. 조희선, 한국이주아랍무슬림의현황과조직화, 한국중동학회논총, 29-1호, 2008, pp.31-66. 조희선, 한국이주아랍무슬림의혼인과정착, 그리고문화적응에관한연구, 한국중동학회논총, 30-1호, 2009, pp.169-215. 조희선, 영국, 프랑스, 독일무슬림의이주와정착및갈등에관한연구 -한국이주무슬림과의비교를위하여, 한국중동학회논총, 31-1호, 2010, pp.105-149. 조희선, 김대성, 안정국, 오종진, 김효정, 한국사회이주무슬림연구수행을위한모델연구, 한국이슬람학회논총, 18-1호, 2008, pp169-198. 조희선, 김대성, 안정국, 오종진, 김효정, 한국사회이주무슬림커뮤니티에관한연구, 중동연구, 27-2호, 2008, pp.81-124. 조희선, 김대성, 안정국, 오종진, 김효정, 한국이주무슬림의혼인현황과정착과정연구, 지중해지역연구, 11-3호, 2009, pp.79-115.

114 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 조희선, 김대성, 안정국, 오종진, 김효정, 유왕종,, 코슬림 (Koslim: 한국이주무슬림 2세 ) 에대한한국인의인식과태도에관한연구 : 대학생설문조사를중심으로, 국제지역연구, 14-호, 2010, pp.277-308. Lewis, Philip. Christians and Muslims in the West: From isolation to shared citizenship?. International journal for the Study of the Christian Church. Vol.3 No.2, 2003, pp.77-100. El Hamel, Chouki. Muslim Diaspora in Western Europe: The Islamic Headscarf (Hijab), the Media and Muslims Integration in France, Citizenship Studies, Vol. 6 No. 3, 2002, pp. 293-308. 인터넷자료 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/index.html. (2010 년 5 월 1 일접속 )

Muslim-Christian Encounter 115 ABSTRACT Muslims Identity in Korea Hee Sun Cho Generally speaking, it is not easy to define Muslim s identity in a word. Muslims who live in different Islamic countries have various features in their personal beliefs and the way of expressing their sense of belongings. Islam has also different characteristics according to the religious sects and regional jurisprudence as well as the politics, economy, degree of social openness, and indigenous customs of each Islamic country. Nevertheless, it is also true that Islam or Muslim has common identities distinguished from other religious groups. Due to this contradictory features of Islam, some scholars focused their studies on the homogeneity of Islamic culture, while others concentrated on Muslims heterogeneity based on their ethnicity, admitting that the Islam could be changed by social and cultural circumstances. But there is a big trend to study Muslims as a homogeneous group rather than various ethnic groups after the 9.11 terrorist attacks 2001. This study, as suggested in the title Muslims Identity in Korea, also starts from the point that Muslims are homogeneous group. Nowadays, immigration problem became a hot issue in Korean society. Asians that compose the majority of immigrants to Korea are Muslims from Bangladesh, Pakistan, Indonesia and other Islamic Asian countries. Meanwhile, the descendants of Asian immigrants married to Koreans are called Kosian. But it is a kind of nonsense that Muslim immigrants from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Indonesia are intermingled with non-muslim immigrants from Philippines and Thailand in the same category. Though they are all Asians, they have strikingly

116 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal different cultural and religious backgrounds. It is expected that more Muslim immigrants would come to Korea as the total number of immigrants increase. At the moment, it is important to study immigrant groups according to their religious backgrounds. Because the Muslim immigrants, if they were marginalized in our society, might gather around the religious background instead of ethnicity to form a big group as we ve seen in European countries. In the second chapter, therefore, we will examine the present condition of Muslim immigrants and their routes and motives of immigration to Korea. We will classify them into five groups to find out common points and differences among them. In the third chapter, we will make research on their religious life, clothes, and dietary taboo which are considered as an expression of their identity. And we will find out common points and differences among Muslims from the five regions. The study on Muslim immigrants to Korea would be meaningful in the sense that we could see one section of the future Korean society which is rapidly changing into multi-cultural one. Key words: Muslim immigrants to Korea, Koslim, Muslim s Identity, Arab Muslims, Non-Arab Middle Eastern Muslims, Central Asain Muslims, South Asian Muslims, South East Asian Muslims

Muslim-Christian Encounter 117 The Islamic Worldview in Its Formative Period Jung Nyun Kim Cho.* I. INTRODUCTION II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ARABIAN PENNISULA II -1. Pre Islamic History in General II-2. Pre Islamic Religion and Its Practice II-2-1. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion was animistic in nature II-2-2. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion has local gods in most places. II-2-3. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion; gods move from one place to other place II-2-4. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion: Monotheistic people group II-2-5. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion: holy places and development of the Kaaba III. ISLAMIC WORLDVIEW III-1. Islam and Shame III-1-1. Group/Individual III-1-2. Relationships III-1-3. Shame III-1-4. Peace III-2. Islam and Honor III-2-1. Honoring III-2-2. Hospitality III-2-3. Flattery III-2-4. Family History III-2-5. Education and Marriage III-2-6. Arab Language III-2-7. Money, Heritage and Wisdom III-2-8. Physical Strength, Alliance and Bravery III-2-9. Loyalty and Violence IV. CONCLUSION *Missonary of BEE Korea, Serving for Middle East, Ph.D Candidate of ICS in Torch Trinity Graduate School of Theology, Senior researcher at Torch Trinity Center for Islamic Studies

118 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal The Islamic Worldview in Its Formative Period I. INTRODUCTION It is well-known that there have been some misunderstandings between Muslims and Christians when they are trying to explain their belief to each other. Not only because Muslims and Christians have used same words with different meanings (e.g., prayer, sin, Holy Spirit, son of God), but also because their misunderstanding came from the unrecognized differences in worldview. According to the dictionary, worldview is defined as: 1) the overall perspective from which one sees and interprets the world, and 2) a collection of beliefs about life and the universe held by an individual or a group. Most people in the world filter what they hear and see through their own worldview. Generally speaking, the worldview of the West may be defined as the way in which all the phenomena of the society is interpreted and understood. That interpretation is heavily dependent upon cultural or traditional exercises and scientific theories. However, Islamic worldview is not one formed from culture or social environment, nor is rely on the history or the scientific progress or some prevailed ideologies. It is the worldview which rather gives rise to and impacts on culture and civilization of the society. In other words, it may be based on some very powerful sources originated from ancient Arab culture which may have an absolute impact on every sector of the society in Muslim country. Therefore it is necessary to study the history and religious practice in Arabian Peninsula before the religion Islam is formed. The purpose of this paper is to identify the worldview of Islam through the study of pre-islamic history and religious practices and to find out some relatedness between Islamic worldview and pre-islamic culture if there is any.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 119 II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ARABIAN PENNISULA II-1. Pre Islamic History in General Pre-Islamic world of Arabian Peninsula is often called as the dark period of Jahiliyya. 1 Arab has been known since the time of Shalmanesser II in 853 BC and several Semitic peoples of various tribes made Arab as their home. Due to the comparably high rainfall of Yemen and easy access to the sea, several kingdoms was established such as Saba (possibly Sheeba in the Bible), Himyar, Qataban, and Hadramaut. The center and north of the peninsula was occupied by nomadic tribes, meanwhile the south was populated by immobile people. In northern province, Aramic, rather than Arabic was the most used language. Towns located at on oasis, and were controlled and inhabited by several tribes. These towns became a terminuses and stations on caravan routes and also became target of raids by rather poorer Bedouin nomads. Due to nomadic way of life in north and central Arabia, it was difficult to establish large sedentary and stable states. Among several states, there were two well known but short-lived states, first one is the Nabateans which stretched from Palestine to the Gulf with its capital city in Petra and ruled from about AD 100. The Nabateans was attacked and taken over by the Romans, and a second kingdom was established in the North with its capital in Palmyra in 265. The leader of the state was Odenathus and under his widow Zenobia, it flourished and culminated as a state. However the Roman 1. Jahiliyya is an Islamic concept of "ignorance of divine guidance" or "the state of ignorance of the guidance from God" referring to the condition Arabs found themselves in pre-islamic society prior to the revelation of the Qur'an. By extension it means the state of anyone lacking the benefit of Islam and the Qur'an. The term is used several places in the Qur'an, for example: Is it a judgment of the time of (pagan) ignorance [jahiliyya] that they are seeking Who is better than Allah for judgment to a people who have certainty (in their belief) (5:50)

120 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Emperor Aurelian in 273 captured and extinguished the state. Two lesser known states in this area were Lakhmic, located in what is not Transjordan and southern Arabia, and Thamud. Lakhmic was the first known state to use Arabic as its official language. The center region of the peninsular was called the hijaz where formed part of important trade route from the Mediterranean to the Arabian sea. The main key city of this merchant route was Mecca. In this period time Arabia benefited from the conflict between the Roman and Persian empires, because they did not open more efficient east-west trade route through Egypt. However, in the year of 384, the Roman and Persians finalized a peace treaty and the trade route through the Hijaz was no more needed and Arabia went into falling until 502, when the peace treaty was broken. From that year on wards, again Arabia faced new era of prosperity. II-2. Pre Islamic Religion and Its Practice The Arabian society was formed by three major occupational groups such as cultivators who live in oases area cultivating grains, dates and oil; and craftsman who centered in towns; and merchants who traveled to sell the products. As we studied in earlier chapter, for sedentary people in south with relatively high rainfall it was possible to establish the state, however for nomadic people in the north and central peninsular it was not possible to establish a state because of their frequent move. Throughout the pre-islamic ancient Arabia, various religions and its practice appeared and recorded in the ancient civilization of Egypt and Assyria and in Biblical accounts as well. With these ancient religious practices, there are many temples, high places and holy places in Arabian Peninsula.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 121 II-2-1. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion was animistic in nature The animism interprets everything from a spiritual philosophy rather than a materialistic philosophy. At this time, many socialists, including E. B. Tylor 2 saw human beings moving from an ancient worldview based on fear of the superpower to a modern worldview based on reality and science facts. The people in Pre-Islamic era live in the fear/power paradigm and see themselves in a physical world which co-exists with unseen powers. These powers could be appeared in human, animal, or even in lifeless trees or mountains and also sometimes regarded as having their own feelings and ability to connect between people and themselves. In other words, the ancient Arabian nomads were fatalistic and basically had no real belief. The resurrection of the body was as foolish as a notion to the Arabians as it had been to the ancient Greeks. This life is all there is, and so make the most of it. 3 They worshiped idols which they kept in their houses and in their temple, the Kaaba. They also feared trees, wells winds, and hills, believing them to be the dwelling places of good and evil spirit. The Kaaba was in important religious shrine. It housed many idols dedicated to the worship of several gods including Allah, the God. Power is a paramount factor in fear-based cultures. 4 In these cultures, the main way to deal with these unseen powers is to establish rules to protect people from harm and to procedures to appease these powers which might attack people. Each year, Arabic tribes from other parts of the region made a 2. He was a socialist who was active in studying the difference in thinking between Europeans and other peoples living in Africa and South America at the end of 19th C. I his book, he interpret the word animism from the Latin word anima for soul. 3. Frederick Mathewson Denny, Introduction to Islam (New York; Macmillan Publishing Company, 1985), 65. 4. In the Pacific Islands, it is called mana; the Iroquois of North America call it orenda; the Eskimo have the name of sila; the Chinese have the concept of fung shui; in folk Islam the name baraka (blessing or holiness) represents unseen power.

122 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal pilgrimage to Mecca to march in ritual around. These rules and procedures are sometimes referred as taboo which appeared as things like forbidden or unclean foods, sacred objects and special manners. The powers of these kinds appeared in various forms, such as, ghosts, ancestors who live among people and special shapes like crescents, blocks, and triangles. To appease the powers, many kinds of rituals were practiced like offering of blood sacrifices with incense, offering money, or children as sacrifices to gods. With these rituals, religious personnel also came into scene to control these appeasement systems. In some cases they were known as priests, holy men, prophet, shamans, or witch doctors. Whatever their name, their duty is all the way same to understand the needs and wills of the gods or demons and to communicate with those spirits. In fear-based culture, the religious personnel controlled people through the use of fear. Therefore, they were very effective in controlling and as a result, whole community and people s groups came under the leadership of those religious leaders who has many possibilities to be a dictator. II-2-2. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion has local gods in most places. The ancient Pre-Islamic communities were understood as nomadic that they moved from place to place and they should aware of the local gods and their taboos and requirements as they traveled. Any merchants, travelers and nomadic people should be alert all the time to be free from any possible harm from these local gods. 5 For example, the Nabataean pantheon religious practices emphasized the local god of the mountain, Dashares, for settled people, meanwhile, the dolphin was revered by sea-going Nabataeans. For the 5. In Egypt, the eat was revered; in Edom it was the mountains; In Palestines special groves of trees and high places and many other location of temples and idols.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 123 Nabataeans in contact with the Romans invited Zeus in their pantheon, while those in contact with Egypt incorporated with Isis. The religion of Pre-Islamic era was identified as a servant of power and became lost in the maze of changing power influences. II-2-3. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion; gods move from one place to other place When people moved, they adopted the local gods for worship. From time to time they took their gods with them to a new place. Sometimes because of intermarriage, alliances, and conquering armies, their local gods and their effectiveness also influenced to foreign people. In some cases, the worship of their gods fortified as the fame of a civilization grew. For example, in ancient Egypt, as the fame of Egypt grew, the practice of Isis gradually known everywhere, to everybody. 6 II-2-4. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion: Monotheistic people group The monotheistic people also worshipped unseen and all powerful god who was everywhere and not be identified by any kind of image. These monotheistic people did not employ animal shape or image for their god. The Jews and Israelites never use any material or symbols to describe their monotheistic God. However sometimes they employed the powerful names for describing their deity, such as El, Allah, and God. The monotheistic God s name changes from place to place and sometimes added and mixed to the pantheon of other gods for local worship. 6. As the cult of Isis spread throughout the civilized world she acquired distinct aspects, attributes, and symbols that became common everywhere. The Egyptian goddess Isis possessed the powers of a water goddess, an earth goddess, a grain or corn goddess, and a queen of the Underworld.

