Information concerning: 1. The first conference of the co-chairs of the North-South Coordinating Committee, which was held on October 12 th in the Pan

Transcription

1 Digital Archive International History Declassified digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org October 19, 1972 Information concerning the First Conference of the Committee on Regulation of the Issues between North and South Korea and the Announcement of Martial Law in South Korea Citation: Information concerning the First Conference of the Committee on Regulation of the Issues between North and South Korea and the Announcement of Martial Law in South Korea, October 19, 1972, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Diplomatic Archive, Bulgarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sofia. Record 28, File Pgs Translated by Sveta Milusheva. Obtained by the Bulgarian Cold War Research Group. Summary: Kim Jaebeon discusses the first conference of the co-chairs of the Committee on regulation of the issues between North and South Korea and the announcement of "martial law" in South Korea, deemed successful by the DPRK in its challenge against the South in regards to reunification and its anti-communist rhetoric. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the ROK Ministry of Unification. Original Language: Bulgarian Contents: English Translation Korean Translation

2 Information concerning: 1. The first conference of the co-chairs of the North-South Coordinating Committee, which was held on October 12 th in the Panmunjeom area, and 2. The announcement of martial law in South Korea on the 17 th this month. October 19, 1972 For internal use Today, the ambassadors of the People s Republic of Bulgaria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Mongolia, as well as the acting [ambassadors] of Poland and the GDR were summoned to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kim Jae-bong [Kim Jae Bong], read the information, printed in advance in Korean, concerning the issues stated above. He stated the following: On October 12 th, the first conference of the representatives of the North- South Coordination Committee was held, and on the 17 th this month, Park Chung Hee declared martial law in South Korea. I asked for the present meeting with you in order to inform you on these issues. First, I would like to discuss the issue of the first conference of the representatives of the North- South Coordination Committee. It was held in Panmunjeom by South Korean request. From our side, because of Comrade Kim Yeong-ju [Kim Yong Ju] s health condition, the second vice chair of the Cabinet of the Ministries, Comrade Pak Seong-cheol [Pak Song Chol] participated, and from South Korea the Chief of the Central Intelligence Bureau Lee Hu-rak. The conference took place three months after the publication of the Joint Declaration of the North and the South on July 4 th this year. The Joint Declaration, based on the three principles of the beloved and respected leader Comrade Kim Il Sung, found warm response and support amongst the political parties and people of South Korea. Their aspirations for a peaceful reuniting of the motherland and the struggle against the fascist dictatorship, for the seizure of democratic rights and freedoms, grew stronger. After the first, and especially after the second, round of the main negotiations between the delegations of the Red Cross, the feelings of respect towards the beloved and respected leader, Comrade Kim Il Sung, grew amongst the South Korean people. Kim Il Sung s Juche ideas and the successes achieved in the socialist construction of the Northern part of the Republic spread quickly amongst the South Korean population. These changes in South Korea s situation caused dismay and confusion among the American imperialists and the Japanese militarists. The South Korean reactionaries, resorting to hypocrisy, in the conditions of the established relations between the North and the South, were the first to begin the campaign against us, speeding up the military preparations and increasing their anticommunist activities. At the first conference we were able to expose this campaign, insisting on ending the attacks toward the DPRK and the anticommunist activities, in the conditions of the negotiations being carried out between us. As we have already stated more than once, the dialogue between the North and the South and the struggle for the reunification of the motherland represents a struggle between patriots and traitors, a struggle between internationalism and servility, between progressivism and reactionism, between socialism and imperialism. In so far as the struggle for a peaceful reunification of the motherland is a class struggle, we sharply denounce the essence of the South Korean reaction. At the conference, right after the greetings, the business work began with a speech by our

