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1 : 183 ( ) Kim, Jeongah 2004 A functionalist analysis of onset-coda asymmetry: on voicing assimilation and neutralization Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology The paper explores the phonetic motivations of onsetcoda asymmetry in voicing assimilation and neutralization, and attempts to offer a functionalist analysis assuming that speech and perception conform to the principle of economy The asymmetry between onset and coda, related to the voicing assimilation and neutralization, is attributable to the differences in numbers and weights of perceptual cues The phonetic interpretation of onset-coda asymmetry provides a ground for re-analyzing the constraints like IDONSLAR, AGREE, *LAR, IDLAR in the light of articulatory efforts and perceptual results By preserving their underlying voicing features (maximizing perceptual effect), the onsets with the relatively rich perceptual cues make the principle of economy realized On the other hand, codas or preconsonatal obstruents actualize the economy by reducing the articulatory efforts as they lack cues, particularly the onset cues In this paper, MIN EFFORT(few cues) and MAX PERCEPTION(more cues) are set up as two main axes for reanalysis, and both axes are respectively subcategorized into GESTURE OVERLAP, *LAR(few cues), etc The asymmetry in perceptual cues and the principle of economy in speech and perception become clues to explain the position of the neutralization of voicing contrast and the typical direction of assimilation Further research and discussion on syllabic structures and psycholinguistic evidence for other asymmetric elements need to be facilitated (Yonsei University) Keywords: onset, coda, cues, assimilation, neutralization, functionalist analysis 1, (prominence privilege),,,,,,, (Beckman 1996), (asymmetries),,

of economy The asymmetry between onset and coda, related to the voicing assimilation and neutralization, is attributable to the differences in numbers and weights of perceptual cues The phonetic

2 184, (1) IDENT-Position(F) Let β be an output segment in a privileged position P and α the input correspondent of β If β is [γf], then α must be [γf] ( Correspondent segment in a privileged position must have identical specification for [F] ) (Beckman 1996) 1, (perceptual specification) (perceptual result) 2,, ( ),,,,,,,, 1 Position,,,, IDENT-ONSET(F), IDENT-σ 1(F) (1)

privileged position must have identical specification for [F] ) (Beckman 1996) 1,

3 185,,,, - (2)(3) (2) (Lombardi 1991; Wetzels and Mascaró 2001) run[d]e round (pl) run[t] round (sg) lo[b]es of praise lo[p] praise ra[d]es of advice ra[t] advise Sär[g]e coffins Sär[k] coffin (3) (Kenstowicz 1994; Grijzenhout and Krämer 1999) hiu[z]en houses a[s]en ashes hiu[s] house a[s] ash hiu[sk]ammer living room a[z]bak ashtray hiu[zb]aas landlord pa[t] toad pa[d]ən toads la[t] lath la[d]ən laths pu:[s] cat pu:[z]ən cats vo[s] fox vo[s]ən foxes, (Raphael 1981),,,,, VOT,

1999) hiu[z]en houses a[s]en ashes hiu[s] house a[s] ash hiu[sk]ammer living room a[z]bak ashtray hiu[zb]aas landlord

4 186 (closure voicing), (closure duration), (V 1 duration), F 1 (F 1 values in V 1 ), (burst duration and amplitude), F 0 F 1 (F 0 and F 1 values at the onset of voicing in V 2 ) (Wang 1959; Raphael 1981; Westbury and Keating 1986; Kingston and Diehl 1994, 1995), (4) (Steriade 1997) a, () abra, aba, apra, apa,,, F 1,, VOT, F 0 F 1 b, () bra, ba, pra, pa; asbra, asba, aspra, aspa,,, VOT, F 0 F 1 c, () ab, ap,,, F 1, d, () absa, apsa,,, F 1 e () asbta, aspta, f, () asb, asp, g, () bsa, psa,

Diehl 1994, 1995), (4) (Steriade 1997) a, () abra, aba, apra, apa,,, F 1,, VOT, F 0 F 1 b, () bra, ba, pra, pa; asbra,

5 187 (voicing), (4d) (4g) (Greenberg 1978: 253) (4a), (4g),, (onset cues), (internal cues), (offset cues), 2 (Raphael 1981; Slis 1986; Duez 1995),,, 3 ( ), 4, 2 V 1-O-V 2 (onset), V 1 (offset) (oral constriction) (contextual cues) (transitional cues) (Steriade 1997) 3,

6 188, 3, [voice] (Goldsmith 1990; Rubach 1990),, (Steriade 1995, 1997) 4,,, 5 4 I claim that statements like Position X must license feature F have empirical content only if interpreted to mean The perception or production of F must be enhanced by some phonetic property uniquely available in position X (Steriade 1995) 5 If the nucleus has just one position, the same cannot be said of the onset and the rhyme, for in many languages these positions can host several segments (Goldsmith 1990)

enhanced by some phonetic property uniquely available in position X (Steriade 1995) 5 If the nucleus has just one