124 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal II-2-5. The ancient Pre-Islamic religion: holy places and development of the Kaaba There had been some degree of acceptance among people that certain places could be holy or forbidden. These places were normally known as a temple, tomb, or some unusual geographical locations, such as great mountains, rocks, special valley or a particular tree. In those days, holy places centered inside sanctuary of temples and most worshippers gathered in front of the temple, usually a large court yard, and only the special privilege of coming into holy places was given to religious representatives. Common worship ritual took place in front of the temple with offerings, sacrifices and other religious items while the representative person worshipped inside the holy place. 7 Ancient cities usually need many temples to worship different gods. Yet, smaller and poorer towns and villages cannot afford to build several temples for various worships for gods. To solve this problem, they developed a Kaaba, 8 or a local place that was considered as holy. All religious objects and were brought into that place, then people could pray before whatever god they want. Needless to say in Pre-Islamic era, Kaaba was the center for pantheistic religion and a strong supporter for pagan practices. This pantheistic practice came to an end when Muhammad declared that Allah was more powerful than any other gods in the world. 7.By absorbing the other local Egyptian deities, Isis achieved a position for which there could be no other competition. Greek, and then Hellenistic, and finally Roman contact opened even wider opportunities for her to be identified in other pantheons under different names. 8. There is a good example of this in the city of Petra, where a large alter moninates the courtyard in front of Qasr al Bint, or the temple to Dushare.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 125 III. ISLAMIC WORLDVIEW Most sociologists recognized three social issues which have existed since earliest times, the concept of fear, shame, and guilt. These are the foundations and building blocks of many different kinds of worldviews. In Pre-Islamic era, through the study of the Nabataeans, the major concept of the worldview was shame/honor paradigm. In this paradigm the group is more important than the individual and the group controls the concept of shame and honor and each individual as well. This paradigm influenced the worldview of Islam later, Islamic society became a shame-based society and three fundamental aspects would be identified as shame, honor, and revenge. III-1. Islam and Shame III-1-1. Group/Individual Since the most Arabic people lived in nomadic life, they tend to do everything from a group. The large extended family system makes one group and the family gathering of all relatives makes the tribe. They defined their relationship with others in the words of near and far. If a person share same blood, he/she is near, if a person from other tribes, he/she is far. Through marriage and adoption, persons could move into near relationship and enjoy all the honors and advantages as an insider of the tribe. They usually asked for strong conformity and royalty from those who are near to them. This unity gives honor, security, and social prestige in a society. The individuals are protected and guarded within the group and they will defend their interests against outsiders no matter what happened to them.

126 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal III-1-2. Relationships Whole society is prevailed by a system of rival relationships. The reason is that this society is more or less governed by the power oriented value system, therefore great value and privilege are recognized when the dominating power is in effect. There are continuous struggle to dominate and to resist domination, and to destroy other rival groups. It is crucial to find out any kind of shame to destroy other group to dominate them. Arabs also fear isolation because an individual or a small group can function only in a large group which offers protection to them. This fear may originate from the nomadic life of Bedouin in a desert area for a long time. Being isolated in a desert means a horrible situation for an individual with a great possibility of being taken as a salve by other tribe and spending rest of the life in a low and mean status. By attaching together, individuals could offer each other some kind of protection. Therefore family and relationships became paramount in the society to find out who is near and far. III-1-3. Shame In Arab society, there are various kinds of shame. First of all, the failure of conformity is one of them. The very meaning of Islam is to obey to the point of total submission to God. Their practice of public prayer and universal fasting is to force many Muslims to complete conformity. One Arab proverb says, Innovation is the root of evil. If a person fails to conform, he/she is harshly criticized, and place him/her in shame by the society. Shame can be appeared by an action. Raping women is considered as a shameful act, however, right and wrong in Islam should define in the context of the Qur an. If the Qur an does not provide any guidance, then society tells what is right and wrong, acceptable and unacceptable. If someone acts against society, he/she may be considered as shameful person.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 127 On top of that, shame is not only an act against society but also a discovery by outsiders. This means if a shameful act does not discovered by others, that act is considered as no shame at all. One proverb says, Where you are not known, do whatever you like. Therefore Arab people encourage to conceal a shameful deed and never to reveal that because it is considered as another disgrace and shame. There is an Arabic proverb says, A concealed shame is two third forgiven. 9 Another shame for Arabic people is the possibility of failure. They are very reluctant to accept challenges or responsibilities within the society, however when they are away from his family and tribe, they change drastically. This is because they are free from the possibility of failure. In this case their mind set is quite different from that of Orientals with similar shame/honor culture. When Oriental people face same kind of shame, their focus is on the individual, while most Arabs focus is on outside forces. Exceeding anger, resentment and violence are focused on outside forces to shift the blame to them. Arab people will blame and react violently towards others. Shame also can result when Arabs are not well treated as a special case. They are expecting to be the favorite, and their friends should continuously make sure them that they value more than others. In shame/honor system of Arab society, it is important to realize that shame is not related to all the actions of wrongdoing. Shameful or honorable responses normally depend on the circumstances. The rule for telling a lie is 9. According to Karen Armstrong, in her book Islam: A Short History, the Kaaba was dedicated to Hubal, a Nabatean deity, and contained 360 idols which either represented the days of the year, or were effigies of the Arabian pantheon. Once a year, tribes from all around the Arabian Peninsula, Christian or pagan, would converge on Mecca to perform the Hajj. And according to the Qur'an, the Kaaba was built by the prophet Abraham and his son Ishmael as a house of monotheistic worship. However, by the time of Muhammad, the Kaaba had been taken over by pagan Arabs to house their numerous tribal gods. In 630 A.D., Muhammad and his followers took over leadership of Mecca after years of persecution. Muhammad destroyed the idols inside the Kaaba and re-dedicated it as a house of monotheistic worship.

128 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal bound to shame and honor. If shame can be avoided, or honor received then telling a lie is more honorable and things to be encouraged. As we have studied, in Arab culture, shame should be avoided at all times. In case it happens, it must be hidden and covered. If it is exposed, it should be revenged to restore honor. Due to group oriented strong relationship, the fear of shame among Arab peoples is more powerful than that of the West. If a person is in shame, he/she looses the power and influence and through his/her shame, the entire group will suffer and be in a position of shame and may face crucial crisis of total destruction. Shame may be eliminated by revenge and this is sanctioned by the Qur an in Surah XI 173 saying, Believers, retaliation is decreed for you in bloodshed. It may also be eliminated through payment of money by same kinsmen in the group. This need for revenge is getting more severe than ever before. 10 III-1-4. Peace In traditional Arab society, peace is not paramount and a secondary value, when compared to the degree of shame/honor system. Traditionally, according to Arabic value system, war and strife were the normal state for them because raiding was one of the main sources for the economy. In the past, the ideal of permanent peace was restricted only to the community of Islam and to those non-muslims under Islamic governance who paid tribute to Islam. 10. A Syrian scholar, Kazem Daghestani, tells of an Arab husband who caught his wife in bed with another man. He drew a gun and pointed it at the couple while addressing the man. 'I could kill you with one shot but I will let you go if you swear to keep secret the relationship you have had with my wife. If you ever talk about it I will kill you.' The man took that oath and left and the husband divorced his wife without divulging the cause. He was not concerned about the loss of his wife or her punishment but about his reputation. Public shaming and not the nature of the deed itself or the individual's feelings had determined his action. In Egypt 1n 1972, out of 1,120 cases of murder, it was found that 25% of the murders were based on the urge to wipe our shame, 30% on a desire to satisfy wrongs and another 30% on blood-revenge.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 129 Furthermore, Islam instituted Jihad-holy war as the relationship with non- Muslim states and never offer any kind of peace to them. This value system influences all aspects of life and commonly speaks, There is honor within Islam, shame without. III-2. Islam and Honor Honor and shame are bound together as complementary, but contradictory in the meaning. Normally the absence of shame brings honor. However Arab people express their families as being honorable, because they avoid certain action against social conformity. Comforming to social custom is utmost to keeping one honor, according to Arabic people and their value system. III-2-1. Honoring To honor people, it is paramount not to defy but to save one s face. For example there is the story of a father who is working under the hot sun with his two sons. When father asked a drink of water, the older one said, No, I will not and the younger one said, Yes, I will. However, younger son did not get the water for his father, thus both sons did not do. According to the West and its value system, both sons were wrong. This seems not the case with Arab people who do not think in terms of right and wrong, but in terms of shame and honor. Saying No to father s face could be to dishonor him and would become shame on him, meanwhile saying Yes in front of him is to honor him, even though it ends up as a lie. III-2-2. Hospitality The most honorable act in Arab culture is hospitality. They believe hospitality honors the guest and covers up any kind of shame that the host and the

130 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal family might have. The host tries great effort to show hospitality to honor the guest and not to be shamed by them. III-2-3. Flattery To honor people, there should be flattery in Arab society. Usually Arabs flatter someone when they want to honor that person exceedingly in front of other people. Flattery must be second in the Arab cultures of honoring someone, when hospitality is counted as first. Also, gift giving is another way to honor people and through gift, they show their willingness to honor the person. III-2-4. Family History Honor is also related to the family and personal history, therefore Arab people strive hard to keep the honor of the clan or tribe. It is the main duty for the eldest son of the family to keep the honor for whole family and to execute family member who does shameful act among the tribe. III-2-5. Education and Marriage Education also grant honor. A person with a doctorate degree will get great honor in Arab culture. Therefore, most Arab people strive to gain higher education to raise the entire status of the family and of the tribe. Even very poor families sacrifice and work hard to earn money to support a son to complete his higher education. Because higher education and achievement of a son always bring more honor to the family and ultimately to the tribe. Marriage in Arab culture brings honor. Once a young man gets marry, he is placed better status in a family. When his first son is born, his status goes up even higher. They believe that a man s wife is also his honor, that s the reason why severe judgment comes upon his wife when she dishonors him

Muslim-Christian Encounter 131 through her misbehavior. III-2-6. Arab Language Arab people are more conscious of their language than any other people in the world and their consciousness is almost fetish. Language is everything to them; it is divine; it separates people who are near and far; it separates the educated from uneducated; it is the unique medium of artistic expression. Poetry became an invisible tie between various kinds of clans and tribes, while the tribal community of blood serves as a visible bond. It was poetry which bound Arab people together as a people, rather than a mere collection of hostile primitive tribe, providing the basis for a larger sentiment. A poet is so important in an Arab family, because he was a shield to the honor of them, a weapon to keep off insult of shame, a means of maintaining their good and glorious deeds, and an instrument of establishing their family honor and fame forever. There are three occasions for Arabs wish one another joy; the birth of a boy; the appearing a poet in a family or tribe; and the foaling of a mare. Therefore someone wants to study and understand Arab history and its culture, he/she must study Arab poetry first. Actually Arab poetry is full of pride and vainglory which speaks of their brilliant accomplishment, courage, and resolution and deeds. Sometimes glorifies themselves as a hero who is boastful and defiant. If someone study the poetry in detail, he/she will see through all the value system in them. III-2-7. Money, Heritage and Wisdom Many Arabs admire wealthy people. Down through the history, it is obvious to be noticed. Muhammad, the founder of Islam, was a rich, wealthy man himself. Arab people see the wealth as very honoring mean which could help the poor and the masses in great need and perceive the richness as some-