3 representative Comrade Pak Seong-cheol [Pak Song Chol]. In his speech he criticized sharply the fact that South Korea has not adhered to the obligations which it assumed with the Joint Declaration between the North and the South, in the period from July 4 th until this very moment. By pressing the other side, we exposed many facts pointing at when and what Park Chung Hee, Kim Jong-pil, and Lee Hu-rak have said separately. Our criticism at first did not please the South Korean representatives. Two questions were put forth by our side: - Will we walk together towards a peaceful reunification, or will we talk against communism? If you want us to walk together, you need to give up your anticommunist campaign. - If you do not give up the anticommunism, is there any sense for us to continue the dialogue? Since our criticism was sharp and effective, Lee Hu-rak agreed with it. He stated that he was doing everything possible to abide by the principles of the Joint Declaration, that he ordered the ending of the anticommunist campaign, but because of the extremely complicated system, it was hard for him to control the execution [of that order]. In answer, Comrade Pak Seong-cheol stated: - Fine, but here the issue is not what the common people say. This is being said by leaders such as Park Chung Hee and Kim Jong-pil. How should we understand this? To which Lee Hu-rak answered: that he held no blame. - You say that the UN is not a foreign power. Why do you think that? asked Comrade Pak Seongcheol. - Yes, the UN is not a foreign power! Lee Hurak emphasized again. - That means said Comrade Pak Seong-cheol that the American troops in South Korea standing under the UN flag are also not a foreign power. But the UN regulations forbid the placing of troops in foreign territories. - If the issue is put forth so said Lee Hurak you are right. During the talks the following fact was cited by us: On the day of the 15 th anniversary since the creation of the puppet army of South Korea, Park Chung Hee stated that he would fight for the reunification of the country on the basis of the free democracy. We take this to mean that this is trying to impress on us that the reunification has to occur on the basis of the imperialist order. Therefore, how should we interpret the principle independent from differences in ideology, ideals and system? Doesn t this mean anticommunism? To what was stated above, Lee Hu-rak answered that when he was writing Park Chung Hee s speeches, he always excluded the words on the basis of the free democracy and that that was written by the journalists. Wanting to transfer the blame from himself to others, he emphasized that he did not think this way. Right away we criticized such activities, pointing out that it did not matter who wrote the speech, the essence of the issue is made up of the fact that Park Chung Hee says it. How can the dialogue between the North and the South continue, asked Comrade Pak Seong-

4 cheol, if your leaders make such statements! Lee Hu-rak accepted our criticism, admitted his mistakes concerning the issues stated above, that the UN was not a foreign power and about the anticommunist statements, but he underlined that he was not responsible for Kim Jong-pil s words. Because Lee Hu-rak admitted his mistakes, we did not put forth other questions. The South Korean side put forth the issue concerning the makeup of the Coordinating Committee, to which we answered that we had already given our proposals, but if the South Korean side had some comments, we are ready to discuss them. The South Koreans proposed that the Committee be made up of 5 representatives from each country. We stated that we had nothing against such a proposal. At the conference it was agreed that the specific issues on the makeup of the Coordinating Committee would be examined at the following conferences. During the talks, Lee Hu-rak put forth the question what is the system of confederation? meaning, Comrade Kim Il Sung s explanations. Comrade Pak Seong-cheol answered that the confederation foresees the creation of a highranking national committee made up of representatives from the North and the South for the preservation of the order that is in place in the two parts, which would act together on foreign and internal issues. If the makeup of the Coordinating Committee is expanded, asked Lee Hu-rak, can it not lead to a confederation? To this question we answered that in the future this is possible, but the issues connected with the will of the masses need to be resolved on a democratic basis. At the end, Lee Hu-rak stated that everything was clear to him and he asked that in the future we trust him, that we do not lead a war between us, that we exist together and that we develop the contacts for a peaceful reunification of the country. At the conference it was agreed also that the following meetings of the leaders take place in Pyongyang and Seoul. It was decided that the second conference would take place on November 2 nd in Pyongyang and the third after November 20 th this year in Seoul. With this ended the first conference of the representatives of the Committee on the regulation of issues between the North and the South. But on October 15 th, through the direct telephone line, the South Korean side proposed a meeting between representatives for communication on October 16 th. Our representative met with the deputy representative of South Korea. As requested by Lee Hurak, the South Korean representative asked that the following be brought to the attention of Comrade Kim Yeong-ju: The reunification of the country has to occur at all costs during the leadership of Kim Il Sung and during the power of Park Chung Hee, meaning during the 70s. It was also underlined that during the first conference of the representatives, South Korean [representatives] did not understand well the critique expressed by us, but while listening to the recording of the conference, they understood everything, and they ascertained their rightness and