7 189, (canonical onsets) 6 IDONSLAR, (5) (Gussman 1992; Bethin 1992) [stobow ] with you [zbratem] with(my)brother źa[b]a frog źa[pk]a small frog ró[zg]a rod ró[štšk]a small rod wo[d]a water wó[tk]a vodka ne[ptk]a twit, gensg [bzd]ura nonsense Lombardi (1995) (IDONSLAR) (AGREE),, (6) (Lombardi 1995) a IDLAR: (Consonants should be faithful to underlying laryngeal specification) b IDONSLAR: (Consonants in the position stated in the Laryngeal Constraint should be faithful to underlying specification) c *LAR: (Do not have Laryngeal features) d AGREE: (Obstruent 6, s+obsturent /p, t, k/ s (syllable node) (word node) (Steriade 1982; Borowsky 1986),,

(Consonants should be faithful to underlying laryngeal specification) b IDONSLAR: (Consonants in the position stated in the Laryngeal Constraint should be

8 190 clusters should agree in voicing) (7) (Lombardi 1995) AGREE IDONSLAR *LAR IDLAR a /psdura/ psdura *! * bzdura *** ** pstura *! * b /bsdura/ bsdura *! ** bzdura *** * pstura *! ** c /bzdura/ bzdura *** psdura *! * ** pstura *! *** /psdura/, /bsdura/, /bzdura/ AGREEIDONSLAR /d/ [bzdura] IDONSLAR (8) AGREE (8) (Lombardi 1995) /tsvay/ two IDONSLAR *LAR AGREE IDLAR tsvay * * tsfay *! * dzvay **! * IDONSLAR,

** c /bzdura/ bzdura *** psdura *! * ** pstura *!

9 191,, (4b),,,, VOT, V 2 F 0 F 1,, 4 5, 4 Passy (1890),, Passy (1890)Boersma (1997) Passy,,,, (the principle of economy) (the principle of emphasis),,, (the maximization of information flow), (maximization of recogni-

10 192 tion),, Boersma (1997)Passy (1890) (9) a b c e f, Passy,,,,,,,,,,

11 193,,,,,,,,, (10) a (MIN EFFORT): b (MAX PERCEPTION): ( ),,, (11) a MIN EFFORT(few cues): b MAX PERCEPTION(more cues): ( )

12 194,, (Gesture Overlap),, (Browman and Goldstein 1990) 7 (Kingston 1990; Ohala 1992), (Jun 1995), (Kingston 1990),, ( ), (4) ( F 1 ) (12) GESTURE OVERLAP(few cues) 8 : 7 (Browman and Goldstein 1990) 8 GESTURE OVERLAP

13 195,, (11a) (AGREE) 9,, 10 (9a), 11, (13) *MARKED(few cues): (14) *LAR(few cues): 9 AGREE 10 (burst),, (Lamontagne 1993), (Hoard 1978) 11 Iverson and Salmons (1995), (aspiration),

14 196 (13)(11a), (14) (14),,, (11b),, (11b) MAX PERCEPTION (more cues) IDONSLAR, (15) a MIN EFFORT(few cues): (i) GESTURE OVERLAP: (ii) *MARKED(few cues): *LAR(few cues): b MAX PERCEPTION(more cues): ( ), *LAR, *LAR(few cues)

15 , MIN EFFORT(few cues), *LAR(few cues) (16) (16) MAX PERCEPTION *LAR(few cues) MAX PERCEPTION (more cues) a /rad/ rad *! rat * b /gut/ gut kut *! * /rad/ /gut/ MIN EFFORT(few cues) (GESTURE OVERLAP) *LAR(few cues) /rad/ *LAR(few cues) [rat] /gut/ MAX PERCEPTION(more cues)

16 198, () (17) (17) GESTURE OVERLAP, MAX PERCEPTION(more cues) >> *LAR(few cues) >> MAX PERCEPTION (18) GESTURE OVERLAP MAX PERCEPTION (more cues) *LAR (few cues) MAX PERCEPTION a /psdura/ psdura *! bzdura ** *** pstura *! * b /bsdura/ bsdura *! * bzdura * psdura *! * c /bzdura/ bzdura ** psdura *! ** pstura *! ***, ((18a) (18c) ) MAX PERCEPTION (more cues) (*LAR(few cues)) (MAX PERCEPTION), ( ) [bzdura]

bzdura ** *** pstura *! * b /bsdura/ bsdura *! * bzdura * psdura *! * c /bzdura/ bzdura ** psdura *!