132 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal thing to be respected and portrayed in literary form of poetry. The rich leader could be very hospitable and generous, two paramount elements which are extremely valuable in obtaining honor and obliterating shame. The wealthy leaders spend money around, gaining respect and covering shame. Any possible heritage from Muhammad makes Arab people very honored and proud and any trace of great leaders of their tribe achieve great honor. Every tribe and family has some stories of individuals how they achieved honors or how they performed honorable characteristics. Meanwhile, shameful figures in the family or tribe should be removed and erased to preserve the honorable heritage. Arab people also respect wisdom and old people because they know all the old stories and can give out wise counsel to young people. The old people use the language in more formal and decent way than young people; they are often wealthy people because they use their wisdom to earn money or sustaining the tribal territory, land, people and tribal honor as well. Therefore wisdom is another virtue to related to honor in Arab culture. III-2-8. Physical Strength, Alliance and Bravery Most Arab heroes demonstrate tremendous physical strength. To become brave heroes Arab young boys are raised in the way of being manly and strong. Physical strength together with charisma and wealth are dominating combination in Arab society. Someone with strong alliance between groups can be respected as a strong leader, since strength and wealth are recognized in a group setting in Arab culture. Most politicians demonstrate their power to use strong alliances with various powerful tribes and families. Bravery also honors people. The story of Arab heroes does not concern whether they had victory or not, but concern about the act of bravery itself.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 133 The most important ingredient for them is to demonstrate how brave they are. III-2-9. Loyalty and Violence Since Arab culture represents group oriented mind set, loyalty to the family and tribe is crucial factor to maintaining honor. Insider never asks for correctness of the leaders of the tribe in front of other people. It is paramount for family or tribe to united together to survive. Violence speaks honor and removes shame from the tribe. Whenever they have revolts, most of them are bloody and cruel. It is because they believe violence is the important virtue to demonstrate honor for the family and tribe. VI. CONCLUSION As we have studied earlier, there have been various tribes and clan had lived in Arabian Peninsula since very early stage of the history. Due to nomadic way of life in north and central Arabia, it was also difficult to establish large sedentary and stable states. Most of them were nomads who traveled and maintained their desert lives as a throng mainly because of the geographical difficulties and dry weather. The large extended families make one group and these groups grow in one clan or tribe. Since every individual is identified and found within tribal setting, shame/honor is the most paramount value system among their culture. These tribes in Arabian Peninsula were descendants of Abraham through the line of Ishmael. About two thousand years ago, the worldview of Arab people was primarily shame/honor based with minor portion of fear/power system. In this shame/honor paradigm, the group is more important than the individual.

134 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal Therefore the group has all the power to control people and establish the concept of shame and honor for the whole tribal group. It was also fear-based value system, therefore power was one of the respected virtue to be admired among people. From this background study of pre-islam history and religion, we may conclude that all the factors, like ancient tribal value system, life style, their culture, religious practice, inspire Arab people in forming the worldview of Islam later. These footprints from earlier pre-islamic culture are found in Islamic worldview, such as group mindset, fear to be isolated, failure to conformity to the society, for shameful deeds among people. Meanwhile, for honorable deeds and thoughts are also found in Islamic worldview, such as respect for age, hospitality, gift giving, family history without any shameful records, higher education, marriage, wisdom, alliance and violence as well. Most of the people consider the worldview of Islam is different from that of the West because Islamic worldview was not influenced by the culture or social tradition, nor is rely on the history or the scientific proof. It is the worldview which rather gives rise to culture and influence to form social tradition. However, it is not quite the case. The worldview of Islam was also inspired and influenced by pre-islamic circumstances and environment of Arab people. It is deeply related to the value system of former inhabitants in same area. Therefore Islamic worldview is developed and formed through all kinds of impacts not only from outside but also from inside. It is the worldview which should be interpreted and understood in the context of history within diachronic perspective.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 135 REFERENCES CITED Budd, Jack. Studies on Islam: A simple outline of the Islam faith. Translated by Middle East Mission. Seoul: Jerusalem Press, 1992. Al-Kaysi, Marwan Ibrahim. Morals and Manners in Islam; AGuide to Islamic Adab. London: The Islamic Foundation, 1986. Chapman, Colin. Cross and Crescent: Responding to the Challenge of Islam. Downers Grove: IVP, 2007. Denny, Frederick Mathewson. An Introduction to Islam. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1985. Gnuse, Robert Karl. No other gods: emergent monotheism in Israel. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, c 1997. Goldmann, David. Islam and the Bible: Why Tow Faiths Collide. Chicago: Moody Publishers, 2004. Guillaume, A. The Life of Muhammad. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2006. Harris, Robert A. The Integration of Faith and Learning: a Worldview approach. Eugene: Cascade Books, c2004. Hiebert, Paul G. Transforming Worldviews: An Anthropoligical Understanding of How People Change. Grand Rapids: Baker Academy, 2008. Iliff, Francis P. Salam Alekum: Understanding Muslim Culture to Make Friends. London: Interserve, 1995. Kim, Ah Young. The Muslim Presence in Korea and its Implications for Korean Evangelical Missiology. A dissertation, Fuller Theological Seminary. August, 2003. Marrison, G. E. The Christianity Approach to Islam. Translated by Heng Bin Yim. Seoul: Asian History of Theology Institute Press, 1991. Miller, Darrow L. Worldview Development and Discipling the Nations. International Journal of Frontier Missions 14 (April-June 1997): 97-99. Parshall, Phil. Inside the Community: Understanding Muslims through their traditions. Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1994. Moffett, Samuel Hugh. A History of Christianity in Asia: Beginnings to 1500. Marynoll: Orbis Books, 1998.

136 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal http://www.palestine-info.co.uk http://www.iiu.edu.my/iaw/students%20term%20papers_files/asri%20and%20 Fahmi%20IslWWandCG.htm http://www.teachingaboutreligion.org/singleworldview/muslim_worldview.htm http://ancienthistory.about.com/cs/nepeople/a/saudiarabia.htm http://www.bookrags.com/wiki/ancient_history_of_yemen http://strategyleader.org/worldview/worldvbrown.html http://www.wsu.edu/~dee/islam/pre.htm http://www.palestine-info.co.uk http://www.crescentlife.com/spirituality/intellect_&_reason_islamic_worldview.htm http://www.stanford.edu/~rhorn/a/policy/strggleofnrrtvs/3.sldworldviewconflicts.pdf

Muslim-Christian Encounter 137 ABSTRACT 이슬람형성기의이슬람세계관에관한연구 김정년 이슬람세계에대한정확한이해와접근을위해서는다양한연구가필요하지만무엇보다이슬람의세계관을살펴보는것이가장근간을이루는연구라고보여진다. 이러한이슬람의세계관을이해하기위해서는아라비아반도내에이슬람이란종교가태동되기이전사회의역사와가치관, 그리고세계관을살펴보는것이우선되어야한다고본다. 이논문의전반부에서는아라비아반도의역사적접근이시작되면서이슬람이전의전반적인역사에대해연구하고있다. 아라비아반도의지형적특성에따라그들의주거환경과문화그리고생업이특색있게발달하는것을살펴보고이어그시기아라비아반도내에서행해졌던종교적행위에는어떤것이있는지서술하고있다. 그들의종교는정령숭배주의 (animism) 을중심으로발전했으며모든사물에정령이있다고믿는공포 / 힘의논리를숭배하게되었다. 따라서이시기에대부분의사람들은모든장소와사물, 심지어작은돌에까지도신들이있다고믿었고유목민생활을하던아라비아사람들은잦은여행으로인한사고를막기위해여러가지금기사항을철저히지키며가는곳마다신들을섬기는것이보편화되어있었다. 다신숭배의결과로카바신전을다신교신전으로만들어놓고일년에한번씩이곳을순례하는종교적행위를중요시여기게되었다. 반면에유일신을믿던이스라엘사람들의유대교영향도이시기에아라비아반도내에서발견할수있다. 이러한유일신종교가훗날이슬람의태동에적지않은영향을미친것으로도보여진다. 후반부는이슬람세계관에대한연구로그들은명예를가장중요한덕목으로여기는세계관을가지고있으며따라서명예를더럽히는어떤모욕이나수치가일어나는경우죽음도불사하는극단적인가치관을가지고있음을알수있다. 그들의수치는개인을떠나가족과종족, 그리고종족간의관계에있어서도가장중요한위치를차지하며결혼이라는제도역시명예라는틀안에서이해되고있기때문에개인보다는가족

138 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 의명예가우선되는현상을볼수있는것이다. 이슬람의세계관은옳고그름보다명예와수치가우선하는덕목이라는것을이해할때그들의문화와삶을좀더깊이이해하게되는것이다. 그들이생각하는명예는사회전반에걸쳐강력한영향력을미치고있음을알수있다. 비록행동이따르지않는다하더라고그들은말로모든예의를지켜야하며필요하다면빈말도서슴지않는것이그들이세계관임을알수있다. 이슬람이전의아라비아반도에형성되었던이러한세계관은이슬람세계관을형성하는데적지않은영향을주었음을알수있으며이슬람의세계관을이해할때그들의문화를수용하고나아가무슬림에게더가까이다가갈수있는통로가된다는사실을발견하게된다. Key Words: 이슬람세계관, 자힐리야, 정령숭배사상, 다신교, 카바신전, 공포, 명예 / 수치

Muslim-Christian Encounter 139 Sharing Lights On the Way to God: Muslim-Christian Dialogue and Theology in the Context of Abrahamic Partnership 1 : 아브라함종교, 기독교와이슬람의대화신학연구 이경희 * I. 여는글 2001년 9월 11일자유무역센터와미국국방성의공격이있은후이슬람과서구사회의관계에대한서적들이세계곳곳에서발간되었다. 그당시저자인핌발켄버그 (Pim Valkenberg) 는미국에서안식년을보내며이책을집필하고있었다. 미국은물론유럽세계에던져진이슬람의도전은매우충격적이고위협적인것이었으며이로인해저자의고국인네델란드에서도무슬림을공격하고모스크를불태우는사건들이발생하였다. 저자는당시전세계곳곳에서발생했던기독교와이슬람혹은서구인들과무슬림들간의긴장과폭력의상황을목격하면서기독교와이슬람의대화라는주제를다시한번심각하게고민하게되었다. 이책의저자핌발켄버그는현재네델란드네이메헨 (Nijmegen) 에소재한라드바우드대학 (Radboud university nijmegen) 에서신학과종교학을가르치고있다. 핌발켄버그는 1980년대후반부터최근까지기독교와이슬람그리고유대교의관계를종교적, 역사적, 선교신학적틀로분석하는연구들을진행해오고있다. 특히그가활동하고있는라드바우드대학은무슬림학생들의수가점점증가함에따라기독교와이슬람간의종교와신학적연구들을필요로하게되었다. 저자또한네이메헨에서 * 연세대학교신과대선교학박사과정 / 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소연구원 1. Pim Valkenberg, Sharing Lights On the Way to God: Muslim-Christian Dialogue and Theology in the Context of Abrahamic Partnership (Amsterdam; Rodopi, 2006)

140 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 의기독교와이슬람간의대화를기획하고수년동안이대화의스텝으로활동하였으며이대화를계기로네이메헨교회협의회로부터세계종교회의 (Council of Worldviews and Religions) 기구의자문역할을위임받았다. 2 이책에서저자는기독교와이슬람의관계에대한해법을단도직입적으로제시하려는것보다는종교간의대화신학을바탕으로기독교와이슬람의관계를성찰하고또전망하고자한다. 저자는기독교와이슬람두종교가인류의가치를증진시키고절대자를향한동반자로서서로를인정하고존중할수있는관계가되기를희망한다. 또한그의희망은두종교를포함한세계모든종교의미래에관한것임을함께주장하고있다. 무슬림과기독교간의대화신학 이책의부제는 아브라함종교의동반자적관계인무슬림과기독교간의대화와신학 (Muslim-Christian Dialogue and Theology in the Context of Abrahamic Partnership) 이다. 저자는전통적으로두종교의역사적만남이갈등의측면에서조명되어온점을비판하며동시에사무엘헌팅턴의문명충돌론에대한시각에도긍정적이지않다. 저자는두종교를갈등과대립의관계로만고착시키려는모든논의에회의적이다.(p.xi-xii) 저자는신학자들조차도이슬람이나무슬림을적대적인시선으로바라보는서구사회의압도적인분위기에당혹감을느낀다고했다.(p.xi) 서구의이러한분위기는저자가보기에폭력적이고자극적인기사로세상의이목을사로잡는대중매체의편중적인시각에도원인이있으며종교의근원적인속성을무시한채이슬람을정치적으로만해석하는현실주의자들에게도책임이있다. 이러한관점에서보자면이책의기독교와이슬람의관계연구는종교학적이고신학이기를선호한다. 또한네델란드네이메헨 (Nijmegen) 에서행해졌던기독교와이슬람의대화는저자의그동안의성찰과연구들을현장으로연결한소중한경험이었으며이를통해저자는기독교와이슬람이아브라함종교로서동반자적관계를이룰수있음을결 2. 핌발켄버그의연구논문과저서들은이책의참고문헌에상세하게처리되어있다.(pp.359-461 참조 )