5 reached the conclusion that on their part they need to undertake some measures. Our representative was interested in what these measures were. Then the South Korean representative said that Park Chung Hee and Lee Hu-rak desire the reunification of the country, but they had many opponents. That is why some measures were necessary for the establishment of order in the country. [He] stated that on October 17 th a statement would be published, and he asked that it be listened to carefully on our part. He also asked, if we had comments on it, to present them to South Korea. On October 17 th, one hour before the publication of this statement, they informed us from Seoul by telephone that at 19 o clock an Emergency Statement from Park Chung Hee would be released on the radio, and they asked that we listen to it. At the end they proposed a new meeting of the representatives for the communication between the North and South on October 18 th. With relation to the content of the statement, I think that the comrade ambassadors are acquainted with it and I will not pause. The meeting proposed by South Korea took place yesterday October 18 th. The South Korean representative expressed Lee Hu-rak s request that the following be released to Comrade Kim Yeong-ju: At the beginning of the 70s in the ambient setting of Korea some changes took place. The bipolar relations between the USSR and the USA changed. At the same time, changes took place also in relations between the USA, USSR, PRC and Japan. With these circumstances we consider that the national issue needs to be resolved independently, without the support of foreign powers. In this spirit was the Joint Declaration between the North and the South on July 4 th this year. After the publication of the proclamation, in South Korea many groups sprung up, as opponents of its principles. Many of them are accusing us of breaking the Constitution. In spite of this, we wanted to adhere to the declaration s obligations, but because of the strong opposition, we did not have the chance to fully control the situation. As a result of this we received Kim Yeong-ju s critique. The present State of National Emergency Statement has as its goal the modification of the Constitution. The current Constitution was created on the basis of the bipolar system, in anticommunist spirit, without considering the issue of reunifying the country. The South Korean representative stated that for the Emergency Statement the USA and Japan were informed just two hours before its proclamation. They opposed it. The South Korean representative also emphasized that in South Korea they have decided to institute the Juche system, in the spirit of the national self-determination, raised by the Prime Minister Kim Il Sung. Although the USA and Japan were against the principles of independence in South Korea, they desired the creation of a new system. After the South Korean representative was carefully listened to, our side put forth the question: Why was a state of emergency and martial law announced, why are you going towards a new system? It was answered that due to the strong opposition, the internal issues in South Korea cannot be resolved along the normal path. That is why the South Korean leaders were forced to establish martial law in order to modify the Constitution without chaos and disorder in the country. He also added that in Park Chung Hee s State of National Emergency Statement there were no points that

6 affected or offended the DPRK. Again a request was made for expressing of our comments and proposals on the statement. It was underlined that there was a wide range of reactions in South Korea towards the statement and martial law. The right wing said that these measures are aimed towards us, others asked where this statement is heading, yet others [said] don t these measures represent a retreat from the dialogue between the North and the South? others said that this is a procommunist coup, and others [asked] doesn t this statement lead along the path towards right wing? etc. The South Korean representative stated that in the new proposed Constitution a clear fixation on the issues of the reunification of the country and the creation of a national assembly is expected, which would be able to guarantee the peaceful dialogue between the North and the South. He underlined that with the modification of the Constitution they aimed to lead talks between the North and the South based on law. The changes of the Constitution, he stated, do not mean the repudiation of talks, on the contrary their energizing. He again requested, as ordered by Lee Hu-rak, that everything said by him be reported to Kim Yeong-ju. The political committee of the CC of the KWP examined this issue, analyzed it, but has not yet come out with a final decision. According to the facts at our disposal, it can be said that the situation in South Korea is very complicated. After the announcement of the Joint Declaration between the North and the South on July 4 th this year, the pursuit of a peaceful reunification quickly grew in South Korea. The activity of the oppositionist parties became energized. Many activists appeared, raising their voices for reunification. This brings dismay and scares the leading South Korean circles. According to facts which we have, after the Joint Declaration, about 90 people, actively devoted to reunification, were arrested in South Korea. There s no question that the South Korean leaders are reactionaries, and that the South Korean economy goes through big hardships. The medium and small businesses are ruined. The yields in agriculture are also bad. Currently, Park Chung Hee is putting into practice the movement Saemaeul /New village/, which greatly resembles Chiang Kai-shek s old reforms in China and it has nothing in common with the movement in our country for the construction of cultural villages. In South Korea the villagers are forced to build new villages. This leads to the springing up of new kulaks and corruption. In this setting more and more desire and hope grow for a socialist order, sanctioned in the North part of the Republic. The population is very happy and actively struggles for the reunification. The students spirits rose. Until the publication of the Joint Declaration, the student movement was at a standstill, but later it became active. Park Chung Hee is most afraid of the actions of the masses and the students. And on this basis, after the establishment of martial law in the country, the activities of the parties were outlawed and the institutes were closed. Why did Park Chung Hee announce martial law in the country?