17 199 6,,,,,, BECKMAN, JILL 1996 Positional Faithfulness PhD Dissertation University of Massachusetts, Amherst BETHIN, CHRISTINE 1992 Polish Syllables: The Role of Prosody in Phonology and Morphology Columbus: Slavica BOERSMA, PAUL 1997 Inventories in functional phonology Ms ROA BOROWSKY, TONI 1986 Topics in the Lexical Phonology of English PhD Dissertation University of Massachusetts BROWMAN, CATHE, and LOUIS GOLDSTEIN 1990 Tiers in articulatory phonology, with some implications for casual speech In John Kingston and Mary E Beckman (eds) Papers in Laboratory Phonology I: Between the Grammar and Physics of Speech, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press DUEZ, DIANE 1995 On spontaneous French speech: aspects of the reduction and contextual assimilation of French Stops Journal of

BROWMAN, CATHE, and LOUIS GOLDSTEIN 1990 Tiers in articulatory phonology, with some implications for casual speech In John Kingston and Mary E Beckman (eds) Papers in Laboratory Phonology I: Between

18 200 Phonetics 23 (4): GOLDSMITH, JOHN 1990 Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology Oxford: Blackwell GREENBERG, JOSEPH 1978 Some generalization concerning initial and final consonant clusters In Joseph Greenberg (ed) Universals of Human Language: Vol 2 Phonology, Stanford: Stanford University Press GRIJENHOUT, JANET, and MARTIN KRÄMER 1999 Final devoicing and voicing assimilation in Dutch Derivation and cliticization Ms ROA GUSSMAN, EDMUND 1992 Resyllabification and delinking Linguistic Inquiry 23: HOARD, JAMES 1978 Remarks on the nature of syllable stops and affricates In A Bell and J B Hooper (eds) Syllables and Segments, Amsterdam: North Holand IVERSON, GREGORY, and JOSEPH SALMONS 1995 Aspiration and laryngeal representation in Germanic Phonology 12: JUN, JONGHO 1995 Perceptual and Articulatory Factors in Place Assimilation: An Optimality Theoretic Approach PhD Dissertation UCLA KENSTOWICZ, MICHAEL 1994 Phonology and Generative Grammar Oxford: Blackwell KINGSTON, JOHN 1990 Articulatory binding In John Kingston and Mary E Beckman (eds) Papers in Laboratory Phonology I: Between the Grammar and Physics of Speech, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press KINGSTON, JOHN, and RANDY DIEHL 1994 Phonetic knowledge Language 70: KINGSTON, JOHN, and RANDY DIEHL 1995 Intermediate properties in the perception of distinctive feature values In Bruce Connell and Amalia Arvaniti (eds) Papers in Laboratory Phonology 4 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press LAMONTAGNE, GREG 1993 Syllabification and Consonant Cluster Conditions PhD Dissertation University of Massachusetts, Amherst LOMBARDI, LINDA 1991 Laryngeal Features and Laryngeal Neutralization PhD Dissertation University of Massachusetts, Amherst Published by Garland, Positional faithfulness and the phonology of voicing in optimality theory Ms University of Maryland, College Park OHALA, JOHN 1992 The segment: primitive or derived? In Gerard J Docherty and D Robert Ladd (eds) Papers in Laboratory Phonology II: Gesture, Segment, Prosody, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press PASSY, PAUL 1890 Etude sur les Changements Phonétiques et Leurs

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19 201 Caracterères Généraux Paris: Librairie Firmin-Didot RAPHAEL, LAWRENCE 1981 Durations and contexts as cues to word-final cognate opposition in English' Phonetica 38: RUBACH, JERZY 1990 Final devoicing and cyclic syllabification in German Linguistic Inquiry 21(1): SLIS, IMAN 1986 Assimilation of voice in Dutch as a function of stress, word boundaries and sex of speaker and listener Journal of Phonetics 14: STERIADE, DONCA 1982 Greek Prosodies and the Nature of Syllabification PhD Dissertation MIT 1995 Neutralization and the expression of contrast Ms UCLA 1997 Phonetics in phonology: the case of laryngeal neutralization Ms UCLA WANG, WILLIAM 1959 Transition and release as perceptual cues for final plosives In I Lehiste (ed) Reading in Acoustic Phonetics Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press WESTBURY, JOHN, and PATRICIA KEATING 1986 On the naturalness of stop consonant voicing Journal of Linguistics 22: WETZELS, LEO, and JOAN MASCARÓ 2001 The typology of voicing and devoicing Language 77(2): jonakim_99@yahoocokr Received: April 12, 2004 Accepted: May 17, 2004

listener Journal of Phonetics 14: 311-326 STERIADE, DONCA 1982 Greek Prosodies and the Nature of Syllabification PhD Dissertation MIT 1995 Neutralization and the expression of contrast Ms UCLA 1997

[ 영어영문학 ] 제 55 권 4 호 (2010) ( ) ( ) ( ) 1) Kyuchul Yoon, Ji-Yeon Oh & Sang-Cheol Ahn. Teaching English prosody through English poems with clon

[ 영어영문학 ] 제 55 권 4 호 (2010) ( ) ( ) ( ) 1) Kyuchul Yoon, Ji-Yeon Oh & Sang-Cheol Ahn. Teaching English prosody through English poems with clon [ 영어영문학 ] 제 55 권 4 호 (2010) 775-794 ( ) ( ) ( ) 1) Kyuchul Yoon, Ji-Yeon Oh & Sang-Cheol Ahn. Teaching English prosody through English poems with cloned native intonation. The purpose of this work is to