Muslim-Christian Encounter 141 론적으로주장하고있다.(xii) 기독교와이슬람에대한유대교의영향 한편저자는기독교와이슬람을아브라함종교로서조명한다는측면에서유대교와의관계도함께논구한다. 서구사회가경제적으로발전하면서이곳에유입된많은무슬림과유대교인들은근대이후현재까지서구사회에서사회적, 경제적, 정치적약자혹은소수자혹은이방인으로서존재해왔다. 그들의인권의문제는종교적인문제와분리시킬수없는것이기때문에대화적공간을조성하고대화신학의지평을넓혀가는것은종교간의관계에있어서중요한과제가되었다. 이러한측면들을포괄하고선교신학적담론을형성하기위해 1장에서는먼저나그네를위해긍휼을베푸는성서의가르침을제시한다. 또한저자는기독교와이슬람그리고유대교와의대화적공간을만들기위해서는서로의차이를존중해야한다는윤리적공감대를강조한다. 이러한그의인식의철학적기초는폴니터 (Paul Knitter) 와조나단삭스 (Jonathan Sacks) 의견해에따른것이다. 3 니터에따르면, 종교간의특수성 (particularity) 과상황 (context) 을올바로인식하게될때서로간의신학적논의가가능해진다고하였다.(xii) 기독교와이슬람그리고유대교간의대화를위해기독교신학자인저자는자신의배경을넘어공통적인상징들을추구한다. 그러한이미지에부합한것이바로 빛 이다. 빛은이책의제목을구성하고있듯기독교와유대교그리고무슬림의전통에서중요한상징이라고할수있다. 이책에서유대교적관점을수용하는또하나의중요한근거는유대철학자임마누엘레비나스의사상이다. 레비나스가언급하는타자에대한이해는저자가속한서구사회의무슬림과같은이방인에대한이해와도연관된다. 서구주류사회에서인종적으로종교적으로비껴나있는무슬림들은타자로서오히려하나님의계시를담지한자 3. Paul Knitter, One Earth, Many Religions: Multifaith Dialogue and Global Responsibility (Maryknoll N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1995); Jonathan Sacks, The Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations (London; New York: Continuum, 2002)

142 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 들이다. 전혀생소한타인의얼굴에서하나님에대한지식의원천을발견한다는레비나스의통찰은저자에게무슬림을바라보는시선을교정해주었다. 저자는유럽의카톨릭신학자로서그에게타인의얼굴로비춰지는무슬림은이제대화의상대가되어모든신학적이성을통과하고삶의자리에서만나야하는동반자가되었다. II. 본문의구성과내용 이책은기독교와이슬람간의신학적통찰을접목시켜대화의공통적기반을마련하려는목적을가지고있다. 이에따라이책의연구범위와방법은크게두개의파트로구성되어있다. 첫번째파트 (1장-6장) 는기독교와이슬람의대화에대한신학적종교학적논의들을재구성한것이다. 이를위해먼저저자가활동한네델란드에서의기독교와이슬람의대화적사례를소개하고그밖의기독교와이슬람의대화적노력들을평가한다. 이후아브라함종교의의미와아브라함종교의에큐메니컬한대화적가능성을고찰한다. 마지막으로이러한아브라함종교의대화의방향과태도에대한고찰은곧세계종교의상황에도적용가능한한모델임을기술하며종교간의대화그리고종교간의비교신학의의미와필요성을함께논구하였다. 두번째파트 (7장-8장) 는기독교와이슬람의신학을접촉시켜주는인물과그의사상에관한연구이다. 저자는토마스아퀴나스와알가잘리 (al-ghazālā, 1058-1111) 그리고이븐아라비 (al-arabī, 1165-1240) 와루미 (al-dīn Rūmī, 1207-1237) 의사상을대화의상황 (context) 에맞게조명하였다. 중세의대표적인기독교변증가인토마스아퀴나스에대한연구는저자가위트레흐트 (Utrecht) 의 토마스아퀴나스연구소 (Thomas Institute) 에서발표연구를중심으로편집한것으로알가잘리와아퀴나스의신개념을비교논의하였다. 4 4. Pim Valkenberg, "How to Talk to Strangers: Aquinas and Interreligious Dialogue in the Middle Ages." In: Henk J.M. School (ed), Jaarboek 1997 Thomas Institut te Utrecht: Thomas Institut. pp. 9-47.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 143 나그네를후히대접하라 이책의도입부분에해당하는제1장은종교간의대화를가능하게하는성서적근거와철학적사유에관한것이다. 종교간의대화에서추구하는미덕은손님을접대하는후한마음 (hospitality) 이다. 이러한 긍휼, 베풀음, 자비 등의덕목에대한성서적근거와철학적인사유를바탕으로기독교와이슬람에미친사상적영향력을고찰하고있다. 종교간의대화라는광범위한주제를독자로하여금보다친밀하고구체적으로이해시키기위해저자는네델란드의네이메헨의기독교와이슬람간의대화의사례를소개한다. 네델란드는미국이나중동, 남아프리카그리고중동과마찬가지로다양한종교적배경의사람들이공존하는곳이기때문에이러한대화의시도들이연속적으로진행되었다. 이책의주요논의의하나는종교간의대화에대한타당성을기독교신학안에서찾는것이다. 성서에서도보듯 너희속에있는소망에관한이유를묻는자에게는대답할것을항상준비하되... ( 벧전 3:15) 복음에대한변증을위해준비하라고한대답은그리고이와관련된모든행위들은종교간의대화로발전시켜볼수있다. 이러한점에서저자는 대화를위한신학 (theology for dialogue) 보다는 대화의신학 (theology of dialogue) 을강조한다. 이러한종교간의대화를강조하는신학의기본적인태도는바로나그네를대접함이다. 나그네를후히대접한다는덕목은기독교에서는제대로조명되지않았다. 즉복음을선포하는과정에서자비로움은어느새사라지고타종교에대해불친절한교리적선포만이남게된것을지적하고있다.(5-6p) 이러한경향은특히로잔언약을위시한복음주의의선포방식에서자주찾아볼수있는것이었다. 불친절한방식으로모든이에게복된소식을전했던기독교의과오는 1962년바티칸공의회를통해반성되었다. 저자는레슬리뉴비긴의견해를수용하면서로마카톨릭의기독교선교에있어서윤리적고찰에대한공식선언을함께기술하였다. (5p.) 나그네에대한환대는유대교나기독교, 그리고이슬람에서도공통적으로중요시되어온덕목인데, 그렇다면이낯선사람, 나그네, 타자를어떻게대할것인가? 저자는레비나스가언급하는타자의정의를인용하면서구약성서에대표적인약자로명시

144 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 되어있는나그네를대화의상대자로제안한다. 그들은특히언어와종교, 인종과국가, 민족에서타자화된자들로서기독교인과무슬림의관계로도이해할수있다. 무슬림을나그네로타자로그리고대화의상대자로보자는이야기의첫번째과제는바로문화의이해이다. 저자는서구중심적인틀로문화를평가하던방식을벗어나문화의중층해석을주장한클리포드기어츠의이론을통해타자와문화에대한이해를보완한다. 기어츠는문화에대한포스트모던적관점을제시한인물로서그에의하면규범이되는문화는존재하지않으며토착민에의한자기문화의해석과이에대한타자의해석만이있을뿐이다. 이러한문화적상대주의관점을수용하여저자는대화신학의태도와관점을제시하고있다.(15p.) 작은시작 : 네델란드의네이메헨 (Nijmegen) 에서의대화 제2장에서저자는네델란드네이메헨지역사회에서이뤄졌던기독교와이슬람간의대화의사례를소개한다. 핌발켄버그는 1987년부터이곳의카톨릭대학교에교수로부임했다. 이곳은네델란드의동쪽에위치한지역이다. 니코렌드만 (Nico Landman) 에의하면 22,000 여명의터어키와모로코출신의무슬림들이 1970년대이후부터우트레츠 (Utrecht) 에서살게되었다. 그들은전체인구의약 10% 에달하는수로서초기정착시기이들과의종교적대화는미흡하였다. 점차로기독교안에서이웃이된무슬림들과대화의자리를마련하게되고전문적인기구들 (ISKB: Interanational Foundation Churches and Foreigners) 이설립되었다. ISKB의스테프들은무슬림의인권을언급했으며카톨릭과개신교출신들은무슬림과의대화를기획했다. 하지만더러는이러한대화가실질적으로무슬림의인권의문제를해결하지못하고명목상의단체로남게되기도하였다. 이러한시행착오를겪으면서관계자들은이것이실질적인삶의현장에서이뤄져야할이슈들임을깨닫게되었다. 다시말해서로의사상과전통을논하는지식적인만남조차도삶의현장에뿌리를두어야함을인식하게되었다. 저자의사역지이기도했던네이메헨의자치단체의구성비율을보면우선로마카톨릭출신뿐만아니라개신교그리고무슬림을비롯한타종교인들도일부포함되어

Muslim-Christian Encounter 145 있었다. 2000년대초에들어오면서네이메헨에서개최된기독교와이슬람간의대화는무슬림이참석하는국제적인심포지엄의수준까지확장되었다. 특히여기서저자는새로운무슬림단체사람들을만나게되었는데 5 이들은 이슬람대화재단 (Islam and Dialogue Foundation) 의소속으로서젊고학문적으로잘훈련되어있었으며전문성을갖추고있었다. 그들은종교간의대화에매우커다란관심과중요성을부여하고있었다. 특히저자는네이메헨에서무슬림과의대화를주도적으로이끌었다. 이과정에서성서의아브라함의여행에대한묵상이무슬림과대화하는데나침반역할을했다고서술한다.(38-42p.) 종교간의대화의연구모임는네이메헨카톨릭대학교의종교학분야로흡수되어 2004년에는국제심포지엄을개최하였다. 저자는종교간의대화가서로논쟁적이되는것도필요하며정치적영향력도행사될수있다고보았다. 이곳에서정기적으로개최되는종교간의대화에서기독교의특징으로나타나는긍휼의덕목은세계종교의회 (Council of Worldviews and Religions) 의주목을받기도하였다.(44-46p.) 네델란드는무슬림국가인인도네시아를식민지화하였지만이곳출신보다는 1970 년에들어온모로코와터어키출신들이다수를이루고있다. 약 25년후무슬림인구는 9만명에서 63만명으로늘어나게되었다. 네델란드정부는무슬림이증가함에도불구하고그들에게영주권비자를발급하지않고단기간만체류할수있도록제한하였다. 사회적으로하층민생활을해나갈수밖에없는이들이점차로그수가더해짐에따라교육환경과사회적입지가조금씩달라졌다. 즉언어와문화의훈련들을받고들어오게된이맘들도있었으며 3세대는이전세대보다교육환경이훨씬개선되었다. 이처럼무슬림의입지가달라지면서무슬림여성이나인종에대한비판적인관점들이대두되기시작했다. 기독교와이슬람의대화에서도이러한사회적이슈들이거론되었다. 그러나아직까지저자가보기에네델란드는종교적으로무슬림에대하여패쇄적이며이중적인태도를취하고있다.(51-53p.) 나아가네델란드를통해서본서구사회무슬림에대한입장도이중적이다. 한편으로는무슬림단체들이종교간의대 5. 저자가만난새로운무슬림단체는 Islam and Dialogue Foundation 로서여기출신의참여자들은젊고 학문적으로잘훈련되어있었으며전문성을갖추고있었으며그들은종교간의대화에커다란관점과중요성을 부여하고있었다고기술한다.(46p)

146 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 화에적극적이지만동시에정치적상황은그들에게유리하거나호의적이지않다. 과 거기독교의세속화의논의가한동안진행되었듯이이제담론은이민자들과종교적 폭력에관한논의들도첨가되어야할것이다. 아브라함종교의대화의전통과의미 아브라함종교간의대화는이슬람과기독교외에타종교에대한관계혹은대화를여는데도중요한역할을한다. 제3장에서저자는아브라함종교인기독교와유대교사이에무슬림이개입하는것에대해그신학적의미를고찰한다. 기독교가유대교를신학적동반자로서필요로하듯이헬라화된유대교나팔레스타인유대교의범주안에서기독교는유대교의완성이라고할수있다. 이러한점에서두종교는신학적동반자가될수있다. 저자는유럽출신의학자들다수가아직까지도강경하고근본주의적인입장을취하고있는점을지적한다.(57p.) 이러한입장은나아가기독교와유대교의관계를위해무슬림을희생양으로삼는결과를가져오게된다고비판하며기독교와이슬람그리고유대교의관계가균형적으로이뤄져야한다는점을강조하고있다. 기독교와이슬람그리고유대교의균형적인관계를신학적으로이해시키기위해저자는세종교의공통분모인유일신사상과아브라함신앙의기원을다시고찰한다. 종교학자반델리우 (Van der Leeuw) 나엘리아데등의종교학자들이설정한유일신관은세종교의대화의근거가되지만 (58p.), 사실상신의자기계시는전혀다르다는것이다. 또한아브라함이라는이름에대해서도기독교와유대교그리고이슬람의역사적이해가다르다. 서로다른세종교의역사적관점과해석을고려해야한다는점을재차확인하고있다.(59p.) 제 4장은 종교간의대화 (interreligious dialogue) 의상황과이용어의의미를살펴보고있다. 그동안이뤄져왔던기독교와이슬람간의대화는개종의부담감때문에부정적으로작용해온점을간과할수없다. 유대교인이나무슬림들은기독교측에서시도하는대화자체를두고도의심의여지를가져왔다.(82p.) 이러한점에서저자는대화라는단어가가지는철학적의미에주목한다. 대화 (dialogue) 라는단어는