7 We look at his goals in two instances. The first instance can be reduced to the following: Park Chung Hee thinks that in the circumstances of established political contacts and the holding of political discussions, the emergence of other political parties is possible, which would also ask to take part in the dialogue between the North and the South. In the present moment the proportion in the talks is 1:1, but provided that another political party participates in them, the proportion would change in our favor to 2:1. That is why Park Chung Hee is trying to prohibit all political parties, in order to secure his long term stay in power and so that he can solely lead talks with us. Park Chung Hee is afraid of the war and wants to lead the dialogue with the DPRK for a peaceful reunification, alone. And that is why, by announcing martial law, he says that a system needs to be created that would allow an active dialogue between the North and the South and a joint existence with us. The second instance depends on the goal of receiving more credit from the USA and Japan. In words Park Chung Hee talks about independence. But what independence can he implement? Through martial law, he will ask for more loans from the USA and Japan. As I already said, in the Political Committee of the CC of the KWP, the situation in South Korea was examined and analyzed. A final decision has not been made yet though. Among other things, I would like to let you know that in the present moment Park Chung Hee is afraid even of his own army. According to facts that we have, when he announced martial law, Park Chung Hee prohibited all flights of military airplanes. All members of the armed forces were prohibited to leave the military bases, and for those who were on home leave to leave home. All movements of military divisions were also forbidden. The question arises, what will our position be in connection to the situation that was created? It is impossible for us to not undertake something because that would mean that we would be closing our eyes to the repressions of the South Korean population. If we are quiet, South Korea could turn into an anticommunist country. In connection to the situation that was created, we foresee two measures: First: An article with which to prove that the repressions taking place under the mask of the peaceful reunification are wrong. The article will clarify that the words peaceful reunification means the peaceful participation of very large circles of masses. The more people participate in this process, the better. That is why the suppression of the movement for a peaceful reunification is wrong. Second: In the name of all the political parties and public organizations a statement will come out, condemning the prohibition of political parties in South Korea. The union of students will also come out with a statement in connection to the closing of universities. The materials will be in a discreet tone. In Park Chung Hee s statement there is an issue that deserves attention. He says that these measures need to be approved at the referendum. But if the referendum is without success that will mean that the South Korean people do not want the dialogue between the North and the South. In that case, we will search for new measures for the reunification of the Motherland.

8 At the end I ask you comrade ambassadors to bring to the knowledge of your party leadership the contents of this present information. Ambassador: /Y. Georgiev/ Pyongyang 19 October 1972 Typed in three copies 1. for the CC of the Bulgarian Communist Party 2. for the Ministry 3. for the file