Muslim-Christian Encounter 147 그리스어로 dialegesthai 로서 말하기 담론 의뜻을지니는데 사람들사이에서 (dia) 사용하는말 (legen) 의선택 인점이특히강조되었다.(83p.) 인도출신의신학자라이몬파니카 (Raimon Panikkar) 는대화란이성의한계를넘어영성의대화로이어져야한다고강조한다. 그가의미하는영성의대화란삶의경험조차도함께존중해줄수있는대화를일컫는다.(85p.) 이러한삶에기초한종교간의대화는유대의탈무드적인교훈을담고있다. 프란즈로젠스위그 (Franz Rosenweig), 마틴부버 (Martin Buber), 임마누엘레비나스 (Emmanuel Levinas) 그리고한스게오르그가다머 (Hans Georg Gadamer) 와위트겐하버마스 (Jȕrgen Habermas) 로이어지는유대인사상가들에의하면대화란종결되지않는것이다. 대화를통해다름이끊임없이발생하고그다름을통해새로운가치를배워나가는것을즐기는것이대화의진정한태도라고설명한다.(86p.) 또한대화는논쟁의기능을지닌다. 논쟁은서로자신의의견을고수하기위해상대방에게공격적이되는것이아니라서로문화, 종교, 이념이다른타자가만나새로운진리를알아가는것이다. 이러한논쟁 (debate) 으로서대화는무슬림전통과도가깝다. 일찍이무함마드의메시지를믿게하기위해무슬림들은유대교와기독교인과논쟁했다. 기독교전통에서도논쟁적인대화는자연스러운것이었다. 제2차바티칸공의회에서로마카톨릭은타종교와타문화에대해동등하고개방적이며공정하고서로간의영향을긍정했다. 이러한동등한위치의대화는개신교의 W.C.C. 의대화활동에도지침이되었다.(92p.) 소크라테스나플라톤등의그리스철학자들은대화를통해철학을가르쳤을정도로대화의방식은보편적이고효과적이었다. 초기라틴의교부들도변증의의미로서대화라는단어를사용하였다. 순교자저스틴 (St. Justin Martyr) 이헬레니즘문화속에서기독교신앙을변증한것이나, 오르겐 (Orgen) 이이단에대응했던것은좋은실례가될수있다. 이러한전통은 13세기기독교의가장위대한변증가토마스아퀴나스의 이교도대전 (Summa Contra Gentiles) 에서절정을이루었다. 저자는대화의역사적흐름을중세시대까지기독교의변증으로마감시키고근대이후대화의의미와방식이변화된점을주목한다. 즉기독교의신앙을변증하기위해행해졌던대화방식은근대에넘어오면서타자와함께진리를모색하는대화의성격으로

148 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 변화된것을주목하고있다.(96-97p.) 타자를변증과논쟁의대상으로서인식하는단계에서타자와동반자적인관계로발전할때필요한것은대화에임하는태도와정신이다. 저자는대화의목표는인간사회의해방의단계를넘어더깊이들어가면종교적인전통조차도나눌수있다는점에서대화는선교라고주장한다.(102p.) 이러한점에서저자는대화로서선교의방향을네가지로정리하고있다. 종교간의대화는첫째, 삶에관한대화이고둘째, 인류의발전과해방을위한행동에대한대화여야한다. 셋째, 신학적교류의차원에서서로간의종교적유산과영적가치를존중하며이해하는대화여야한다. 넷째, 종교적경험에대한대화이여야한다. 인간은종교적전통에근거한삶을살고있으므로절대자를찾는기도, 명상, 신앙의의식의교류를통해서로의신앙을풍부하게형성할수있다.(105p.) 이러한점에서저자가보기에개신교의 W.C.C. 의대화노력은그결과적인면에서한계가있다고평가하고오히려카톨릭의종교간의대화의노력들이고무적이었음을주장한다.(108p.) 종교의미래를전망하면서카톨릭이신설한회의 ( 예를들어 World Conference of Religion and Peace 혹은 International Association for Religious Freedom) 등은앞으로로마카톨릭의종교간의관계를이끌어갈실천방안이될것이라고전망하였다.(111p.) 종교간의대화그리고미래 저자는 21세기에들어오면서종교간의대화는이제까지와는전혀다른새로운방식으로전개될것을전망하고있는데제5장은자신이논문 2004년의연구를다시정리한것이다. 6 종교간의대화 라고했을때선택될수있는 다종교의 (multireligious), 신앙간의 (interfaith), 교차종교간의 (intrareligious) 세가지다양한용어들을비교설명한다. 즉 다종교의 (multireligious) 라는말은제도, 교리, 의례에있어서표현의방식이서로다른것을뜻하며 ; 신앙간의 (interfaith) 은절대 6. Pim Valkenberg, "The Future of Religion: From Interreligious Dialogue to Multiple Religious Identity?" Studies in Interreligious Dialogue 14 pp.95-107.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 149 자를향한공통적인인간의본성을서로교감한다는뜻이며 ; 마지막 교차종교간의 (intrareligious) 의뜻은특정한종교적전통과경험을바탕으로보편적으로내재하는신앙을교감하고교류하는관계를의미한다.(113-114p.) 이러한 종교 간의대화는또다시 신앙 과의대화와구별된다. 저자는신앙의범주와종교의범주를구분하면서신앙은개인적인차원에서언급되는것이지만종교는이러한개인들이속해있는전체즉전통과문화를포함한다고설명한다. 이러한차이는카톨릭과개신교의종교간의대화에대한태도혹은지침에서도발생한다. 교회는신과세계의중재자이기때문에카톨릭에서는제도화된교회차원에서종교간의대화가이뤄져야할것을전제한다. 반면개신교는어떠한사회적제도의차원에서고려되는 종교 간의대화보다는인간본연의종교적심성을중심으로개인의신앙의대화를선호한다.(115-117p.) 한편저자는미래의종교에대한신학적보편성의접근을제안하고있다. 세계적으로종교부흥시대를경험하고있다고평가되는현재 (117p.), 유럽사회의종교에대한현상이매우예외적임을지적한다. 즉유럽인들은종교적인심성을가지고있지만어떠한종교집단에도소속하는것을거부한다. 소위말하는 소속하지않고믿기 (believing not belonging) 의현상을일컫는것인데이러한현상은저자를비롯한여러종교학자들의공통된의견인종교와신앙의구별을통해잘이해될수있다. 7 저자는제도화된종교는서로배타적인영역을형성할수있지만인간본연의신앙심은대화의소통역할을하게될것을주장한다. 이러한대화가미래의종교가지향해야할것임을여러학자들의견해 ( 어니스트트웰치, 폴틸리히, 그리고칼라너 ) 를통해확인하고있다.(118p.) 제7장과 8장에서는기독교와무슬림신학자에대한분석으로서중세의신학자토마스아퀴나스와알가잘리 (al-ghazālā, 1058-1111) 그리고근현대에들어와사이드너스리 (Said Nusri, 1878-1960) 의사상을소개하고평가한다. 알-가잘리는토마스아퀴나스보다한세기앞선인물이었기때문에아퀴나스가그의저서를접했을 7. 특히이논의는 Kenneth Cragg, The Call of the Minaret 2nd edition, revised and enlarged, (Maryknoll New York/ Ibadan: Orbis Books/ Daystar Press, 1985) 를참조.

150 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 것으로저자는추측한다.(214p.) 저자는알가잘리의사상을읽으면마치그가기독교신학자인것같은착각을불러일으킬정도로기독교신비주의친근한영성을가지고있다고평가한다.(214p.) 저자는현대이슬람과기독교의대화적인물로서사이드너스리 (Said Nusri) 를선택하고그의생애와사상을서술하였다. 너스리는다마스커스의설교자라는별칭을얻을정도로유명한설교를하였는데바로 1911년다마스커스의움미야드모스크에서행했던설교이다. 너스리는다문화, 다종교적인사회에서의무슬림의삶에대해긍정적으로분석했다. 이러한너스리의사상은무슬림과비무슬림이서로를존중하고공존하는관계로평가되어당시많은존경을받았다. 너스리는무슬림이모든기독교인과유대교인들을불신자라고폄하해서는안된다고주장했다. 이와같은아브라함종교에대한존중사상은한스큉 (Hans Küng) 의사상과같은맥락을이룬다. 한스큉은서로를불신자가아닌한하나님아래있는형제요자매라고하였다. 너스리는무슬림과기독교그리고유대교간에서로친근한관계를희망했다. 저자는기독교뿐만아니라이슬람안에도평화적대화적인물과사상이공존하고있음을너스리의생애와사상을통해입증하고있다. III. 평가및나가는글 저자는근대이후서구에서이뤄져온종교간의대화에대한신학적종교학적논의를 대화의신학 (theology of dialogue) 이라는논제에맞추어비판적으로성찰하고그에대한실천적인인물과경험을소개하였다. 이를통해대화신학의동반자로서기독교와이슬람의관계를이해할수있었고두종교가공존할수있는윤리적통찰을함께살펴볼수있었다. 특히대화를선교적인맥락에서이해시키려는저자의의도는카톨릭의제2차바티칸공의회의타종교에대한입장을소개하는부분에서구체화되었다. 이를통해기독교와이슬람간의관계를대화의방법으로도모하려는각신학적노력들을살펴볼수있었다. 그런데그의대화신학의실천적사례들- 인물과사상연구- 중에서몇가지문제점

Muslim-Christian Encounter 151 과아쉬운점을발견할수있다. 우선네이메헨에서의기독교와이슬람의대화사례에서저자는이대화를바티칸공의회의에서결의한대화신학의전통과명분을성실하게담지하고있는것으로평가한다. 하지만이대화에대한저자의평가가지나치게고무적이고미래지향적인점에만치우쳐있어서대화의파트너가되는서구무슬림들의삶의자리는진정성있게반영되지않았다. 그들의삶의자리가, 특히사회적위치가어떠한지에대한반성과평가가이뤄지지않는상황에서종교간의대화로의논의진행은편협하고객관성을잃을수있다. 또한무슬림이기독교와대화를원하는지, 원한다면서구사회의소수자로서어떤대화를원하는지, 그들과동등한의견교류가가능한것인지를논구하기바라며대화를원하는무슬림의자발적인대화동기는무엇인지를다시한번질문해볼수있을것이다. 이러한질문을다시저자에게한다면저자는왜대화에신학적의미를되새기려고하는가? 즉저자가의도하는대화적목적은저자의종교적, 문화적정체성과연관된다. 그는인도네시아를식민지화했던네델란드출생이다. 인도네시아를비롯한동남아시아지역은전세계에서무슬림인구비율이현재가장높은곳이다. 이러한문화적종교적특징때문에네델란드출신의종교학자나선교학자는이슬람에대한연구를다양하게수행할수있었다. 8 하지만이책에는이슬람을식민지화하면서그들을문화적으로종교적으로연구했던네델란드학자들의오리엔탈리즘적인현상에대한반성은언급되어있지않다. 다시말해저자가속한유럽사회, 그중에서도무슬림을식민화했던과거의경험에대한비판적인성찰이함께논의되어있지않다. 저자가종교간의대화에대한논의를개진하고그러한주장들을현실화하는데적극적이었던만큼저자는자신의객관적인시각을입증할필요가있다. 저자가서구카톨릭신학자인점에서발생할수있는오해와편견을해소하기위해서는이러한논의들이함께첨가되어야할것으로생각된다. 마지막으로, 저자는인류의가치를증진시키고절대자를향한동반자로서기독교와이슬람의관계를강조하며그공존의방식으로대화를주장한다. 그런데이러한과정 8. Hendrik Kraemer, The Christian Message in a Non-Christian World (London: Edinburgh House Press, 1937); Religion and the Christian Faith (London: Lutterworth Press, 1956); World Cultures and World Religions: the Coming Dialogue (Philadelphia PA: The Westminster Press, 1960)