9 대외비 오늘불가리아인민공화국, 헝가리, 체코슬로바키아, 몽골대사및폴란드와독일민주공화국의임시대사일행이외무성에소집되었는데, 이곳에서외무성부부장김재봉은위에언급된주제들에관하여미리한글로인쇄해놓은자료를낭독하였다. 그는다음과같이말했다 : 10 월 12 일, 남북간쟁점들을규정하기위한위원회대표들간제 1 차회담이개최되었으며, 이번달 12 일박정희는남조선에계엄령을선포하였다. 나는이러한쟁점들에대한진실을전달하기위해여러분들과의만남을제안하였다. 첫째, 나는남북조절위원회대표들간의첫번째회담의주요내용들에대해논의하고자한다. 그회담은남조선의제안으로판문점에서이루어졌다. 우리측에서는, 김영주동지의건강상태때문에의회내각부의제 2 부의장들과박성철이참여하였고, 남측에서는중앙정보부장이후락이참석하였다. 이번회담은올해 7 월 4 일북조선과남조선간의공동성명이발표되고석달후개최된것이다. 친애하고존경하는김일성동지의 3 대원칙에기반한이번공동성명은남조선의정치정당과국민들간의따뜻한응답와지지를이끌어냈다. 조국의평화로운통일에대한그들의열망과파시즘독재에대한저항은민주적권리와자유의수호아래더욱강해지고있었다. 적십자대표단본회담의 1 차, 그리고특히 2 차회의이후, 남조선인민들사이에김일성동지에대한존경어린마음과애정이확산되기시작했다. 우리가김일성의 주체 사상과조선내공산주의구축에성공함에따라이러한성과가남조선인민들사이에빠르게퍼져나갔던것이다. 남조선내부의이러한변화는미국제국주의자들와일본의군국주의자들에대한실망과혼란으로이어졌다. 하지만위선에의존한남조선의반동분자 ( 보수계층 ) 는남북간관계구축의성과에도불구하고북에대항하여인민을선동하는운동을시작하였고군대를정비하여반공산주의운동에앞장서고있다. 제 1 차회담에서우리는이러한운동을언급하며, 북조선을향한공격을중단하고반공산주의운동을멈출것을요청하였으며, 이를우리와의협상을지속하기위한조건으로설정하였다. 우리가여러차례언급하였던바와같이, 북조선과남조선간의대화와조국의통일을이룩하기위한노력들은애국자와반역자간의대립, 국제주의와복종, 진보주의와반동주의, 공산주의와제국주의간의갈등을대변하고있다. 조국의평화적통일에대해존재하는갈등이계급간의투쟁이라면, 우리는남조선의이같은조치의핵심을맹렬히비난하는바이다. 회담에서, 인사말에이어우리측대표인박성철동지가연설을통해공무의시작을알렸다. 그는연설을통해남조선이 7 월 4 일부터현재까지북조선과공동성명에서도출된의무들을모두저버리고있음을강하게비난하였다. 반대측을압박하기위해서우리는박정희, 김종필, 이후락이언급한사실들을개별적으로지적하였다. 남조선대표단은우리의비판에대해만족하지않았다. 우리는두가지질문을던졌

10 다 : - 우리는평화적인통일을위해함께걸어갈것인가, 아니면당신들은이같이공산주의를비난할것인가? 당신들이우리와동반하기를원한다면반공산주의운동을즉각중단해야만한다. - 만약반공산주의를포기하지않는다면, 우리에게대화를지속할어떤이유가남아있겠는가? 우리의비판이날카롭고효과적이었기때문에이후락은이에동의하였다. 그는그자신은공동성명에서천명한원칙들을준수하기위한모든노력들을기울이고있으며반공산주의운동을중단하도록명령하였지만, 사회체계의복잡성으로인해 [ 지시 ] 에따라모든것을전면적으로통제하는것이어렵다고말했다. 이에대한답변으로박성철이말했다 : - 좋다. 그러나지금의논점은일반인민들이하는말들에있지않다. 우리가비판하는것은박정희와김종필과같은지도자들이이를언급했다는사실이다. 우리가이를어떻게이해해야하는가? 여기에이후락은 자신은책임이없다 라고대답했다. - 당신은유엔이외세가아니라고주장한다. 왜그렇게생각하는가? 박성철동지가물었다. - 그렇다, 유엔은외세가아니다! 이후락은이를다시한번강조하였다. - 그의미는 박성철동지가말을이었다 유엔깃발아래남조선에주둔하고있는미군역시외세가아니라는뜻이다. 하지만유엔은타국의영토에군부대가주둔하는것을금지하고있다. - 만약이문제를그렇게본다면 이후락이말했다 당신이옳다. 우리들은회담에서아래의사실들을인용하였다 : 남조선에서괴뢰군이창설된지 15 주년이되는날, 박정희는자유민주주의를기반으로하는조국의통일을위해싸우겠다고말했다. 우리는이것을제국주의의방식하에통일이이루어져야한다고천명함으로써우리를위협하려한시도로이해한다. 이러한상황에서우리는 이데올로기, 이상, 체계의차이로부터독립 이라는원칙을어떻게해석해야하는가? 이것은반공산주의를말하는것이아닌가? 위에서언급된바에대해이후락자신은항상박정희의연설문을작성하면서반드시 자유민주주의를기반으로 라는단어를제외시켰으나그것은신문기자들에의해쓰여진것이라고대답했다. 자신을향한책임을피하길원했던그는, 자신은결코그렇게생각하지않고있음을다시한번강조하였다. 그는즉시이러한사태를비난하였으며, 여기서중요한것은연설문을누가작성하였는지가아니라, 박정희가이를말했다는사실이논란의핵심이라고지적하였다.