152 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 에서기독교와이슬람간의대화가지나치게윤리적으로만강조되었다. 대화를통해관계중심의철학이강조되다보니서로의신앙에대한배타성과고유성이자연스럽게배제된측면을발견할수있었다. 기독교와이슬람간의대화의어려움은사실상서로의신앙고백에있다. 그런데이것이이책에서단순히역사적인장면들로만다뤄진점은대화신학을논한다는측면에서아쉬움으로남는다. 종교간의대화의필요성을고찰하면서동시에그대화에서발생되는신앙고백의어려움을어떻게이해하고신학적으로재정립할것인지를함께논구했다면대화신학의의미와방향을더욱진정성있게모색하는계기가되었을것이라고생각한다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 153 철학자들의부조리 박성은 * 알가잘리 1 의 철학자들의부조리, Tahafut Al-Falasifah, (1095년저작 ) 2 는그의여러저작중정통이슬람의입장에있는그의신개념을알수있는대표적인저서 3 이다. 우리는이책을통해서그가철학자들의신개념의오류를반박하는과정을통해그의사상적경향성을분석할수있다. 이책을검토함으로써그의사상을다른철학자들과비교해볼수있는데특히, 신의영원성, 신의창조, 신의의지, 신의인식, 신의본질과속성, 영혼불멸과사후심판에대한중요한개념들을파악할수있다. 그가이책에서반박하고있는철학자는주로아비센나인데그의신에대한개념까지도파 * 횃불트리니티한국이슬람연구소연구원 / 백석대전문대학원박사과정졸업 1. 알가잘리 (Al-Ghazali, 1058-1111) 는지금의이란의동북부인후라이산투스 (Khurasan Tus) 에서태어났다. 그의아버지는페르시아수피 (sufi) 로서, 알가잘리가어린시절에세상을떠났는데친구인수피에게아들의양육을부탁했다. 그의도움으로알가잘리는경건한종교적분위기에서성장하였다. 그는해박 ( 該博 ) 한저술가이며, 율법가, 철학자, 역사가, 신학자, 영성가, 비평가, 비교종교가로평가된다. 해밀턴알렉산더깁 (H.A.R. Gibb, 1895-1971) 은 알가잘리는종교적통찰이나지적인탁월함에서어거스틴이나루터와같다 고했으며, 골드자이허 (Ignaz Goldziher, 1850-1921) 는알가잘리를 인격 (personality) 에있어서가장뛰어난사람중하나 로평가했다. 케네스그래그 (Kenneth Cragg) 는알가잘리를높은주지주의 (high intellectualism) 와신비적회심 (mystical conversion) 을성취하고종교의심원한심리학을발견한자로묘사한다. 알가잘리는어린시절부터신중심적인신비사상을가르치는수피 (sufi) 정신과친숙했으며, 그바탕위에서아샤리학파 (school of al-ashari) 신학을배웠다. 알가잘리는 19세에고향을떠나알주와이니 (al-juwayni, 1085년사망 ) 에게지도를받고, 재상니잠알물크 (Nizam al-mulk, 1092년사망 ) 의조언자로, 교수로, 구도자로, 영적부흥갱신가로활동했다. 2. Al-Ghazali, Tahafut al-falasifah, translated, introduced, and annotated by Michael E. Marmura- 1st ed, The Incoherence of the Philosophers, a parallel English Arabic text (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1997). 3. 철학자의의도, Maqasid al-falasifa, The Aims of the Philosophers, (1094년-95년저작 ) 는철학자들의의도를요약한그리스철학의입문서이다. 지식의척도, Miyar Al-Ilm, The Standard for Knowledge, (1094년-95년저작 ) 는두번째작품이다. 자기성찰적자서전 (Autobiographical Work) 이라고할수있는 오류로부터의구원, Al-Munqidh Min Al-Dalal, Deliverance from Error, (1106년-10년저작 ) 은이성의확실성 (certainty) 에대한의심을품고연구한작품이다. 철학자들의부조리, Tahafut Al-Falasifah, (1095년저작 ) 에서는철학자들의신개념의오류들을반박하면서자신의입장을밝혔다. 종교학의부활, Ihya'm'Ulum Al-Din, (1099년-1102년저작 ) 은영혼구원의문제에관한작품이다. 신비주의적체험을담고있는작품으로는 빛의벽감, Mishkat Al-Anwar 등이있다.

154 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 악할수있는책이라고본다. 더나아가이책을분석함으로써그의사상의변이과정에서이저서가차지하는사상적위치를점검할수있다. 후에알가잘리는정통이슬람의신개념에신의내재성이결여됨을인식하고수피즘의신과의합일사상을더함으로써신개념을완성한학자이다. 알가잘리는 철학자들의부조리 첫장에서철학자들의신개념, 창조에대한이해, 세계의영원성개념, 세계의자존성에관한문제, 신의인식대상에관한문제, 신의본질과속성에대한철학자들의이해, 인간영혼의불멸에대한철학자들의이해와신의심판을부인하는철학자들의허구성을지적하기위하여다음과같이 20개의항목으로반박했다. 4 첫째는세계이전의영원성 (pre-eternity) 에대한철학자들의입장을반박하는것으로서, 이것은과거세계의영원성 (doctrine of the world s past eternity) 의교리를주장하는철학자들의입장을반박하는것을다루고있다. 둘째는세계이후의영원성 (post-eternity) 을주장하는철학자들의입장을반박하는것이다. 즉, 세계이후의영원성 (post-eternity of the world), 시간, 운동의영원성에대한철학자들의주장을다루고있다. 셋째는신이세계의창조자 (maker of the world) 라는것과그세계는그가만든것이라는것 (the world is of His making) 사이의철학자들의모호한입장을보여주려는것이다. 그는신이우주의창조자라는철학자들의주장은부정직한진술이라고반박했다. 넷째는창조자의존재를증명할수없는철학자들의무능을보여주는것이다. 다섯째는두신들의실존의불가능 (the impossibility the existence of two gods) 을주장하는철학자들의무능을지적하는것이다. 여섯째는신의속성 (God s attributes) 을부정하는철학자들의주장을반박하는것이다. 일곱째는일자 (the First) 의본질 (essence) 은종 (genus) 과차 (species) 로나누어질수없다는것을논증할수없는철학자들의주장을반박하는것이다. 4. Al-Ghazali, Tahafut al-falasifah, 10-11.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 155 여덟째는일자 (the First) 는본질 (quiddity) 을가지지않는단순한존재 (simple existent) 라는철학자들의주장을반박하는것이다. 아홉째는일자 (the First) 는비육체적존재라는것을증명할수없는철학자들의무능을반박하는것이다. 열번째는시간에대한철학자들의믿음과창조주의부존재 ( 不存在 ) 에대한논증의부당함을보여주는것이다. 열한번째는일자 (the First) 는다른것 (others) 을알수있다는주장을증명할수없는철학자들의무능을반박하는것이다. 열두번째는일자는자신 (Himself) 을알고있다는것을증명할수없는철학자들의무능을반박하는것이다. 열세번째는일자 (the First) 는특수자들 (particulars) 을모른다는철학자들의주장을반박하는것이다. 열네번째는천체는유기체로서자신의추진력 ( 推進力 ) 으로움직인다는것에대한철학자들의입장을반박하는것이다. 열다섯번째는천체가움직이는목적에관한철학자들의주장을반박하는것이다. 열여섯번째는천체의영혼들 (the souls of the heavens) 이모든특수자들 (all particulars) 을알고있다는주장에대하여반박하는것이다. 열일곱번째는자연의법칙은변하지않고붕괴될수없다는철학자들의주장에대하여반박하는것이다. 열여덟번째는인간의영혼은자존하는실체 (self-subsistent) 로서물질도아니고우연도아니라는철학자의주장을반박하는것이다. 열아홉번째는영혼불멸은불가능하다는철학자들의주장을논박하는것이다. 스무번째는사후의부활과천국의기쁨및지옥의고통을부인 ( 否認 ) 하는철학자들의주장을반박하는것이다. 이책을평가하는데있어서필자는알가잘리가반박하고있는 20가지의반박항목들을크게유일한존재의영원함에대하여, 신의인식에대하여, 신의본질과속성에대한내용으로분류하여그주제를다룸으로써 철학자들의부조리 를분석하고평가하고자한다. 신의영원성에대한부분에서는신과세계, 신의선재성, 창조의문제가

156 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 다루어진다. 신의인식의문제에서는신이인식하는대상에대해서다루어진다. 알가잘리는신이모든특수자들까지인식한다고주장하는반면, 아비센나는왜신이특수자들을인식할수없다고주장하는지그이유가밝혀지게된다. 신의본질과속성에서는신의본질과속성의관계를밝히고, 아비센나는왜신의속성을인정하지않는지그이유에대해밝히고있다. 이책을읽음으로써알가잘리와는달리철학자들의관점에서는영혼의불멸을부정하고사후심판을부정해야하는지그관점까지도파악할수있게될것이다. 유일한존재의영원함에대하여 알가잘리는 철학자들의부조리 의첫번째항목에서신은영원한존재로서그의비실존 (His non-existence) 은불가능하다는것을지적한다. 유일한신은세계의창조자로서영원하다. 그는영속적이며, 모든것에앞서존재한다. 신보다앞서서존재하는것은아무것도없다. 신은시작과끝도없다. 신은처음이며마지막이다. 그러나오직신 ( 神 ) 만이영원하다는알가잘리의이해와는달리세계가영원하다고주장하는철학자들의입장을다음과같이설명한다. 5 철학자들의세계의과거영원성에대한교리는철학자들간에일치하지않는다. 그러나고대와현대철학자들대다수의의견은세계가영원하다는입장을취하며세계의과거의영원성 (past eternity) 을지지한다. 세계는신과함께존재하기를멈춘적이없다. 세계는신보다시간에있어그보다늦게존재한적이없다. 세계는빛이태양과함께존재하는것처럼결과가원인과함께존재한다. 세계에대한창조자의우선성은결과에대한원인의우선성과같다. 창조자의우선성은본질과순위 (rank) 에있어서우선하는것이며시간에우선하지않는다. 알가잘리는세계가영원하다는철학자의입장을소개한후, 그는왜신만이영원 5. Ibid., 12. 6. Ibid.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 157 하며모든것에앞서서신이존재하는지를설명한다. 세계는신의영원한의지에의해 창조되었다는주장이불가능하지않으며신의영원한의지에의해시간의실존이명 해졌다는것이다. 신이세계에앞서존재한다는가정은무한한시간에앞선시간이있다는것을전제한다. 시간은시 간에앞서서존재하는것이없는때에창조되었다. 신은세계가없이도존재했으며, 창조후에는세 계와함께존재했다. 7 이러한관점으로알가잘리는질료가영원하며신이영원하다는아비센나와같은철학자들의입장이왜부당한지 철학자들의부조리 에서반박한다. 여기서알가잘리가말하는철학자들이란알파라비 (al-farabi) 와아비센나 (Avicenna) 인것으로보인다. 철학자들의경우, 신이세계에앞선다는것은신은본질에앞서서존재하는것이지시간에앞서서존재하는것이아니다. 신이본질적으로앞선다는아비센나의주장은다음의예로비유될수있다. 비록, 신이세계와함께동시적 ( 同時的 ) 으로존재할지라도신이본질적으로앞선다는것은결과에앞서는원인과같다. 인간의움직임과그림자의움직임은동시적이다. 그러나인간의움직임이그림자의움직임보다본질적으로앞선다. 반지를낀물속의손의움직임과물의움직임은동시적이다. 그러나손의움직임은물의움직임보다본질적으로앞선다. 왜냐하면그림자의움직임은사람의움직임때문이며, 물이움직인것은물안에있는손의움직임때문이다. 그림자가움직여서사람이움직였다고할수없으며, 물이움직였기때문에손이움직였다고할수없다. 각각의움직임은동시적이나, 그림자나물이먼저움직였다고할수없는것과같다. 8 손의움직임이반지의움직임보다앞서며, 사람의움직임이그림자의움직임보다 먼저이듯이신과세계는동시적으로존재하나신은본질에있어서세계보다앞선다고 해석하는아비센나의경우, 신은존재론적 (ontological) 으로만우선한다는것이다. 7. Ibid., 31. 8. Ibid.