11 북과남의대화가어떻게이어질수있겠는가 라고박성철동지가물었다. 당신의지도자가이러한진술을계속한다면! 이후락은우리의비판을받아들였고, 논란에대해자신의잘못을인정하였다. 유엔은외세가아니다 라고말한것과반공산주의에대한진술들이자신의실수였음을인정하면서도, 자신은김종필의발언에대해서는책임이없음을강조하였다. 이후락이그의실수를인정했기때문에, 우리는추가질문을하지않았다. 남조선측은남북조절위원회의창설에대한논란들을제시하였으나, 우리는이미이에대한제안을제공한상태임을주지하였다. 우리는이에대해남측이의견이있다면언제든대화를할의향이있다고더했다. 남조선은남과북에서각다섯명의대표단으로위원회를구성하는방안을제안하였다. 우리는이에대해반대할이유가전혀없다고대답하였다. 회담에서조절위원회구성과같은구체적인사안들은다음회의에서검토하기로합의하였다. 대화중이후락은김일성동지가설명한 연방체계는무엇인가? 라고질문하였다. 박성철동지는 연방이란북측과남측대표단으로구성된고위급국가위원회의창설을말하는것이며, 이는두곳에존재하고있는질서를보존하여국내외문제들에공동으로대응할수있기위함이다 라고대답했다. 만약규제위원회가보다확대된다면 이후락은물었다 이것이연방으로이어질수있지않겠는가? 이질문에대해우리는향후그것이가능할수도있다고보지만대중의의지와관련된문제들은민주적방식을기반으로해결해야한다고대답했다. 마지막에이후락은자신에게는모든것이분명해졌으며, 우리가전쟁을원하지않으며함께공존하고조국의평화적통일을위해지속해서교류의길을개발할것임을믿어달라고물었다. 회담에서양측은향후평양과서울에서정상회담을개최하는데동의하였다. 두번째회담은 11 월 2 일평양에서개최하고, 세번째회담은 11 월 20 일이후올해안에서울에서개최할것을결정하였다. 이것으로남북조절위원회의첫번째대표단회의를마쳤다. 하지만 10 월 15 일, 직통전화선을통해, 남조선측은 10 월 16 일대표단과의대화를위한만남을제안하였다. 우리대표단은남조선의부대표를만났다. 이후락이요청한바와같이, 남측대표단은김영주에게다음의메세지를전해줄수있는지물었다 : 조국의통일은어떠한대가를치르더라도박정희대통령과김일성내각수상이권력을갖고있는동안그들의통치하에서이루어져야한다, 즉 1970 년대에이루어져야한다