158 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 그러나이러한입장은알가잘리의입장에서볼때신의선재성을의미하는것도, 신의영원성을의미하는것도아니다. 그러므로알가잘리는아비센나가주장한신의존재론적우선성만을인정하는신의영원성에대한개념을반박했다. 알가잘리는 철학자들의부조리 제 3항에서신이세계의창조자 (maker of the world) 라는것과세계는그가만든것이라는개념의모호함에대하여반박했다. 제 4 항에서알가잘리는세계의창조자 (maker) 의존재를증명하는철학자들의무능함을보여준다. 9 알가잘리는 철학자들의부조리 제17항에서우인론적 ( 偶因論的, occasional) 창조원리를강조하면서, 세계는자연의법칙에의하여변하지않으며, 영원히붕괴될수없다. 는철학자들의입장은자의적인 (arbitrary) 주장일뿐이라고반박했다. 10 알가잘리가보기에창조, 시간, 그리고창조자등에대한철학자들의개념은모호했다. 11 알가잘리는 신은그의의지에의해세계를창조했다 고주장한반면, 아비센나는 신이창조자 (maker) 이기는하지만, 세계는영원히있었다. 고주장한다. 알가잘리의입장에서아비센나의창조개념은표상 (figurative sense) 에불과하다. 12 아비센나는신은창조자라고하면서도세계와의차이를명백히구분하지않았다. 그는신의존재와세계사이에시간의차이를인정하지않았으며, 신의영원성과세계의영원성을동시에주장한다. 13 신은시간에앞서존재하지않는다. 단지존재론적으로 (ontological) 앞설뿐이다. 세계는신의인식을통하여실존 (existence) 하게되었다. 14 신의인식의행위는다른것들이존재하도록하는실존원인이라고아비센나는주장한다. 15 세계는신의본질의필연성에의해서창조되었다. 태양이빛을멈출힘을가지고있지않고, 불이덥게하는것을멈출수없듯이, 일자 (the First) 는창조를멈출수없다. 16 이상에서알가잘리의신의영원성과철학자들의신의영원성이개념을살펴보았 9. Ibid., 10. ` 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid., 79. 13. Ibid., 130. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid., 106-7. 16. Ibid., 131.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 159 다. 필자가보기에이러한개념은세계를이해하는전제의차이로보인다. 알가잘리가아비센나의신의창조개념과세계의영원성의개념을명백히논증할수없음을반박했듯이알가잘리가주장하는신이영원함과신의선재개념역시명백히논증하기어려운문제이다. 알가잘리와철학자들은세계를보는기본적인사상의차이를보이고있다. 알가잘리는이슬람신앙의관점에서철학자들의신개념의허구성을지적하고있다. 그럼에도불구하고알가잘리와그가반박하고있는철학자들의신과세계의개념을더욱치밀하게논증하며연구할가치가있다. 철학자들의부조리 를연구함으로써계시와이성사이에세계를보는관점이전혀다른사상의맥이어떻게형성되고있는지인식할수있다. 다음으로알가잘리가반박하고있는철학자들의신의인식에대한문제에대해서살펴보기로한다. 유일한존재의인식에대하여 알가잘리는 철학자들의부조리 에서신이인식하는대상에관한문제에관해다룬다. 그는 철학자들의부조리 제11항에서일자 (The First) 는다른것 (others) 을알수있다는주장을증명할수없는철학자들의무능을반박했다. 제 12항에서는일자는자신 (Himself) 을알고있다는것을증명할수없는철학자들의무능을반박했다. 17 그리고제 13항에서일자는특수자들을모른다는 18 아비센나의주장을각각반박했다. 아비센나는신은자신을알고타자를아는존재라고주장했지만, 알가잘리의관점에서볼때아비센나의주장은자의적이었다. 알가잘리에의하면신은살아있는존재로서자신을알고타자를인식하며, 창조된모든것또한신의의지에의해서기원되었기때문에신은그모든것들을알고있다. 신자신외에는신으로부터기원되지않은것이없다. 신은의지자이며, 의지한바를인식하는자 (knower) 이다. 의지자는필연적으로살아있는존재이며, 그는다른것 (another) 을알고, 자신을무엇보다도우선적으로알고있다. 대부분의무슬림은살 17. Ibid., 10. 18. Ibid.

160 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 아있는실존은모두신에게알려진다고생각한다. 19 알가잘리는신은특수자를인식 하는살아있는존재로보았다. 그는그이유를다음과같이설명한다. 신이듣고, 보고, 말하지못한다면어떻게살아있는존재라고할수있는가?... 살아있는존 재는모두자신을알고타자 (other things) 를알수있으나, 죽은자들은자신도알지못하며타자 도알지못한다. 20 살아있지않는존재를어떻게일자 (The First) 라고말할수있겠는가? 라며그는아비센나의주장을반박했다. 21 그러나아비센나에따르면, 신은자신을알고타자를아는존재라고했지만신이다른것을인식한다는것은자신이후에오는것들에대한지식의원인 (cause) 이라는것을의미한다. 22 신의타자에대한인식은신의자기인식으로부터나온다. 23 신은자신으로부터인식하는존재이다. 만일신이자신을타자로부터안다면신은자존 (self-subsistent) 하는존재가아니라피조물에의존하는존재가된다. 24 만일신의타자에대한지식이타자로부터유래한다면, 그것은신이변화가능하다는것을의미하며, 일시적이며, 시간에매이는존재라는것을의미한다. 25 알가잘리가아비센나의신인식대상에서반박한것과같이아비센나의신개념은신과피조물과의관계성을피조물의존재원리이상의다른관계로설명할수없다. 아비센나가이해하는신의인식은다음과같다. 그 ( 신 ) 는직접적인인식에의해 (by first intention) 다른것을알지못한다. 오히려그는모든것들 의원리로서자신을인식한다. 그는간접적인인식에의해 (by the second intention) 필연적으로 되어가는모든것을인식한다. 왜냐하면그는그자신을원리로서만인식하기때문이다. 왜냐하면 19. Ibid., 128. 20. Ibid., 134-136. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid., 98. 23. Ibid., 98. 24. Ibid., 100. 25. Ibid., 101.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 161 실재에있어이것이그의본질이기때문이다. 그는논리적인필연적원인과결과에의하지않고서는다른것의원리로서그자신을인식할수없기때문이다. 그의본질이필연적인결과를가져야한다는것은부적절하지않다. 이것은자신의본질안에서다수성을필연화하지않는다. 그러기에다수적인것을인식하는것은불가능하다. 26 일자는자신을그자신으로부터발생한것들의근거로인식한다. 일자는보편에의한방식으로 (by universal Knowledge) 다양한종류들안에서 (in various kinds) 모든실존들을 (all the existents) 지성적으로 (intellectually) 인식한다. 일자는특수한것을인식하지못한다. 왜냐하면단지제일원칙은단지다른것보다지성적으로만앞서기때문이다. 일자가단지자신을인식한결과는다른지성그리고천체의영혼과천구가유출된다. 27 그러나알가잘리의관점에서신이자신으로부터자신을인식하며, 그러한신은결국보편적인지식만을인식할수있다는아비센나의견해는신자신이자신을모르는것과같다. 그자신을알지못하는자는살아있는존재가아니다. 모든특수한것들을인식하지못하는신을어떻게살아있는자라할수있겠는가? 28 알가잘리는 그는 ( 신 ) 그자신을알수있다는것을증명하려는철학자들의무능을반박했다. 우리는말한다. 무슬림들은세계가신의의지에의해서일시적으로기원되었다고인정한다. 그들은 ( 무슬림들 ) 의지로부터지식을추론한다. 그후에그들은의지와지식으로부터생명을추론한다. 생명 (life) 으로부터그들은살아있는모든것은자신을알고있다는것을추론한다. 신은살아있다. 그러므로신은그자신을알고있다. 이것은무슬림들이이해하는매우강력한추론의패턴이다. 그러나당신 ( 철학자들 ) 은신의의지와시간안에서의기원을부정한다. 그들은신으로부터발생하는모든것은필연과본성에의한것이라고주장한다. 당신 ( 철학자 ) 이주장하는것이부당한이유는그의본질은단지첫결과만이그보다앞선다고주장하는것과첫결과는두번째결과보다앞선다는것이신의본질이라고주장하기때문이다... 신은그자신을알지못한다. 마치열보다불 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid., 71. 28. Ibid., 134.

162 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 이필연적으로앞서는것과같이그리고태양이빛보다필연적으로앞서는것과같이마치어떤것이자신을알지못하는것처럼신은자신을알지못하지않는가? 아니면이와는반대로그것자체를아는것은그것으로부터앞서는것을알수있다. 우리는철학자들의신개념에서신은다른것을알지못한다. 29 우리는알가잘리의 철학자들의부조리 를통하여신의인식에대한두가지관점을접하게되었다. 첫째는알가잘리의경우로서신은개별자들까지도모두인식하는자로서이해하는관점이다. 한편, 알가잘리가반박한아비센나가말하는신이인식하는것이란신은단일한존재의인식에의해발생한보편적원리만을아는것임을밝혔다. 이상에서언급한신의인식을분석하여평가할때, 아비센나에게있어신의인식대상은보편적인원리만을인식할뿐특수자들과신과의관계설명은불가능하다. 아비센나의신의인식개념은알가잘리의관점에서볼때신의전지전능성에위배되는것이며, 정통이슬람의신개념에위배되는것으로보였기에아비센나의신의인식대상에대한문제를강하게반박했다. 이책은신에대한인식이신과세계와의관계에대한이해에얼마나큰차이를가져오는지통찰할수있는지평을열어준다. 알가잘리는이슬람신앙의관점에서신은모든특수자들을알고보상하고심판하는자로묘사하고있다. 유일한존재의본질과속성에대하여 알가잘리는 철학자들의부조리 제6항에서신의속성을부정하는아비센나와같은철학자들의주장을반박했다. 30 또한그는제8항에서는일자 (The First) 는본질을가지지않는단순한존재 (simple existence) 라는아비센나의주장을반박했다. 31 알가잘리에따르면, 아비센나의주장은비 ( 非 ) 신앙적진술이었다. 알가잘리는신의본질과속성의관계를다음과같이설명한다. 29. Ibid. 30. Ibid., 10. 31. Ibid.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 163 신의속성은신의본질과의관계에서볼때우연적 ( 偶因論的, occasional) 이다. 32 신의본질은별개의것으로자존하는것이아니라그안에신의속성들이존재한다. 신의본질은단독으로 (for itself), 원인없이속성과함께영원히존재한다. 33 신은영원한속성을가진다. 신의속성또한원인을갖지않으며, 원인없이영원하다. 34 알가잘리는신이의지자로서필연적으로살아있는존재이다. 살아있는모든것들 은다른것 (another) 을알고, 자신또한무엇보다도잘알고있다. 35 의지 (will), 힘 (power), 선택 (choice) 등을행하지않는자는듣지도, 보지도, 못하는죽은자이다. 더군다나타자를알지못하는자는죽은자이다. 만약제일자가이들모든속성들이결여되는것이 가능하다면신이그자신을아는것이무슨필요가있겠는가? 36 알가잘리가보기에의지가없는존재를살아있는존재라할수없다. 신은그가원 하는것을행하고결정하며, 그가원하는모든창조물을창조하되, 그가원하는형상 에따라창조한다. 그는창조에있어신의의지를무엇보다강조한다. 37 무슬림에게모든실존은일시적으로기원되었다. 영원한것은신과신의속성이외에다른것은없다. 신외의다른모든것들은신의의지에의해기원되었다. 신에대한지식의필연적인전제는모든실존들에게깨닫게되도록되었다. 왜냐하면의지된것은필연적으로의지자에게알려져야만한다. 그에의해발생되거나기원되지않은것은없다. 신자신을제외하고창조되지않은것은아무것도없다. 그는의지자이며, 그는그가의지한바를알고있으며, 그는필연적으로살아있는존재이다. 다른것을알고그자신을아는살아있는존재는다른모든것에앞서존재한다. 그러므로무슬림들은모든실존은신에게알려져있다고생각한다. 그들 ( 무슬림들 ) 은이러한방식으로이러한 32. Ibid., 100. 33. Ibid., 99. 34. Ibid., 102. 35. Ibid., 128. 36. Ibid., 135. 37. Ibid., 56.

164 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 것들을인식한다. 신이세계의기원이라는것은명백하다. 만약당신과같은철학자들이세계이전의세계의영원성을주장한다면, 세계는신의의지로기원되지않았을것이다. 그렇다면당신은어떻게신이그자신외에그가다른무엇을알수있다고보는가? 이것에대한논증은필연적으로요청된다. 38 그러나아비센나는단순한존재에신의의지를인정하는것은신의불완전성을의미하는것으로보았다. 무타질라파가제일원칙 (the First Principle) 이지식, 힘, 의지와같은것을가지는것의불가능성을이야기한바처럼철학자들은신의속성을부인한다. 철학자들은신의속성을인정하는것을하나인신의본질을감소하는것으로여긴다. 철학자들은신의본질에속성이더해지는것을인정하지않는다. 그들은인간의본질에우리 ( 인간 ) 의지식, 힘과같은방식으로하나인신에게무엇이더해지는것을허용하지않는다. 속성은다수한존재에필연적인것이다. 왜냐하면만약, 인간에게발생한다면이것은속성이본질에더하여진것이다. 속성을인정하는것은필연존재에다수성을인정하는것이된다. 그러나그것은불가능한일이다. 이러한이유로철학자들은속성들을부인하는것에모두동의한다. 39 그러나알가잘리는신은자유롭고, 무엇이든지가능한의지자로보았다. 알가잘리는신의속성을통하여신을인식할지라도인간의인식은한계적이므로신의본질 (essence) 을모두인식할수없다고보았다. 신의창조를생각하라. 그리고신의본질을생각하지말라. 40 말에서알가잘리의신의속성과본질에대한입장을잘알수있다. 이상에서알가잘리의 철학자들의부조리 에나타난철학자들의신개념에함축된오류가무엇인지, 왜그는이러한철학자들의입장들을부조리한것으로인식하고있는지살펴보았다. 역으로, 철학자들의관점에서볼때알가잘리의관점은부조리한것인아니지질문을제기할수있다. 그런데후대에아베로에스는알가잘리의 철학자들의부조리 에대한책을읽고 부조리의부조리 에대한책을써서알가잘리의사 38. Ibid., 128. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibid., 78.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 165 상에반격을가했다. 알가잘리는철학자들이그들의입장을논증할수없는부분을반박했다. 필자가보기에이러한알가잘리의입장은그가이슬람신앙에서출발하여철학자들의관점을보았기때문인것으로보인다. 알가잘리의 철학자들의부조리 는철학하기의방법을통해서이슬람신앙을설명하고그와기본전제를달리하는철학자들의관점을반격하는책이므로, 이슬람신앙과그의철학적방법, 더나아가서아리스토텔레스의철학과신플라톤주의의영향을받아그만의독특한사상체계를형성한아비센나의사상까지도파악할수있는사상의지평을열어주는소중한책이라고본다. 더나아가알가잘리의신앙과신학, 철학의체계를파악할수있다. 그는삶의후반기에이러한신앙, 신학, 철학체계에한계를느끼고수피즘에서신과의합일을이야기함으로써그의신개념을보완발전시킨다. 필자가보기에알가잘리는신학, 철학그리고수피즘에서그의사상을완성시키는것으로보이는데, 철학자들의부조리 는이슬람신앙을철학자들에게변증하는것으로보인다. 알가잘리는끊임없이참된신앙과진리를추구한신앙인이요학자로서그의사상의변천과정을겪는다. 그의참된진리를추구하는자세와학자로서의탐구열정과진리에의열린가능성에대한그의구도자적태도는철학과신학을한다는것과참된신앙이라는것이무엇인지에대해우리로하여금이성적인부분뿐아니라영적인부분까지도성찰하도록한다.

166 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 신간안내 성장하는이슬람약화되는기독교 저자안승오 출판사 CLC 책소개이슬람은상당한성장잠재력을지닌반면, 기독교는이슬람에비해점차로잠재력을상실하면서심각한쇠퇴의방향으로나아가고있다. 이제기독교는심각한방향전환을추구해야할때가되었다. 지금이라도빨리기독교는방향을바꿔야한다. 매우아이러니컬하지만왕성하게성장하고있는이슬람에서그힌트를얻을수있다는것이본서의요점이다. 즉기독교를왕성하게부흥시키고성장시키는것이야말로가장확실하고도근본적인선교전략이라고할수있다. 그러므로다른곳에선교하는것못지않게기독교자체부터강건하게소생시켜야할것이다. 저자소개안승오는유럽을중심으로심각한퇴조의모습을보이고, 3/2 세계선교의제일선두주자를자부하는한국교회마저감소하고있는기독교의모습을보면서기독교의회복과건강한성장방향을찾아고뇌하는선교학자이다. 성결대학교를졸업하고장로회신학대학원 (M.Div.) 에서수학한후, 미국풀러신학대학원에서선교학으로석사 (Th.M.) 와박사학위 (Ph.D.) 를취득하였고, 총회파송을받아필리핀에서선교사역을하였으며, 풀러신학교선교대학원객원교수, Journal of Asian Mission 편집위원등을역임하였으며, 현재는아시아선교연구소 (IAM) 연구원, 선교와신학편집위원, 영남신학대학교선교신학교수등으로사역하고있다. 논문으로는 다시생각해보는삼자원리, 다시평가해보는 19세기선교사, 다시생각해보는하나님의선교 외다수가있고, 저서로는 7 Key Principles of Dynamic Church Growth, 선교사가그린선교사바울의생애, 선교와교회성장 ( 공저 ), 능력있는예배를위한 7가지질문, 선교학개론 ( 공저 ), 건강한교회성장을위한핵심원리 7가지, 현대선교의핵심주제 8가지, 사도행전에서배우는선교주제 28가지, 현대선교학개론 ( 공저 ), 성장하는이슬람 vs. 약화되는기독교 등이있다. 이슬람과페미니즘 - 무슬림여성학자가밝히는포스트모던분석의한계 저자하이다모기시 역자문은영 출판사프로네시스 책소개 현이슬람과페미니즘 은현대사회의이슬람페미니즘문제를제대로분석하고명쾌한방향을제시한다. 기존 논의에대한날카로운비판과함께이슬람여성문제를바라보는다양한시각들을정리하고있다.

Muslim-Christian Encounter 167 저자소개이란여성연합 (Iranian National Union of Women) 의창립자인하이다모기시는현재캐나다요크대학교사회학과교수로있으며동대학페미니스트연구센터운영위원장을맡고있다. 또한국제비교연구프로젝트과제책임자로도활동하고있다. 지은책으로는 디아스포라: 캐나다무슬림 (Diaspora by Design: Muslims in Canada and Beyond, 공저, 2009), 무슬림디아스포라 : 젠더, 문화및정체성 (Muslim Diaspora: Gender, Culture and Identity, 2006), 여성과이슬람 (Women and Islam: Critical Concepts in Sociology, 2005), 이란의포퓰리즘과페미니즘 (Populism and Feminism in Iran: Women s Struggle in a Male-Defined Revolutionary Movement, 1994) 등이있다 역자소개문은영은한국외국어대학교에서지역학석사를마치고숙명여자대학교에서 이슬람문화와정치참여 에관한논문으로박사학위를받았다. 아시아여성연구소에서연구교수로재직했고, 현재서울시여성가족재단정책개발실연구위원으로활동하면서여성정책연구를수행하고있다. 저술과논문으로는 이슬람문화와여성의정치참여 (2005), 세계여성리더 ( 공저, 2004), 아시아여성빈곤의구조적요인에관한연구 ( 공동연구, 2005), A Study on the Political Representation of Women in Iran (2004), 성인지적관점과아시아여성복지정책 ( 공동연구, 2004), 이슬람의전통적여성관에대한재해석 (2002) 등이있다. 무함마드와유대인과의이야기 저자후지모토카츠지 역자구신숙, 마루다 감수전호진 출판사 SFC 출판부 책소개무함마드와유대인과의이야기 는세계의가장큰분쟁지역인중동, 그리고그곳에공존하는이슬람과유대교의초기역사이야기를통해중동분장에대한실마리를찾는다. 이책음기존연구에의거하여무함마드가유대인들과의관계속에서종교적, 정치적으로성장해가는과정을구체적인자료를들어정리한것이다. 저자소개 후지모토카츠지 (1921-2000) 는일본의중동이슬람학자이다. 오사카후오사카시출생으로중세이슬람문 화사를전공하였다. 교토대학교동양사학과에서아람어를습득한그는 1975 년 4 월부터 1982 년 9 월까지관

168 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 서대학교동서학술연구소소장을지냈고, 이후관서대학교명예교수를역임하였다. 저서로는 무함마드유대 인과의항쟁 ( 중공신서, 1971), 중동을둘러싼제문제 ( 코요서방 1985) 등이있다. 역자소개 구신숙은 1950 년생으로일본여자영양대학교와동경농업대학교대학원을졸업하고, 현재식문화원원장을맡 고있다. 홍성사에서출간한 침묵 ( 엔도우슈샤쿠지음 ) 의한국어판감수를했다. 이슬람성경공부시리즈 저자크리스채너티투데이인터내셔널 역자안정임 출판사국제제 자훈련원 하는지등을알수있다. 책소개 < 크리스채너티투데이성경공부시리즈 > 를통해서과연무슬림들은무엇을믿 고어떤생활을하는지, 그리고우리그리스도인들은어떻게그들에게다가가야 저자소개엮은이들크리스채너티투데이인터내셔널 Christianity Today International(CTI) 은기독교지도자를비롯해서평신도와청년, 가정을위한훈련자료 와정보를제공하는단체이다. 역자소개안정임은 1991년부터 11년간전임간사로국제예수전도단 (YWAM) 을섬겼으며, 캐나다 Tyndale University & Seminary에서신학을공부했다. 탁월한문장력과기독교에대한전문지식으로 믿음의영웅들시리즈 를비롯하여 하나님과친밀해지는삶, 당신에게없는믿음 예수전도단 리더가된다는것은, 위험한순종 국제제자훈련원, 하나님, 당신을의심해도될까요? 사랑플러스등다수의책을번역했다. 이슬람과기독교교의 저자크리스티네쉬르마허 역자김대옥, 전병희 출판사바울 책소개 이슬람과기독교교의 는무슬림의시각에서기독교적인주제들을어떻게이해하는지그리고그러한이해를 가지고접근하는무슬림에게기독교에서어떻게대응해야할것인지를다루고있다. 꾸란과성경을비교하면

Muslim-Christian Encounter 169 서꾸란이보는이슬람의기독교관을제시한다. 저자소개저자크리스티네쉬르마허교수는아랍어, 페르시아어, 터키어를수학하고, 이슬람학석사과정 (M.A. in Islamic Studies) 과 19-20세기의기독교-이슬람논쟁에관하여이슬람학철학박사 (Ph.D. in Islamic Studies) 를본대학교 (University of Bonn) 에서마쳤다. 쉬르마허는벨기에루벤 (Leuven) 에소재하는프로테스탄트대학교 (Evangelisch-Theologische Faculteit) 의종교학과선교학부의이슬람학교수이며, 기센 (Giessen) 에있는 Free Theological Academy(Freie Theologische Akademie) 에서이슬람학을가르치고있다. 그녀는독일복음주의연맹 (German Evangelical Alliance) 의이슬람연구소 (Institut für Islamfragen) 대표이며, 세계복음주의연맹 (WEA) 에서이슬람에관한공식언론가요자문가이다. 이슬람과안전이슈에관해강연하며정치학에관련된교육프로그램에서섬기고있으며, 독일정부에속한자문단체들의컨설턴트이다. 이슬람율법 저자공일주 출판사살림 책소개이슬람율법이란무엇인가? 이슬람율법에대해다룬책 이슬람율법. 우리의지적호기심을채워주는 세상의모든지식 을다루는문고시리즈 살림지식총서 의 385번째책이다. 21세기에도이슬람율법은여전히이슬람세계에막대한영향을끼치고있다. 이책에서는이슬람율법이란무엇인지, 무슬림들은자신의삶에서이슬람율법을어떻게받아들이고있는지등이슬람율법에관한핵심문제들을살펴본다. 또한이책은하나로보이는이슬람세계가이슬람율법을어떻게받아들이느냐에따라다양하게나누어질수있다는것을보여준다. 또한이슬람율법의잘못된적용이폭력과테러의원인이되고있다는사실등우리가그동안알지못했던이슬람의모습을함께다루고있다. 꾸란의이해 - 정통이슬람과민속이슬람 저자공일주 출판사한국외국어대학교출판부 책소개 이책은코란에대한학술적인연구 ( 언어학적연구와이슬람신학적연구 ) 와코란이실제아랍무슬림들에게

170 torch trinity center for Islamic Studies journal 어떻게활용되는지일상생활속에서무슬림들의민간신앙에대한실태조사도겸하였다. 즉이론과현장이조화를이루도록공식이슬람과민속이슬람을모두다룬것이다. 정통적인공식무슬림은진리를강조하고민속무슬림은능력이누가센가에더많은관심을갖는다 저자소개저자공일주박사는한국외국어대학교아랍어과와같은대학원을졸업했다. 카르툼국제아랍어교육대학원에서비아랍인을위한아랍어교육으로석사학위, 수단국립옴두르만이슬람대학교에서꾸란연구로박사학위를받았다. 요르단대학교교수로재직한바있다. 저서로는 아랍문화의이해 (1997년문화체육부추천도서 ) 이슬람문명의이해 (2006년문화관광부교양도서 ) 아랍어의이해 아브라함의종교 이라크의역사 북아프리카사 ( 공저 ) 아랍어음성학 코란의의미를찾아 꾸란의이해 등이있고아랍어로쓴저서로는 한국어발음 (The Sounds of Korean Language) 아랍인학습자를위한한국어와소통 I, II(Korean Language and Communications for Arab Learners Part I, Part II) 등이있다. 아랍어전문학술지에실린논문으로는 한국과아랍의대화 : 문화의세계화 (Korean Arab Dialogue: Cultural Globalization) (Arab Thought Forum, 2005) 등이있고, 학술지공동편집위원장을맡아아랍어로된 중동아프리카의한국학저널 (Journal of Korean Studies in the Middle East & Africa) 과 한국과더많은협력증진을위하여 (Towards Promoting more Cooperation with Korea) 를요르단대학교출판부에서발간하였다. 한국, 더정확한사실과한국바로알기 (Korea: More Accurate, Facts and Information) 의아랍어번역본을감수한바있다. 값비싼소명 - 예수를만난무슬림들의이야기 저자에미르캐너 역자김대옥 출판사베다니출판사 책소개예수를만난무슬림들의이야기 값비싼소명. 온갖핍박속에서도예수를따르고신앙을지키는무슬림 20명의감동실화를전해준다. 사도행전의초대교회기독교인들이핍박과박해받는성경말씀을오늘날명쾌하게 20장의그림으로보듯사실적으로생생하게보여준다. 저자소개 저자에미르캐너 (Emir Fethi Caner, Ph.D., University of Texas at Arlington) 는현재 Wake Forest 에있는사우스이스턴침례신학교 (Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary) 의부학장이며, 변증학