12 첫번째대표단회의에서남한의 [ 대표단 ] 은북측이표한비판의내용을이해하지못했으나, 회의녹음내용을듣고서사후에온전히이해하게되었으며, 그정당성에대해확신하였고, 그들의입장에서어떠한조치가필요하다는결론에이르렀음을강조하였다. 우리대표단은 조치 가무엇을지칭하는지물었다. 그러자남조선대표는박정희와이후락은조국의통일을원하지만, 또한그들에겐많은적이있다고말했다. 그것이국가의질서를세우기위한조치가필요한이유라고말했다. [ 그 ] 는 10 월 12 일어떠한성명을발표할것이며, 이는북측이주의해서들어야할것이라고말했다. 그는또한북측이이에대한의견이있으면남측에게전달해줄것을요청하였다. 10 월 12 일, 성명이발표되기한시간전, 그들은서울로부터전화한통을받았고, 이를통해 19 시박정희가라디오를통해 긴급성명 을발표할것이며, 북측이이를들어줄것을요청하였다. 마지막에그들은 10 월 18 일북과남의대화를위해또다른대표단회의를제안하였다. 이설명의내용과관련하여, 대사동지들은숙지하고있는듯했으며나는멈추지않았다. 남측이제안한회의는어제 10 월 18 일에이루어졌다. 남측대표는다음의내용을김영주에게전달해달라는이후락의요청을전하였다. 70 년대초반에는한국주위의상황의작은변화들이있었다. 양극화되어있던소련과미국의관계가변했다. 동시에미국, 소련, 중국과일본의관계도변하였다. 이러한상황에서우리는국가의현안들이외세의도움없이독립적으로해결되어야한다고생각한다. 이러한취지가올해 7 월 4 일에있었던남북간공동성명의기반이되었다고생각한다. 공동성명이발표된이후, 남조선에는이러한원칙들에반대하는다양한조직들이생겨났다. 그들의대다수는우리가헌법을위반하고있다는이유로비난하였다. 그럼에도불구하고우리는공동성명에서합의한원칙들을준수하고자한다. 하지만반대세력으로인해우리는상황을완벽히통제할기회를가지고있지않았고, 그결과로우리는김영주로부터비판을받았다. 지금의 국가위기성명 은 헌법을수정하기위한목적을가지고있다. 지금의헌법은양극화된체계를기반으로, 반공산주의신념아래국가의통일에대한고려없이만들어진것이다. 남조선대표는 긴급성명 과관련하여발표두시간전미국과일본에알렸으며그들은이에반대하였다고말했다. 남조선대표는남측이국가의민족자결권정신에입각하여, 김일성주석이구축한 주체 체제를남조선에도입하기로결정했음을강조하였다. 미국과일본은남조선의독립원칙에반대하는입장이었으나, 새로운체제수립을희망하였다. 남측대표단의이야기를주의깊게들은뒤, 우리는다음의질문을건냈다 : 왜긴급성명과계엄령이발표된것이며, 왜새로운체제로이행하려하는가? 이질문에남측은강한반대세력때문이라고답했고, 남조선내부의문제들은정상적인방법으로해결할수없기때문이라고덧붙였다. 그것이남측지도자가국가내극도의혼란과무

13 질서없이헌법을수정하기위해계엄령을발표해야만했던이유라고말했다. 그는또한박정희의 국가위기성명 은북한에영향을주거나반대하는아무런내용도들어있지않다고덧붙였다. 또다시이성명과관련한우리의의견과제안이요청되었고, 남조선에서이번성명과계엄령에대해거대한반향이일어나고있다는사실이강조되었다. 우익세력은 이러한조치는우리를겨냥한것이다 라고말했으며, 다른이들은 이조치는누구를향한것인지 를물었으며어떤이들은 이러한조치는남북간대화의후퇴를의미하는것이아닌가? 라고 [ 말했다 ]. 다른이들은 이것은친공산주의쿠데타이다 라고말했으며다른이들은 이성명은국가가우익으로향하고있음을보이는것이아닌가 라고 [ 물었다 ]. 남측대표단은, 새롭게제안된헌법이국가의통일과새로운국회창설에대한뚜렷한의지를담고있으며, 남북간의평화로운대화를보장할수있을것이라고언급하였다. 그는헌법개정을통해 법에의거한북과남의대화를이어나가 는것을목표로한다고강조하였다. 그가말하길, 헌법개정은대화의거부를의미하는것이아니라, 그반대로북돋기위한것이다. 그는또다시, 이후락의지시라는말과함께, 모든내용을김영주에게보고해줄것을요청하였다. 조선노동당중앙위원회의정치위원회는이사안을검토하였고분석했으나아직최종결론을도출하지못하였다. 우리가관찰에의하면, 남조선의상황은굉장한복잡성을띄고있다. 올해 7 월 4 일남북간공동성명이발표된이후, 남조선내에평화로운통일을추구하는움직임이확산되었다. 야당의활동이활발해졌으며, 많은운동가들이등장했고, 통일에대한목소리를높이기시작했다. 이것은남측지도부내에상당한충격과위협으로작용한것으로보인다. 우리가파악한사실들에의하면, 공동성명이후통일에적극적으로헌신하고자한약 90 명이남조선내에서구속되었다. 남조선지도층이반동분자임에는의심이여지가없다. 또한남조선의경제가큰어려움을겪고있음도분명하다. 중소사업장은황폐화되었고농지의상태도형편없다. 현재박정희는중국의과거장카이섹 ( 장제스 ) 의개혁정책을상단부분모방한 새마을 운동을실험하고자하나, 이것은우리나라가문화지구를건설하려는움직임과무관하다. 남조선의마을들에는강제적으로재건축이진행되고있다. 이것은새로운군락을만드는대신더많은부패를양산하고있다. 이러한상황은공화국북측의공산주의질서에대한인민들의열망과소망을갈수록키워가고있다. 인민들은매우행복하고통일을위해적극적으로나서고있다. 학생들의세력이커져가고있다. 공동성명이전까지학생운동은주춤하고있었으나이는갈수록활발해져가고있다. 박정희는무엇보다도대중과학생들의운동을가장두려워하고있다. 이것에기반하여, 국가의계엄령선포이후, 당정활동들이불법화되고국회는폐쇄되었다.

14 왜박정희는국가에계엄령을선포하였는가? 우리는그의목표를두가지로바라본다. 첫번째경우는다음과같이요약된다 : 박정희는현존하는정치적통로와정치적대화상황에서또다른새로운정당이부상하여남북간대화에참여할지도모른다고생각한다. 현재대화상황은 1:1 이지만, 또다른정당이여기에참여한다면, 우리에게유리한 2:1 구도로변할수도있다. 이것이바로박정희가모든정당활동을금지하고자하는이유인데, 자신의장기집권과권력장악을도모하여우리와의대화를전적으로주도할수있기를원하기때문이다. 박정희는전쟁을두려워하고평화적통일을위해, 단독으로북한과대화를이어나가고자한다. 이것이바로그가계엄령선포를통해유신체계를언급한이유이며, 남북간의공존을위해대화의활성화를이끌수있는방법이라고설명한까닭이다. 두번째경우는미국과일본으로부터더많은신뢰를얻기위함이다. 박정희는 독립 에대해언급하였는데, 하지만그가어떠한독립을시행할수있다는말인가? 계엄령을통해, 그는미국과일본으로부터더많은차관을요구할것이다. 내가이미언급한바와같이, 조선로동당중앙위원회의정치위원회에서남조선의상황을분석하고검토하고있다. 최종결론은아직도출되지않았다. 다른것들과함께, 나는지금박정희가자신의군사세력마저두려워하고있음을알리고자한다. 우리가파악한사실에의하면, 그가계엄령을발표할당시박정희는군부대의모든비행을금지하였다. 모든군인력들은부대를떠나는것이금지되었으며, 휴가중인경우 자택을떠나는것을금지하였다. 국방부의모든움직임도금지되었다. 여기서남는의문은, 이러한상황과관련해우리는어떠한입장을취할것인가? 하는점이다. 우리가어떠한행동에도착수하지않는다는것은불가능하다. 그것은남조선인구에게자행되고있는탄압에눈을감는것을의미하기때문이다. 우리가침묵한다면, 남조선은반공산주의국가가되버릴것이다. 지금의상황에비추어보았을때우리는두가지방안에대해예상해볼수있다 : 첫째 : 평화통일이라는가면을쓰고자행되고있는탄압이잘못되었음을증명하는것이다. 여기에서는 평화통일 이모든대중의평화로운참여를의미한다는점을명시할것이다. 이과정에더많은사람들이참여할수록좋을것이다. 그것이바로평화통일을위한운동의탄압이옳지않은이유이다. 둘째 : 모든정당과공공단체의이름으로성명을발표하여, 남조선에서정당활동을금지하고있는행태를규탄하는것이다. 학생연합도나서서폐쇄된대학들과관련된성명을발표할것이다. 내용은모두신중한어조로발표될것이다. 박정희의성명중에주목해야할부분이있다. 그는 이러한조치는국민투표를통해승인되어야한다. 만약국민투표에서성공하지못한다면, 남한국민들은현재남북간의대화를원하

15 지않는것이다. 그러한경우, 우리는모국의통일을위해새로운방법들을모색할것이다. 마지막으로여기동지대사분들에게여기의정보내용들을각국정당의지도부에게전달해주기를요청하는바이다. 대사 : /Y. 게오르기예프 / 평양, 1972 년 10 월 19 일 총 3 부복사전달됨 1. 불가리아공산당중앙위원회 2. 외무부 3. 보관용